Britains Betrayal In India

BRITAIN'S BETRAYAL IN INDIA

BRITAIN’S BETRAYAL
IN INDIA

The Story of the
Anglo-Indian Community

Ml.SU -CENTRAL LIBRARY

19535CL

FRANK ANTHONY

ALLIED PUBLISHERS

BOMBAY NEW DELHI - CALCUTTA
MADRAS BANGALORE

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION' i-xiii

I WHO IS AN ANGLO-INDIAN ? 1

I I ORIGIN AND GROWTI I 1 1

First Betrayal

III FREE-LANCE SOLDIERS 23

Scholars And Poets

IV DIFFICULTIES AND SELF-HELP 46

The Age Of Ricketts And Dcrozio
Some Worthy Names

V ANGLO-INDIANS AND THE MUTINY 70

VI THE GIDNEYAN ERA 87

Betrayal Again

VII WORLD WARS I & II 122

The Burma Epic
The Auxiliary Force

VIII MY GRIM TASK 148

Final Betrayal

IX THE MIRACLE OF OUR CONSTITUTIONAL

SAFEGUARDS 195

X THE SPORTSMEN AND THE SPORTSWOMEN

OF INDIA 227

Builders Of Key Services

XI POST-INDEPENDENCE BATTLES 264

XII THE SOCIAL AND THE PSYCHOLOGICAL

PATTERN 352

Life-Line Of The Community

DEDICATION

This book is dedicated to my small but gallant
Community which I have had the privilege to
lead for the past 26 years in a tumultuous
period of Indian bistory.

New Delhi,

31st December, 196?.

INTRODUCTION

ONE of the six politically recognised minorities of India, the
Anglo-Indians face the future in a politically tumultuous,
reborn India, set in a resurgent Asia, with hope not unmixed with
anxiety.

This is perhaps the first attempt to chronicle, fairly compre-
hensively, the story of the Anglo-Indian Community. Several
books have been written on the Community. Herbert Stark’s
'Hostages to India' and 'Call of the Blood’ were perhaps the
best written and the best known. Unfortunately, they are out of
print. They also suffered from the defect that they only dealt
with certain limited phases and periods of Anglo-Indian life, and
failed to bring the account down even to fairly recent times.

This book is something more than a historical record. I have,
therefore, deliberately described it as a story. Important aspects
of the Community's life, its social and psychological pattern, the
considerable educational and cultural contributions it has made
to India, the beauty and capacity of its women, the incomparable
Anglo-Indian nurses, the indelible impress the Community has
left on the military annals of British Indian history and the saga
of continuing service to Independent India inscribed by Anglo-
Indians in blood and in valour are some of the topics dealt with.
The book is not intended to be an unvarying paean or glorification.
The split psychology of the Community, its alleged social exclusive-
ness, and, not seldom, overweening Community arrogance to-
wards its fcllow-lndians are only some of the inhibitions that have
been underlined. The Community also had a certain resentment
complex towards the British. This characteristic it displayed in
common with the other Indian communities: it was perhaps an
inevitable reaction between a subject people and a ruling
community.

I have sought to be as objective as possible in my treatment of
a Jiving subject. Inevitably, for one who has had the privilege
of being the Community’s accredited leader and who has repre-
sented it, virtually single-handed, in the central political field

since 1942, complete detachment has perhaps not always been
attainable. Above all, I have sought to avoid any deliberate
bitterness. The fact that the past 26 years have represented
perhaps the most critical period in the history of the Community,
during which I have had to battle not only for the political but
the economic and cultural existence of the Community, often
against bitter and even seemingly hopeless odds, must undoubted-
ly colour some of my views and writings

Notable History

Brought into existence deliberately by the British, used through-
out British Indian history to serve and often to save British
Imperial interests, treated for the most part in a churlish manner,
this comparatively microscopic Community, which has forged
a not negligible, and, in many respects, a notable history, was
cynjcally betrayed by Britain before its withdrawal from India.

The Anglo-Indian Community has been perhaps one of the most
misrepresented people in the former British Empire. Since
Independence and the exodus of many thousands of Anglo-Indians
“ Britain and the Dominions, .here is, today, perhaps some slight
awareness abroad of who and what this Community represents.
But Use Anglo-Indians overseas, tthaleser Iheir ssumber, cannot
* , ,VCn a_Partla J c°rrect impression of the achievements and
acrnal position of ihe Community in India.

e average Briton or American who has not visited India, if
“ ,°f ,h' “»'™« °r the Community, usually has a

completely false ,f not £a„,a„ic, idea aa to our origin, stay of life
and general position in India.

a T"V °f 0th'r Indi"t “ftnuni.ies have only

‘ vague, often misinformed even warped idea of .lie baeigmund

to to l“ ^ “d P™“d '°"^W

foS "nd°iepdtimatT^inL""-S’em&n"1' h’''' k"" °!,0ni:

it* Phriefinrs — r • e , 1 ftc Community s attachment to

^r^^^Ld„lpS,,:lSed^0r

hs“"fiL°?:r 'hvvf‘" ■nd

cndogamoui, that ft, it hat married within its own limits, with
the exception of those Britons who settled in India and who Usual-
ly married Anglo-Indian women. In the mult, over a period
of 300 years the Community has emerged as a homogeneous racial-
cum-lingu»tic-eum-eulfural entity.

Peripatetic writers in search of lurid detail and cheap sensation-
alism usually hit upon the lowest specimens in the Community.
Very often, the specimen was a low-caste member of some other
community, masquerading as an Anglo-Indian and seeking social
and economic betterment. From such specimens unscrupulous
writers, in their desire to raV.e in the shekels and oblivious to all
canons of journalistic decency, have often generalised in sweep-
ing libellous terms against hundreds of thousands of members of
an essentially fine Community. Even writers, in fact Anglo-Indian
but masquerading as British, have purported to draw on the Com-
munity for producing penny-shovelling exercises in near-porno-
graphy.

The achievements of the Community were not chronicled or
publicised. - On the other hand, there was always a marked
oflicial inclination to deny us the credit of our exploits. For
instance, hundreds of Anglo-Indians won awards for gallantry
in World Wan I and II. Some of them won the V.C., others
the D.S.O. and a large number the M.C. and the M.M. Either no
publicity was given to them or the awards were published under
the caption ‘India-born Officer’. The names, being European,
the reading public usually inferred that it was a Briton who had
won the award. I have been able to salvage tlic names of at least 9
members of the Community who have won the Victoria Cross. In
the words of a we] ! -known British writer, Professor John Coalman,
“Every page of British Indian history bears testimony to their
(Anglo-Indian) devotion and valour." The Anglo-Indians have
forged their achievements in the face of a chilling round of the
most bitter social and economic disabilities. At certain periods in
our history, our treatment by the British was not only deliberately
discriminatory but advisedly repressive and even unnaturally cruel.

This story helps to affirm the dictum of Lord Olivier, a well-
known British scientist, that persons of mixed blood are potential-
ly among the most competent vehicles of humanity. It exposes
the pretentious nonsense spoken and written about the superiority

of the so-called pure races. The Anglo-Indians have added a not
negligible page to the history of mongrels, the most energetic
forging the history of the moment. I am reminded of the words
of the Rt. Hon. HAL. Fisher that, “Purity of race does not exist.
Europe is a continent of energetic mongrels.” In a sense, both
Olivier and Fisher were scientifically wrong. Cedric Dover, an
internationally famous Anglo-Indian author and biologist, was
more right when he said, “There are no half-castes because there
are no full-castes.”

American ascendancy has been the immediate result of the
ebullient energy born from the multi-racial crossings that represent
the American ethnic melting pot. I have little doubt that the
British will show a fresh phase of resurgent vigour as a result of
the present Anglo-Indian ‘invasion’ of the British Isles. In India
the most virile races are admittedly in the North. They symbolise
the accumulated vigour drawn from a succession of invaders of
diverse races.

Days Of Prosperity

I have sought, in this book, to cover the main periods in the life
of the Community. The first period may roughly be said to
cover the time between the founding of the British settlement at
St. George, Madras, in 1639, and 1791. Those were days of
prosperity and great influence for the Community. There was no
discrimination between Briton and Anglo-Indian. The Anglo-
Indian sons of British fathers were taken freely into the covenant-
ed ranks of the British services and reached the highest positions
of trust and responsibility. Ninety per cent of Britons, including
the most highly placed, married Anglo-Indian women. The main
contribution during this period was to the military history of
India. This was only to be expected, as the Anglo-Indian
Community was drawn predominantly from professional soldier
fathers or unashamed military adventurers who lent their swords
to the highest, usually Princely, bidders.

Indelible Military Impress

The second stage covers the period from 1791 till what is
generally known as the Mutiny of 1857. This was a period of
calculated and increasing repression, political, economic, and

social by the British. Misguided fear because of the growing
strength and influence of the Anglo-Indian Community Jed to a
succession of measures aimed to drive the Community out of the
armed forces, to forbid it from going overseas for further studies
and to debar it from entering the officer ranks of cither the military
or civil services. On the one hand, this long period of cruel
repression led to terrible unemployment and the economic debase-
ment of a targe section of the Community : on the other hand, this
period also produced some or the brightest facets of Anglo-Indian
history’. Proscribed by the Fatherland, prevented from joining the
forces in which their British fathers served and often command-
ed, the sons, with soldiering in their blood, offered their swords,
forged in the military traditions of their fathers, to the leading
Indian Princes. This was a period which produced a galaxy
of Anglo-Indian soldiers who have left an indelible impress on
the annals of Indian military history. This was the period of
Gardner who founded Gardner’s Horse, Lt. Col. James Skinner,
the founder of Skinner’s Horse, and Col. Henry Forster who
founded theShekhawatie Brigade later known as the 13th Rajputs.
AH three regiments are proud units of the Indian Army today.
This was also the period when the most powerful Indian Princes
eagerly sought after and employed Anglo-Indian officers to lead,
train and discipline their armies. Perhaps the most powerful
military forces of this period, popularly known as ‘The Great
Anarchy’, were those of Madhoji Scindia, the leading Maharatla
Chieftain. A very large proportion of the officers in Scindia's
victorious armies were Anglo-Indians, some of them holding the
very highest positions of command. At this period, the Nizam of
Hyderabad’s armies also had a large percentage of Anglo-Indian
officers. Other leading Indian Princes freely employed Anglo-
Indians. Thus at the early age of 25 General Bensley was the
Commander-in-Chief of the Maharaja of Alwar's forces. General
Jean Baptiste Filosc was, for many years, the supreme Commander
of Gwalior’s armies.

This period of bitter economic discrimination was brightened
by the increasing efforts at self-help in the Community. This
was the age of John Ricketts and Henry Dcrozio. In a sub-
chapter, some worthy names in the Community have been sal-
vaged by me, although I do not pretend to have touched even the

fringe of the galaxy of members of the Community who deserve
a place in the scroll.

The part placed by the Community during what is known as
the Mutiny was decisive. It may be a subject for controversy
but no more than the part played by the Sikhs or the Gurkhas
who also largely fought alongside the British. At least the Anglo-
Indians were motivated by ties of blood. But controversy aside,
the role of Anglo-Indian soldiers such as General Sir John Bennett
Hearsay who was in Command in Bengal, General Van Cortland
who pacified the Punjab and the crucial services of Anglo-Indians
in key civilian positions such as Porjett, the Anglo-Indian Com-
missioner of Police in Bombay who forestalled the Mutiny in that
Province, and the supreme fighting qualities of certain predo-
minantly Anglo-Indian units such as the Madras Tusilicrs who
fought at the relief of Lucknow and the capture of Kanpur and
Pearson's Battery from Agra arc facts of history. Even the
cynically arrogant Cura on was constrained to say (in referring to
the services, during the Mutiny, of George Brandish, the Anglo-
Indian boy telegraphist) while unveiling the obelisk which stands
in the Delhi Telegraph compound, "The Electric telegraph sated
India.” Those words are inscribed on this obelisk.

Post-Mutiny Period

The post-mutiny period may be said to cover the years from
1858 to 1919. Some attempt at amends by the British for their
past ingratitude to the Community was sought to be made, but
it was made in a halting, niggardly manner. The Community’s ser-
vices were w elcomed but welcomed only in a subordinate capacity.
Here, again, self-interest perhaps was at least an equally important
motive with the British Administration. Without the selfless
services of the Anglo-Indians the Railways, the Posts & Telegraphs,
the Customs, the Police, the Marine services could never have been
built. In a hundred years, India was covered with a network
of railways and a telegraph system to which comparatively little
has been added since. And during those 100 years the outstand-
ing part in building these key services was played by the Anglo-
Indians. Penetrating inhospitable jungle terrain which was riddl-
ed with every form of danger and deadly disease, Anglo-Indian
men, separated from their families and homes for many years,

built what art today India’s and family at

Indian railwayman vat !uct>1 »f 'cu' concomitant of their
intervals of five yean. That vat a normal concomita

near-heroic service.

The Gidettjem Era .invrilird

The period from 1919 « 1912 nay appropriate!. »•
as theGidneyan era. In 1919 ^^o^lialmic Sur-
Indian scene Coh— later Sir ’ ‘ hrnomenal memory,

gcon of international repute, g'ltra _ , . . connoisseur's

a connoisseur art-collector, a *l>on want ' wl(jt a record
*V« for beautiful «omen and p„ more thin 20

bag of tigers. Although often mail gne » .. community,

yean of dedicated, fighting public sen.ee » unity.

In place or disunity in the Ommunit) s > Cidrcy VT«ted
living hts motto, ‘The Impossible »* increasing respect

for hfs Community a place of recognition and mereas
in the sub-continent of India. -n |ndia the Com-

During the critical dap of poliuca tood part. In the

munity played its own, perhaps .^“wian Defence Torce and,
Volunteer Corps, later known as t r munity constituted the

V« later, as .hr Axillary ro,cr,.h.^;J,.nc of dcr„«.

overwhelming clement. This was j.nildrd of British troops,
Dunns World War 1 ..hen India * j^T almost entirely of
it vras the Indian Defence Force. ■ and stability of

Anglo-Indians, tshlel. maintained the seenn.y
India. . . . fiehting forces during

The services of the Community m the B any much

World Wan I and II repmsen. ^u,d justly P™nd.

larger community anywhere in

Independence And After ...ceasing struggle, the

The period 1942 In 1950 marked a gn ^ r(.cosaiti„n for the
burden of sshieh fell on me, to find a P , politically hostile

Community in an Independent and, basiea ^ ^ be.rajnd

India. It underlined the final and sup British Adtnmis

by the British Cabinet Mission nnd the depart, g
tration. , _ ,ndia, British poliutaasts

Ou Ure eve of their departure fmm In*

viii

entrusted with the transfer of power were so impervious not only
to natural emotions but to an elementary sense of conscience as
callously, and it would appear deliberately, to spurn and betray
the Community. On the eve of Independence, when the exist*
ence of the Community was trembling in the balance, even the
modest demand for a single seat in India's Constituent Assembly
was rejected Fortunately for the Community, although betrayed
by the BriUsh, either from motives of unnatural indifference or of
unworthy political expediency, it was given to me, by God’s
grace and the generosity of the Indian leaders, to find for the
Community a place in the Constituent Assembly and through the
Constituent Assembly not only a recognised but a special position,
in the Constitution of Republican India. Perhaps it is correct to
say that this small Community of about 300,000 souls has achiev-
ed a unique position in the annals of Asian history. Thus while
the Anglo-Burmans have disappeared from the political scene in
Burma, the Burghers from Ceylon, the Anglo-Indians, proportiona-
tely much smaller in numbers in a sea of over 500 million people,
have been able to find a specially recognised place in the Indian
polity. It would be correct to say that the Anglo-Indians are the
only minority of European descent to survive in Asia as a recog-
nised entity.

The post-Independence period was marked by an almost
miraculous recognition given to the Community in the New India
which was denied to other much larger minorities. 1 1 was marked
also by uncertainty among a large section or the Community as to
their future in India. It was marked by the exodus of an appreci-
able number of Anglo-Indians. On the other hand, it was also
marked by the outstanding contributions of Anglo-Indians to the
New India. The decisive part played by the Anglo-Indians in
the critical Kashmir campaign was but one example. More
than 50% of the fighter pilots of the Indian Air Farce were Anglo-
Indians : they helped retrieve by their persistent gallantry and
often reckless heroism what seemed to be an utterly hopeless posi-
tion and to drive the invaders b?ck literally from the gates of
Srinagar. A large proportion of the officers leading our land
forces in the Kashmir and Hyderabad campaigns were members of
the Community. The late Capt- Eric James Tucker symbolised the
spirit of service to Independent India. His was the only citation

for gallantry to be read at the Republic Day Parade in Delhi, at
which the Duke of Edinburgh was present, in January, 1959
'Hie citation was a heart-jerking account of sheer reckless heroism
in the face of certain death when he was leading a company of
troops against Naga hostiles.

At a special investiture held in 1965, the President of India
decorated 63 heroes with awards for gallantry made in the field
during the Indo-Pakistan conflict: 7 of the 63 were Anglo-
Indians. By any standards that was a proud record for a micro-
scopic community.

The Anglo-Indian Community is essentially urban. Its im-
mediate history during the past 125 years, when it was canalised
into Government service, tended inevitably to give it not only a
Government service complex but made it look away from trade
and industry where it had once played a notable part. With the
lapsing of the special constitutional guarantees, in 1960, affording
quotas in certain Central Services, the Community has more and
more entered trade, business and the professions to its increasing
advantage.

The Community is cent-per-ccnt literate. Although largely
practical by aptitude, a relatively high percentage take to higher
education. With the education trust created by the All-India
Anglo-Indian Association, that tendency has been given a further
impetus. In a sense, the opportunities for the Community have
been greater since Independence than ever before. Anglo-Indians
have, for the first time, achieved positions commensurate with their
character and ability. Many Anglo-Indians, since Independence,
have become heads of important departments. The Armed Forces
are a significant example. From Generals downwards, there are
several hundred Anglo-Indian officers in the Defence Services today.

Post-Independence Battles

In the chapter under the above heading, I refer to some of the
legal battles that I have had to fight on behalf of the Community.
Decisions were wrested from our Supreme Court, which gave a
charter of educational freedom not only to the Anglo-Indians but
to all the linguistic minorities.

The menace of Hindi Imperialism poses a threat not only to the
linguistic minorities, but to the unity of India. Despite the un-

remitting hate campaign of the politically powerful Hindi chau-
vinist bloc, English has not disappeared. On my private resol-
ution in Parliament emerged what has come to be known as the
Nehru formula. Under that formula English will continue to be
the associate official language as long as the non-Hindi speaking
people so desire. That position has now been recognised statu-
torily. Nagaland adopted English as its official language in Sep-
tember, 1967 Except by the obscurantists and the revivalists,
English has been recognised as the last remaining bond of educa-
tional, administrative, judicial and, indeed, emotional integration.
The Supreme Court has put its imprimatur on my thesis that English
is an Indian language because it is the language of a recognised
Indian minority, the Anglo-Indians. The legal dictum affirmed by
the Supreme Court is that English is not only an Indian language,
but the dominant Indian language because it is the language of
the Constitution, the language of the Supreme Court and the
High Courts and the language of authoritative legislation.

A grave threat not only to the Anglo-Indians but to all the minority
groups is the growth of a fanatical, resurgent Hindu revivalism.
Certain groups and parties make no secret of the fact that they
tepudiate completely the secular ideal which was so passionately
preached and practised by Jawaharlal Nehru. There is a latent
powerful potential in Hindu society, especially in the Hindi States,
which fosters the urge to establish a Hindu Rashtra or a theocratic
State. The two-nation theory and Partition have given a tremendous
fillip to the forces of revivalism in India. Continuing Pakistani
intransigence and three acts of aggression have given increasing
grist to the political mill of the revivalist parties. If like Pakistan
India becomes a theocratic State, the lot of practically all the
minorities will be unenviable. At best they will live on sufferance :
even worse, they may lace calculated oppression.

The Women Of The Community
No book on the Community would be complete without a refer-
ence to the women of the Community. They, in a very special
way, have made a notable contribution to India. Free from caste
and communal inhibitions, Anglo-Indian women have made a
contribution to India’s nursing services that was unique : 80% of
India’s nursing services, military and civilian, right up to Indcpend-

xi

ence was drawn from tlic Anglo-Indian Community. In peace
and in war they served India selflessly. They set standards which
were comparable with the highest to be found in the most advanced
western countries.

Few* nursing communities in the world could point to the ex-
ploits of Helen Rodriguez whose almost incredible heroism dur-
ing the Japanese campaign in Burma earned her the George Medal.
Gloria Berry, the Anglo-Indian Air Hostess who was tilled when
the 'Kashmir Princess’, one of our largest planes, was sabotaged,
exemplified the spirit of the women of the Community. Her cold,
calculated courage in the face of certain death earned her the pos-
thumous award of the Ashoka Chakra Class I. She was the first,
and, so far, the only woman in Independent India to be so decor-
rated for supreme gallantry.

No mention of Anglo-Indian women would be complete with-
out a reference to their striking beauty. This has been the subject
of comment by writers of di/Terent periods and diverse nationalities.
Catherine Worlee who first married a Britisli member of the Indian
Civil Service, Grant, and later Talleyrand, Napoleon’s Foreign
Minister, as Princess Talleyrand was one of the most famous inter-
national beauties of her time. She was not an exception. Neither
was the beautiful and talented Kitty Kirkpatrick, who was the
original Blumine of Carlyle’s ‘Sartor Resartus’. Throughout the
history of the Community, in spite of political, economic and
also social discrimination which was practised against the men of
the Community, until the opening of the Suez Canal in IP, 35 the
most outstanding Britons in India married Anglo-Indian women.
Many of the leading families in the British Peerage, today, were
fortunate to receive this re-invigoration of Anglo-Indian blood.
One of the premier Duchesses, today, comes from a rather humble
Anglo-Indian family in Uttar Pradesh.

Sporting Prowess

Reference has also been made to the fact that the Anglo-Indians
have a unique record as a sporting Community. In spite of its
numerical smallness the Community, both the men and the women,
bestrode the sporting world of India like a Colossus. In hockey,
India’s national game, its skill was outstanding. In the Indian
hockey team that covered itself with glory in the 1928 World

Olympics and put India on the world map of sport, or the 1 1 play-
ing members 8 were Anglo-Indians : of the 3 spares, 2 were Anglo-
Indians. In boxing, for decades, Anglo-Indians knocked out all
other contenders, including the best that the British Army in India
could produce. The first and, so far, the only Indian to annex an
individual World Championship for his Country was Wilson Jones
the world amateur billiard champion in 1958 and 1964.

What Of The Future

I do not believe that the Community will be absorbed or dis-
appear because of some allegedly inevitable historical-cum-biologi-
cal processes. This has not happened to the Parsecs, an equally
microscopic community. Like the ranees the Anglo-Indians
have a certain inherent community sense which in the final analysis
will ensure continuing cohesion and identity. History tells us
that after the demission of the Portuguese from the Indian scene
the Luso-Indians rapidly sank w the social and economic scale.
But unlike the Luso-Indians, the Anglo-Indians have, as observed
by Bishop Heber, a surly community pride which is perhaps part
of their British inheritance. This proper pride, which should be
distinguished from meretricious arrogance, leads to a powerful
identity of community thought and action, and a stubborn re-
sistance to submergence and the loss of racial, cultural and linguistic
attributes which distinguish the Anglo-Indians.

The Community, today, through its schools is in the educa-
tional vanguard. Anglo-Indian teachers are the best qualified to
purvey education through the medium of English. The demand
for entry into the Anglo-Indian schools remains clamant and in-
satiable. The long and increasing waiting lists of applicants to
Anglo-Indian schools have tD be seen to be believed. Ironically,
the most clamorous in the queue arc the most raucous among
the Hindi chauvinists.

Through the Frank Anthony Schools’ Scheme the Community,
today, has given the greatest hostage in its history to its future
progress and well-being.

Fortunately, the Community has a highly organised All-India
Association which enables it to achieve an almost unique measure
of cohesion in furthering its social, economic and civic interests.
With its network of branches spreading from Delhi to Quilon and

from Bombay to Shillong the Association has enabled the Commu-
nity to make up in powerful organisation what it lacks in numbers.
I have the privilege of being the elected President •in-Chicf
of the Association since 1912. The Community’s problems arc
many and the Association’s tasks are diversified and difficult.
The Association is the life-line of the Community.

In the words of Lord Linlithgow, one of the last Viceroys of
India, “The Community has made a contribution of a real and
permanent nature to India: it has produced many figures of out-
standing capacity in the past and the work done by its members
has been of real, lasting value.” Despite the pressures and the
difficulties I have a steadfast faith in the future of the Community
and the continuing contribution it svill make, out of all propor-
tion to its size, to India.

CHAPTER 1

WHO IS AN ANGLO-INDIAN?

EVEN the British in India had no precise appreciation of who
and what an Anglo-Indian really was. Thus, British recruit-
ment to the Armed Forces, even during World War IT, exemplified
this confusion. One brother, because he was somewhat dark,
would be recruited into the Indian Army: the other brother,
because of his comparatively light skin, would be recruited into
the British Army. The dark brother would receive his commission
as an Indian officer: his lighter skinned brother — a twin perhaps —
would be employed as a European or King’s commissioned officer.

Often this discrimination was not the result merely of confusion
but stemmed from a policy initiated at the beginning of the 19th
Century. Vet there was, also, real ignorance among the
British officials and their wives, cut of T as they were from social
contact with the Anglo-Indians and other Indian communities,
not only as to the factual position but, above all, as to the real
range and meaning of the term ‘Anglo-Indian’.

Outside India there was, and undoubtedly still is, a vague
perhaps even derisive concept of the term ’Anglo-Indian’. A
hyphenated designation, implying a community of mixed blood,
perhaps conjures up a contemptuous vision jaundiced by some
cheap novelist’s description of a down-at-heel, treacherous half-
breed. But in India, both in fact and in law, the position is very
different from popular fallacy or even the well-meaning and
patronising British officials* vague notions,

j Vame Changes

In its application to the Community, the term 'Anglo-Indian'
is of fairly recent origin. The Community has, in fact, traversed
several name changes. The earliest names were not specific
Community designations. They were more a popular description.
Country-bom was generally in use. There was no stigma, no

THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COHMUNITY

derogatory sting In the term. It was fondly used by the British
lather of his Anglo-Indian son. Indo-Briton was perhaps the first
Community designation to be employed. After that the Commu-
nity was generally known as 'Eurasian* . At the beginning of the
19th Century, there was an organised move to substitute the term
‘East Indian*. The petition presented to the British Parliament
by John Ricketts in 1830 urged the recognition of the term 'East
Indian*. The designation ‘Eurasian*, however, continued to be
more or less current from about 1823 to 1910. Thus, the Associa-
tion founded by E.W. Chambers in 1876 adopted this description
as a Community designation. The term 'Eurasian* has been at-
tributed to the Marquess of Hastings. An examination of this
question, however, shows that Hastings did not, in fact, describe
the Community as such. He was the Governor-General from
1813 to 1823 and in none of his speeches and writings did he employ
the word ‘Eurasian*. On the other hand, he did employ the term
‘Indo-Briton*.

As the term ‘Eurasian’ began to acquire a derogatory connota-
tion, the Community moved to be recognised by the term ‘Anglo-
Indian*. In 1897 the Secretary of State for India was petitioned
by a deputation to give official recognition to the use of the term
‘Anglo-Indian*. This was refused. Till then, this term was used
to describe Britons working or resident in India. Dr. Wallace,
however, founded what was rather grandiosely described as. The
Imperial Anglo-Indian Association*. He is credited with the
extravagant observation, “Britishers we arc and Britishers we ever
must be. Once we relinquish this name ‘Anglo-Indian* and permit
ourselves to be styled ‘Eurasian’ or ‘Statutory natives of India*,
sve become estranged from our proud heritage of Britishers.’’ Lord
Curzon was also approached for approval of the use of the designa-
tion Anglo-Indian*. The arrogant Gurzon denied the request
in typically Curzonian fashion, with almost publicly expressed
sarcasm. In 1911, however. Lord Hardinge, the then Viceroy,
sanctioned the use of the term ‘Anglo-Indian’ to describe the
Community in the census drawn up in that year.

Dual Status

•In 1870 Parliamentary Statute referred to the Community as

Statutory Natives of India*. Paragraph 346 of the Montagu-

Vito IS AN ANGLO-INDIAN

3

Chelmsford Report classified the Community as Anglo-Indian.
The Army authorities continued to define and accept the
Community at European British subjects. This dual status
was underlined in a reply made by Earl Winterton, Under-
secretary of State for India, in the House of Commons in December
1923, when he said, “For purposes of employment under Govern-
ment and inclusion in schemes of Indianisation, the members of
the Anglo-Indian and Domiciled European Community are
Statutory Natives of India; for purposes of education and internal
security, their status, so far as it admits of definition, approximates
to that of European British subjects.” This dual status operated
adversely against the Community in two ways. Although to pro-
tect its economic interests, the Community was defined as ‘Statutory
Natives of India', for defence and education it svas classified as
European. Not only Indian hut British officials, when the ques-
tion of the Indianisation of the services was being pursued, inter-
preted it to mean de-Anglo-Indianisation. Indianisation was
interpreted so as to exclude or squeeze out the Anglo-Indians.
The treatment of the Community as European for certain purposes,
especially for defence, made the Anglo-Indians liable for service in
the Indian Defence Force, India's second line of defence. This force
was usually called upon to maintain order during communal riots.
Inevitably, its task was difficult. In maintaining order the I.D.F.
incurred the hostility of the major Communities as often the suppres-
sion of communal riots meant shooting down, impartially, both
Hindu and Muslim miscreants.

Definition

Because of this unsatisfactory state of affairs, the late Col. Sir
Henry Gidney, my predecessor-in-ofiicc, sought and succeeded in
securing the inclusion or a definition or the Community in the
Government of India act of 1935, which was framed by the British
Parliament. Under that definition all persons of European
descent in the male line, whose parents were habitually resident
in India, were and are Anglo-Indians. Generally and also in
official quarters the term ‘Anglo-Indian' was, after 1911, taken to
signify persons who were of European descent in the male line but
oF mixed European and Indian blood. Thus both in official circles
and in the Community itself a distinction was often sought to be

4 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO- rHDIAN COSIMUNITY

drain. between Anglo-Indians and die so-called Domiciled Euro-
of tah economically, politically and socially the interests

subt 1,77 r'T ■ “• m" "" As»e“"°" tinder Gidney

DoiLTr'wF d“«na"“. ’"Ebe All-India Anglo-Indian ,„7
Domiciled European Association’. A large number olm member,

i., "nSd" *>««. "»>

se.,no„?tfcSV7','h' dd!r”n *** Km 'AnS'o-I"di.n’ a,
made it clea 77 f ‘ " G°v'™"’ent of India Act of 1935

mnism, although i, continued to ™d rl ,7“'’ 7 "“T”

'd E„ope17r,rfobv“»r:,r,,t7,7,°:--

European descent domicile L i /"‘snomer. Persons of

but not domiciled Europeans Intn, t ,domiciIed Indian»
British officials continued to main. ^ °f *h“ c!car P05*1’00.
tion between the so-called n • °r'en s,udied discrimina-

Indians. wT “d >b' A"^

Europeans were, in common with aiiSr0^nd‘arU and Dom,'dIed
burra’ clubs as country hom ,k Indlans. ostracised from the
were usually given prrfe^ee' in 7h777 “ 7midl'd European,
At most there could be one dm rna,tcr °f employment,
namely, those Europeans whrf C”f!0n of Doniiciled Europeans,
were An8,o.I„dia™P “e de«„T J ^ ^

postulate miature or Euro-Asian i-iTT, 7 An.Eo*Indian does not
pean descent i„ dm male “*■ E*"1 ’»™ly requires Euro-
I»d„. Thu, even L7mL7 °f Pam,° b*“'»l'r resident in
'be original British families *,^777! *' ',hni= ™"des, that

generations had no admhm.J r- . ^.Ind“ f°r two, three or mote
Anglo-Indians, For ' °f '"d'"' bl“d "bey were and are
fairly well-known author of'th P'T“ E'1' ■I°b" tbe

JuncUon', who described him 7r ”'b" '"rid "ovrf’ 'Bbowani
European domiciled in I„d“ ' ■"°nd OT •“"> generation

;‘1“ »'te a large number 0f«, 77 So

t0 and achieved fame in A™, • ^ actrcsSM who migrated

° A™™a “d Britain. One docs not

WHO IS AX ANGLO-INDIAN

5

have to mention the names of certain well-known actors and actres-
ses, past and present, in America and Britain who migrated from
India, Their pronounced brunette complexions — not ascribable
entirely to the Indian sun — were and are a permanent testimonial
to their Anglo-Indian heritage.

Apart from being accorded certain special, even unique, guaran-
tees in Independent India's Constitution, which came into effect
on the 26th January, 1930, the Anglo-Indian Community was the
only one to be defined. The definition is given in Article 366 (2)
of the Constitution. It is, in cflect, a reproduction of the defini-
tion set out in the Government of India Act of 1935. Article 366 (2)
reads,

"An 'Anglo-Indian' means a person whose father or any
of whose other male progenitors in the male line is or was
of European descent but who is domiciled within the
territory of India and Is or was bom within such territory
of parents habitually resident therein and not establish-
ed there for temporary purposes only.”

The Tar Brush

As a one-time student of Anthropology, I have always been
extremely doubtful of the validity of the ethnic purity claim of
the so-called Domiciled Europeans. With intermarriage between
Britons and Anglo-Indian women, which represented the marital
usage for about 200 years, few, if any, European families in India
really escaped a touch of the Anglo-Indian tar brush. But it suited
the British historian, particularly when these Anglo-Indians
distinguished themselves, to appropriate the credit for the British
by describing the person as European or at best as ‘India-born’.
Thus, when an Anglo-Indian pilot won the VC — his name being
British — it was claimed that the recipient was British. But on the
rare occasions when an Anglo-Indian was involved in a crime the
British papers would take care to refer to him as an Anglo-Indian.
Thus, in Fitchett’s 'Tales of the Indian Mutiny’ the gallant
Anglo-Indian boy telegraphist George Brendish was described as
an ‘English boy’. Even after the departure of the British from
India, the tendency to filch the credit of the achievements of the
Anglo-Indians has not ceased. Thus, fairly recently, an appeal

THE STOS.Y OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

sent out to locate Miss Fitzgibbon, the daughter of Andrew
4 u",bon, V.G., to enable her to attend the Victoria Cross
exhibition to be held in London from the 4th to the 11th May,
1962. Typically, a journal entitled 'This is Britain’ described
Fitzgibbon as the youngest ‘British’ VC, stating that he belonged
to the Indian Medical Service. The Indian Medical Service was
a superior cadre and, at the time when Fitzgibbon won his VC,
a preserve which only Britons could enter. While one Indian-
owned English-medium paper described Htzgibbon correctly as
an Anglo-Indian, the then British-owned ‘Statesman’ carried a series
of accounts of Andrew Fitzgibbon, the youngest ‘British’ VC.
In fact, Fitzgibbon, who won his VC on the 21st August, 1860,
during the capture by Indian forces of the North Taku Fort in
China was a member not of the superior Indian Medical Service
but a young hospital apprentice of the Bengal Subordinate Medi-
cal Department. This 15-year old Anglo-Indian apprentice,
while the troops were storming the fort, coolly attended to wound-
ed sepoys and a doolie-bearer, in circumstances of the greatest
danger. He was severely wounded in the process. ‘The States-
man’ went to the extent of mentioning that Miss Fitzgibbon was
last heard of when she was living with a ‘British’ family called
‘Pewseys’. In fact, she last Jived with a family by the name of
‘Pusey’: Mr. Pusey was at one time a Sergeant in the Madras
Police, which cadre was reserved for Anglo-Indians,

Blame The System

The Community has been blamed for the twin defects of escapism
and renegadism, of the albescent even the strongly sun-stained
crossing or trying to cross the colour line and denying their Com-
munity. Yet I would blame more the system than the individual.
British policy, in fact the whole artificial Imperial Code, from the
beginning of the 19th Century, placed a premium on renegadism.
It was only by denying their Community that able Anglo-Indians
were allowed to achieve positions commensurate with their charac-
ter and ability. I could name scores of members of the Community,
not only of the alleged Domiciled European variety but of the
clearly mixed descent variety who achieved the highest positions
as members of the Viceroy’s Executive Council, Governors of Pro-
vinces, senior Generals; one became Surgeon-General to King

. WHO is AN ANCLO-tNtltAN

George V. They were lost to the Community because of a policy
that was at least amoral in its rigid insistence on alleged purity of
race as a passport to achievement.

Herd Consciousness

On the other hand the Community lias shown an intense herd
consciousness. This is perhaps, to some extent, in imitative
emulation of the social exclusiveness practised by the British or
even to some extent an inherited quality from the caste-conscious
British and Indian social patterns. Marriages were jealously
conGned within the walls of the Community. It was regarded as
social anathema to marry even a ligln-skinned, most highly placed,
member of another community in preference to an cbony-hued,
poor Anglo-Indian. Tor generations there has been no inter-
marriage with other Indian communities.

Colour has been one of the lesser determinants for the Com-
munity. Persons who might, because of their extremely dark
complexion, provoke amused incredulity at their seemingly non-
existent claim to the prefix ‘Anglo* have over and over again been
able to produce irreproachable evidence of European descent
sometimes in the first generation. It is not uncommon for an
Anglo-Indian family, within its confines, to exhaust the gamut of
the colour spectrum, one daughter being completely Nordic,
fairer than the average Briton, another albescent, a third lime*
coloured and a fourth a beautiful, delicately framed brunette.
In the Community there are also not a few whose sable hue would
hold favourable comparison with the most highly polished maho-
gany. And yet despite this kaleidoscope of colour, they have been
blended into one cultural, social and economic group by bonds
which distinguish them from the other communities and identify
them with one another.

In a sense, the term ‘Anglo’ may not be literally correct as it
svould denote persons only of Anglo-Sixon descent in the male
line. Inevitably perhaps, because the existence of the Community
is identified with the British regime in India, the bulk of the Com-
munity is of British descent: equally inevitable, perhaps, the-
offspring of the former European regimes — Portuguese, French
and Dutch — have intermarried with the Community and have
been assimilated to it socially, culturally, linguistically. I deal

\MIO M AX ASCLO-1KA1AS

9

pre-Indepcndcncc dap, were notoriously inaccurate am! even
absurd. Even the Census Commissioner admitted that these
Egurts were incorrect. Many Anglo-Indians, according to him,
Verc wrongly returned as Europeans. His estimate, in 1931, was
that the Community was approximately 200,000 strong. But even
that estimate was patently wrong. At that time, there was no
dear idea of the tenn ‘Anglo-Indian’. Even the official concep-
tion was that any one with a light complexion was European.
My estimate is that, in 1941, the number of Anglo-Indians was
between 250,000 and 300.000.

The Government decided that the 1961 census would not show
caste or community except in the case of the Scheduled Castes
because of their special guarantees in respect of recruitment to the
sen-ices. This was one of the near-hypocritical offerings at the altar
of national integration. Religion would still be shown. In effect,
this meant that the designations Hindu, Muslim, Sikh, Parsee,
Christian would still appear in the census. The only community
designation to be eliminated from the 1%1 census was that of
the Anglo-Indians. The All-India Anglo-Indian Association
considered this position and ultimately decided not to make it an
issue. One of the main reasons that prompted this decision was
the recent attempts at infiltration by the ‘Feringis’ of Kerala,
svho claimed to have been of Portuguese descent but who during the
whole British regime had nothing to do with the Community cul-
turally, socially or otherwise and were classified as a backward
class of Indian Christians whose mother-tongue was Malayalam.
It was felt that the Community was still clearly identified by its
mother-tongue, English. The 1961 Census showed 2,23,781
Indians with English as their mother-tongue. This figure would
represent almost exclusively the Anglo-Indian Community except
in Maharashtra where a fair number of others, I should imagine
Goans, also returned English as their mother-tongue. This census
exposed the fraudulent claims of the Feringis that there were tens
of thousands of Anglo-Indians in Kerala. The Census showed
the total number of persons with English as their mother-tongue
in Kerala, men, women and children, as being not more than 7000.
This would make an adult population of barely 1,500 which would
be the correct assessment of the number of Anglo-Indians in Kerala.
I deal with this issue more fully in the chapter entitled, ‘The

Tire stout or tue asclo-ikdiajj cosmusTrr

Socul and the Psychological Pattern’.

Hie largest concentration of the Community has always been
in West Bengal, especially Calcutta. Hie Madras State comes
nest : Maharashtra (the former Bombay State) follows and then
come Uttar Pradesh, Mysore (especially Bangalore), Andhra
Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh (especially Jubbulpore), Bihar and
Orissa, svith Kerala at the end. The number of Anglo-Indian*
m Delhi would not be more than about a thousand adult* or
pcrlups Jess. In the Punjab the number has fallen toa few hundred
as also in Assam and Rajasthan.

12 THE STORY OP THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Portuguese and French origin in. the Madras settlement. As they
were Christian, the British men preferred to marry them. These
persons of Portuguese and French extract were, however, Roman
Catholics. There was, inevitably, an increasing tendency for the
British soldiers and writers who married these women to change
their religion. At that time England was convulsed by the re-
formation movement and was a hotbed of anti-Catholicism. A
CTy of protest was raised at the Court or Directors of the East
India Company which evolved a new policy. In any case the
number of women of French and Portuguese extract available for
marriage was soon exhausted as the number of British men com-
ing out to these settlements steadily increased. On the 8th April,
1678, the Directors of the East India Company thus addressed the
President of Madras : “The marriage of our soldiers to the native
women of Fort St. George is a matter of such consequence to
posterity that we shall be content to encourage it at some expense,
and have been thinking for the future to appoint a Pagoda to be
paid to the mother of any child, that shall hereafter be bom of any
such future marriage, upon the day the child is christened, if you
think this small encouragement will increase the number of such
marriages.”

The Pagoda wai then equivalent to eight or nine shillings, that
is, then worth about five rupees.

A deliberate policy of avowedly encouraging intermarriages was
thus initiated. A3 a result or this policy the Anglo-Indian Commu-
nity was officially brought into existence.

Intermarriage

These marriages were by no means confined to the middle and
lower classes. The British secured their wives in two main ways,
either by treaties with Indian Chiefs and Ruling Princes or from
among widows and family camp-followers left on the battlefield.
It was customary, particularly among the Mohammedans, for the
soldier’s wife or slave girl to accompany him on the march.
Usually the women were baptised and the marriage ceremony
performed according to Christian rites. This period has been
described as the ‘Brahminising period’ of English rule, when It
was thought that these alliances with the local people would attract
the sympathy and support of the Indians.

ORIGIN AND GROWTH

13

As not only the trade but the territories of the East India
Company expanded, the commitments, both trading and
military, grew correspondingly. The Directors of the East India
Company, inspired for the first time by visions of Empire, initiated
a policy of encouraging Britons in the humbler ranks to make
India their home. In pursuance of this object an allowance of
5 rupees for every child was made to a soldier in the ranks. These
marriages were not only officially encouraged, but were considered
as entirely respectable. The offspring of these unions were usually
well and often lavishly provided for. Many of them intermarried
with some or the leading families in the British aristocracy who
perhaps would, today, resent any imputation of any dark strain
in their pedigree.

Some Famous Names

The history of marriages between distinguished European and
Indian families would make romantic reading. More than that,
they would either illuminate or darken, according to the point
of view, the lineage of many of Britain’s leading families, reaching
to the highest ranks of the British peerage and in respect of whom
there has perhaps never been any suspicion of even a touch of the
tar brush. A brief reference may be made to some of these unions,
the descendants of whom either merged in Britain or with the
Anglo-Indian Community. Job Chamock, the iounder of Calcutta,
snatched a Hindu widow from the funeral pyre of her deceased
husband and married her. One of their daughters, Mavis, married
Sir Eyre Cootc, one of the most brilliant and spectacular figures
of Clive’s times. A fact not generally known, perhaps convenient*
ly suppressed by the British historians, was that Eyre Coote was an
Anglo-Indian. Colonel William Linnaeus Gardner, ancestor of
the Gardner family once in the British peerage, married the Nawab
of Cambay’s granddaughter, who was also an adopted daughter
of the Moghul Emperor. Gardner was nephew of the first Lord
Gardner and founder of the well-known Gardner’s Hone, a famous
regiment in Indian history. The Gardners are a numerous family
well-known in the Anglo-Indian Community. Major Hyder
Tbtmg ffearsey married another sister and granddaughter of the
Nawab of Cambay. Heaney founded the famous Anglo-Indian family
of Hearseys including General Sir John Bennett Hearsey of Mutiny

]4 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

fame. In fact, these unions represented almost a marital usage
of the times. Colonel Kennedy married a Rajput Princess. Their
daughter was the first wife of General Sir Abraham Roberts, father
of the famous Field Marshal Earl Roberts, at one time Commander-
in-Chief in India. The son by this first marriage, and half brother
to Lord Roberts, was in one of the Burma Services. Colonel
Kirkpatrick, the British resident in Hyderabad, married an Indian
lady and their exceptionally beautiful daughter Kitty was portray-
ed by Thomas Carlyle in his ‘Sartor Resartus’ as the original
Blumine. The House of the Earl of Duflus has descendants in the
Community who take pride in the family name of Sutherland.
General Sir Hugh Wheeler of Kanpur fame had an Indian wile.

Such an account might include a reference to Emperor Ashoka
and Thomas Becket. In his book on the Community entitled
‘Our Reproach in India’ H.P.K. Skipton writes, “If ancient legend
speaks truly Emperor Ashoka and our own Thomas Bccket were
of mixed European and Asiatic race and both were remarkable
and forceful men.”

Walter Reinhardt, described by some writers as an unsavoury,
even infamous character was, nevertheless, rather typical of the
age. Through many vicissitudes but generally through ruthless
fighting he achieved a position of eminence as a free-lance soldier.
He and his brigades were in considerable demand by Princes of
the day. Ultimately, he was taken into the service of the Emperor
and put in charge of the Fort at Agra. He was known as General
Sombre (or Sombru). Reinhardt died in 1778 leaving his estates
and his principality of Sardhana to his favourite slave girl and
second wife who achieved fame as Begum Sombru or Sumru.
Much has been written about this remarkable woman who later
married a French adventurer, Col. Le Vassoult, who committed
suicide to avoid capture by his enemies. Reinhardt’s son, Aloysius,
by his first wife who was a Muslim lady, married the daughter of
General Lafevre : the daughter of this marriage married George
Dyce, an Anglo-Indian from the Upper Military Orphanage of
Calcutta, who was then serving as Commandant of the Begum’s
forces. Of their children one daughter married Baron Peter
Solaroli. The son, David Ochterlony, who was adopted by Begum
Sumru took the additional name of Sombre. David Ochterlony
Dyce Sombre inherited more than half a milllion pounds from the

OMGIH AND GROWTH

15

Begum in 1836 and became the most celebrated personage of the
■English season of 1838. In 1810 he married the llon’ble Mary
Anne Jervis, daughter of the second Viscount St. Vincent : he also
won a seat in Parliament as Member for Sudbury. A more
detailed account of this con trovcrsial, maligned figure will be given
when describing his contributions as a poet and writer.

Elihu Yale was President at Madras from 1687 to 1692. He
was said to be a wise and progressive Governor and was known for
his generosity both public and private. Yale purchased for the
Company a place called Tevcnapatam to the south of Madras
which was duly fortified and was destined to play an important
part in later history. The fort at Tevcnapatam, now called
Cuddalore, was named St. David a Her Elihu Yale’s little son David
who, unfortunately, died in his infancy. Yale remained in India
for seven yean after resigning office and having amassed an enorm-
ous fortune he left India for England in 1699. Shortly afterwards,
he was made Governor of the British Colony of New York. His
name is remembered in America, the land of his birth, through the
University of Yale which he generously endowed. His tombstone
inscription runs as follows,

"Elihu Yale was buried 22nd July, 1721.

Bom in America, in Europe bred.

In Africa travelled, in Asia wed.

Where long he lived and thrived — in London dead.

Much good, some ill, he did, so hope’s all even,

And that his soul through mercie’s gone to heaven."

It has been said that Elihu Yale’s wife was an Anglo-Indian.

Thomas Pitt was the second son or the Rev. John Pitt, Rector
of Blandfort, Dorset. He was bom in 1653. While still young he
came out to India but not in the Company’s service. He lived as
a free-trader at Balasore in Orissa. He returned to England when
still comparatively young and settled in Dorset. He was elected
as a member of Parliament. Later on, he came to terms with the
Company and in 1698 he was appointed Governor of Fort St.

for a period of five years. His tenure was extended'so
that he was Governor for the unusual term of 1 1 years. His
Governorship was regarded as the golden age of Madras in respect

16 THE STORE OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

of trade and the increase in its wealth. Pitt did a great deal to im-
prove Madras and also to strengthen its fortifications. He was also
a big diamond dealer. On one occasion he purchased an enormous
diamond for £ 20,000 which he eventually sold to the Regent of
France for £ 135,000. In 1680 he married Jane Innes at Calcutta.
She is believed to have been an Anglo-Indian. They had three
sons and two daughters. His eldest son Robert was the father of
William Pitt, the first Earl of Chatham and one of England’s
greatest statesmen. On his return to England he purchased large
properties and was repeatedly elected a Member from his own
constituency.

These examples could be multiplied many fold. A separate
book written about these unions would be of some historical but
perhaps of greater romantic interest.

Intermarriage With British

With the growth of the Anglo-Indian Community the practice of
intermarriage with women of other Indian communities fell not only
into disuse, but even into disrepute. More and more Britons began to
seek their brides from among the Anglo-Indian women. The British
women found it impossible or were not even permitted to come
out to India in appreciable numbers. The regulations of the East
India Company at first prohibited the British women from shar-
ing the lives, the hazards and the privations of their fathers,
brothers or husbands in the India of those days. As time went
by, every new arrival, from Governor and Member of the Council
downwards, found a wife for himself from among the daughters
of Anglo-Indian homes. Thus, there were towards the end of
the 17th and the beginning of the 18th Centuries what were known
as the Upper Orphanage and the Lower Orphanage. The Upper
Orphanage Schools were aided by British Military officers. Many
of these orphans were first or second generation Anglo-Indians,
that is, their mothers were cither Anglo-Indian, Hindu or Muslim,
married to British officers. There was also the Lower Orphanage
Schools for the children or wards of non-commissioned officers or
privates. To these orphanages according to their ranks went
practically all Britons to find a wife. It was the endeavour of
the promoters, “To render the girls agreeable and engaging in
their dh^ortment so that they might make eligible marriages in

OX! GIN AND CXOWTII

17

the settlement”, and the marriages were usually arranged for the
girls at what would now be regarded as an extremely tender age.
TIiuj, “The promoters regretted that several of the young ladies
who had reached the age or 13 years and yet had received no
proposals or marriage which the Managers could approve of.”

The Briton in India at that period was no different from the
Briton Vi ho remained behind in his own country. The moral code in
England had reached a particularly low ebb. The Anglo-Indian
Community has thus descended from the same stock, moral or
immoral, as the British of those days. In some ways life was easy,
extravagant and even licentious. In other wap the limes required
rough, ruthless but also courageous living. Not only was the dress
extravagant and utterly unsuiied to the climate, but so also was
the food consumed. The daily menu was remarkably elabor-
ate. The wealthier merchant had several servants: he usually
had between 100 and J50 servants : the Jess wealthy anything
between 50 and 100. Even a young officer during a campaign
was accompanied by 7 or 8 servants, 15 or so coolies to carTy his
luggage, his wine, his brandy, tea, his live poultry and his milch
cows. Europeans and Anglo-Indians lived close to and were much
influenced by Indian customs. Those who could afford it, ate and
drank intemperately. The staple drink was ‘Arak* which was
later replaced by Madeira and in the 19th Century by whisky.
Not only the men but even the women smoked. The chewing of
betelnut was a general practice.

Vital Bulwark— 1 Velcomed As Equals

From 1650 to 1783 India was tom by internecine tribal and
clan i carfare. The confusion was made worse confounded by
the Portuguese, the Dutch, the French and the British fighting either
among themselves or taking sides with the warring Indian Chiefs.

By about 1750 the number of Anglo-Indians exceeded the number
of Britons in India. This increase was welcomed by the Company
as it gave them the necessary man-power to draw upon. As the
territories of the Company expanded, it became involved in
warlike activities. Bound to the British by ties of blood, langu-
age, dress and habits the Anglo-Indians formed a vital bulwark
of the growing power of the East India Company. In the beginn-
ing of the 18th Century Britain was largely occupied in fighting

ORIGIN AND GROWTH

19

The government was centralised in the Governor-General who was
assisted by a Council of about 4 members. By this time also the
Anglo-Indians had forged for themselves a position of respect in
the Administration. Many of them had literally fought their way
by capacity, work and character to the highest civil and military
positions in the Country. They were treated by the Indian popula-
tion not only with respect but even with deference- By that time
they had become perhaps the most wealthy and influential Commu-
nity in India. Members of the Community filled the highest posts
in the civil and military departments. There was no discrimina-
tion, cither social, economic or racial.

First Betrayal

Discrimination and deliberate oppression were, in the next few
years, to be the return for their vital services. There had been
almost constant friction between the Directors of the East India
Company and the Government in India in the mailer of patron-
age and tire filling of appointments. The complex of greed,
baseless fear and brazen ingratitude was to be the guiding motive
of policy towards the Community in the next few years. For some
time the shareholders of the East India Company had watched
with growing dissatisfaction the Englishmen returning from India
who had become inordinately rich, sometimes in a comparatively
short space of time. A feeling began to mount that positions of
responsibility and influence should now become the perquisite of
the relatives and sons of shareholders in England and that appoint-
ments should no longer be made by the Government on the spot
and least of all to persons born in India or with an intermingl-
ing of Indian blood. Motives of greed were fortuitously buttress-
ed by happenings in the Spanish possession of Haiti. This was an
island in the Carribean which had been discovered by Columbus
and annexed by Spain. The French also gained a footing in Haiti.
In time a large population of Mulattos, persons of mixed European
and Negro blood, came into existence. The French supported a
policy of liberalism towards the Mulattos; this was not, however,
favoured by the Spaniards. In the American War of Independ-
ence which came to an end in 1785, the French had joined hands
with the Americans against the British. They had sent a number
of their Mulatto troops who had fought side by side with the

20 THE STORT or THE ANGLO-INDIAN COifMUNITT

Americans helping them to throw off their yoke. Subsequently,
the French resiled from their policy ofliberalism and joined hands
with the Spaniards in seeking to oppress the Mulattos, and also
the Negro population. Having once tasted freedom, the Mulattos
were not easily crushed. Mulattos such as Ogc, Rigaud, Pinchinet
and Banvais, rose in revolt and led the Mulatto and Negro troops
until they had wrested their freedom and the IHack Republic was
established. Several Mulattos suffered unspeakable atrocities.
They were broken on the rack and were hanged before freedom
was achieved. This event in far-off Haiti svas seized upon by the
shareholders of the Cast India Company to reinforce their attempts
to capture key posts in India for their sit-at-home offspring.

By this time the British forces in India had l>ecn considerably
emasculated owing to England being constantly at war. The
canard was generated that Indian soldiers led by Anglo-Indian
officers might well emulate the story of Haiti and drive the British
out of India As the first step in this policy of monopolising the posts
in India for themselves the Directors of the East India Company,
under pressure from their shareholders, directed their first attack
against the wards of the Upper Orphanage School at Calcutta.
This school, which had been founded in 1782, catered for the
orphans of British Military officers. Many of these orphans verc
first generation Anglo-Indians, that is, their mothers were either
Hindu, Muslim or Anglo-Indian married to British officers. On
the 14th March, 1 786, an order was promulgated prohibiting
practically all these wards from proceeding to England in order to
complete their education after which they usually entered the
covenanted civil services or became officers in British regiments
in India.

There was also a Lower Orphanage for the children or wards of
British non-commissioned officers and privates. There svas a flame
of indignation among the British Officers in India. Their sons and
grandsons, reared in the sound and sight of cannon and amidst the
dust and din of battle and sudden death, were now to be deprived
of their traditional occupation of bearing arms. It svas pointed
out that this discrimination was directed against Anglo-Indians
and more especially against orphans of British officers who had
given their lives in the service of the Company. It was underlined
that any Indian could proceed to England for further studies and

ORIGIN AND GROWTH

21

that those British fathers who could afTord it could and would send
thet'r Anglo-Indian sons to Britain for further studies or to settle
in England and that this order was wanton and heartless. The
shareholders, however, won the day. In fact, this lint victory
merely whetted their appetite for still further oppression and ex-
propriation of worthwhile cadres in India. Increasing pressure
was brought by the shareholders on the Directors of the East India
Company until in 1791 they resolved that persons of Indian extraction
svere precluded from employment as officers in the Civil, Military
or Marine services of the Company. This prohibition was publish-
ed in the Calcutta Gazette or the 14th June, 1792. Thus a blanket
embargo was placed on Anglo-Indians entering the official cadres
of the civil and military services.

The appetite of the shareholders grew with feeding. Worse was
to follow. Not satisfied with closing the officers cadres to the
Anglo-Indians, the shareholders felt that they must go a step
further if their policy was to be completely successful. The
Government in India represented by the Govemor-General-in-
Council had fought successively losing battles and ultimately suc-
cumbed in 1795. The Govemor-Gcneral-i'n-Coundl was prevail-
ed upon or compelled to pass a resolution by which all persons
unless descended from European parents on both sides were dis-
qualified from service in the army except as fifers, drummers,
bandsmen and farriers, that is as non-combatants. In the words
of Herbert Stark, “Within a brief period of 1 0 years, lying between
1786 and 1795, by the standing orders of the Great East India
Company Anglo-Indians had been reduced to the status of a pro-
scribed and down-trodden race.” This policy was immediately
Implemented and Anglo-Indians were discharged en masse from
official positions in the civil service and the army.

Apparently conscience was not part of the make-up of the
Directors or the East India Company. As soon as Anglo-Indians
had served their purpose in the Maratha War of 1803 they were
faced with the final blow. One Viscount Valentia had been
commissioned by the East India Company to visit their possessions
between the period 1802 to 1806. His visit coincided with the
currents or suspicion and nervousness that had been generated
against the Anglo-Indians by what had happened in far-off Haiti.
In 1806 Lord Valentia with the assumed authority, which globe-

22

THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

trotters usually arrogate to themselves, without any real know-
ledge or experience of the subject he was treating wrote as follows,
“The most rapidly accumulating evil of Bengal is the increase of
half-caste children. They are forming the Erst step to colonisa-
tion by creating a link of union between the English and the
natives. In every country where this intermediate caste has been

permitted to rise, it has ultimately tended to its ruin. Spanish-
America and San Domingo are examples of this fact. Their in-
crease in India is beyond calculation : and though possibly there
may be nothing to fear from the sloth of the Hindus, and the rapidly
declining consequence of Musalmans, yet it may be justly ap-
prehended that this tribe may hereafter become too powerful for
control. Although they are not permitted to hold offices under the
Company, yet they act as clerks in almost every mercantile house;
and many of them are annually sent to England to receive the
benefit of an European education. With numbers in their favour,
with a close relationship to the natives, and without an equal pro-
portion or the pusillanimity and indolence which is natural to
than, what may not in future time be dreaded from them!"

n the basis of that criminally ignorant report, an order was
issued in 1808 discharging Anglo-Indians from all ranks of the
sh Thc first act of betrayal of the Community

was ruthlessly implemented. Yet another major blot was thus
^ °n already shame-scarred escutcheon of

D™„„ of the Company. Thereafter a denre, impregnable
Annin wr* an cconomic discrimination was drawn around the
Mg o.I„d,,„ Some ereaped by claiming be Eorepean. They

XSl “"'i A 1— - 5- *—

chapter m

FREE-LANCE SOLDIERS
Scholars and Poets

BETRAYED by the Administration, driven out of the sendees,
Anglo-Indians nurtured in the profession of arms followed the
only course open to them. They offered their services to the
Indian Princes and to soldiers of fortune. The Maharatta Chief-
tains, the Nizam or Hyderabad, the Nawabs of Bengal and Oudb,
the famous Tippu Sultan of Mysore, the Rajas of Rajputana, the
Jat Chiefs of Agra, Bharatpur and Alwar, and Ranjit Singh,
the Lion of the Punjab, welcomed the Anglo-Indians as officers.
Madhoji Scindia, who founded the Gwalior dynasty and built up
the most powerful princely army of the time, employed a large
number of Anglo-Indian officers to train and lead his soldiers.
Anglo-Indians also joined free-lances such as the turbulent Irish-
man Raja Ccorge Thomas. Others raised their own Corps of
infantry and cavalry.

This was the period of Indian history which has been described
as 'The Great Anarchy’. At that time India was tom with inter-
necine strife. The power of the Mughals had crumbled and the
Country was overrun by Chieftains and Warlords. Because of the
military genius of Gen. Count dcBoigne, Commander-in-Chief
of Madhoji Scindia* s armies, the power of Scindia had spread over
the greater part of Hindustan from the Nerbudda to the Sutlej.
Hundreds of thousands of floating soldiery transferred their allegi-
ance according to the prospects of loot and plunder.

The territories even of the most powerful Princes such as Scindia
and Holkar never had any real peace. The peasantry enjoyed
neither security of person nor of property. The forces of the
Maharatta Chiefs were constantly out in detachments raising armies,
reducing forts or punisliing refractory officers or zamindars all
over Rajputana, Malwa and Bhopal. The system of plunder in-
dulged in by the leading Princes inevitably encouraged local

24 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

populations, which were predisposed to marauding, to take to
plundering the Country. In fact, most of the Princes encouraged
such marauding bands as affording additional means for enlarg-
ing their own sphere of military plunder. As a result, before 1814
the Country was overrun by predatory bands, known as the Pindaris,
who systematically ravaged every district from the Krishna to the
Marwar desert. In 1814 they were estimated to consist of about
a hundred thousand horsemen of all sorts and conditions. Treacher-
ous, indulging in every form of barbarity, these banditti laid waste
the Country with fire and sword.

James Skinner

A detailed account of Anglo-Indian soldiers of this period would
make thrilling reading. This was the period of Lt. Col. James
Skinner. An almost fabulous figure, he raised Skinner’s Hone
which achieved world fame. It continues till today as one of
India’s finest units. The tradition has also continued of associat-
ing one of Skinner's descendants with this famous regiment. This
is not the place to give any biographical sketch of Skinner. A
brief reference will have to be sufficient. James Skinner was bom
in 1778 and was the son of a Scotsman, Ensign Hercules Skinner,
who rose to the rank of Lt. Col. His mother was the daughter of
a Rajput Zamindar: she had been taken prisoner at the age of 14
during the war with Raja Cheit Singh. Of the three sons, David
went to sea and James and Robert distinguished themselves as
soldiers. On the mother’s death the boys were sent to a charity
school. From there they were removed to a boarding school.
James was subsequently apprenuced to a printer in Calcutta.
Disgusted with the unimaginative chores of the printer’s trade, he
ran away with the intention of going to sea For six days he
wandered in the bazaars offering to work for anyone tv ho would hire
him. Surprised by a servant of his elder sister’s household, he was
taken home and duly chastised He was then put to copy law
papers in his brother-in-law’s office and in return received his food.
After about three months Skinner was visited by his godfather,
Col. Bum, who, finding that the young lad’s heart was set on soldier-
ing, gave him a letter of introduction to General deBoigne, the
Commander-in-Chief of Madhoji Scindia's armies.

Skinner soon became efficient partknfaaty iw she \»t e£ the sword

rREE-LANCT. SOLDI FJIS

25

and the lance. In recognition of his valour at the battle of Chand-
kori General Perron, who had succeeded deBoigne, promoted him
to the rank of Lieutenant. At the siege of Cliinor Skinner saved
Sdndta’s life. To express his gratitude, the Maharaja held a
special Durbar at which, after embracing Skinner, presented him
with a charger, a sword, a shield and a pair of gold bangles set
with diamonds. Skinner’s valour won him further laurels. He
was promoted to be a Captain and his brother Robert, who re-
ceived a Commission from Perron, was appointed to his Corps. In
an encounter with the army of the Raja of Oonercali, Madhoji
Scindia’s soldiers deserted him : Skinner’s I lorsc alone remained loyal.
In the battle Skinner was shot through the groin and left on the
field with more than a thousand of his slain sol diers. Skinnrrhasleft
a graphic account, in Persian, of the terrible'suflerings of that night.

Skinner records that Jaswant Rao Holkar, one of the leading
Maharatta Chiefs, was always jealous of Scindia’s power. Holkar
raised an army and attacked part of Scindia’s forces which were
led by Colonel Hessing, an Anglo-Indian officer. Hessing’s brigade
which had become detached from the main body of Scindia's forces
was surrounded and cut to pieces by Holkar’s army after putting
up a gallant resistance for 15 days. Skinner records that in this
encounter 16 Anglo-Indian officers were killed: many of them
had been to school with him.

At this time events were moving to the culmination, in 1803, of
war between the British and the Maharattas. The Maharatta
Chieftains had enormous forces at their disposal. On behalf of
Scindia Perron himself commanded sixteen to seventeen thousand
regular infantry, fifteen to twenty thousand cavalry and the usual
complement of artillery. Had the Maharattas not been divided
by their age-long rivalries and feuds, they could have mustered a
force two hundred to three hundred thousand strong. When Lord
Wellesley declared war against the Maharattas, all Anglo-Indian
and British officers serving with any Maharatta Prince were order-
ed to leave. Skinner was among those officers. lVhile being dis-
missed, however, from the Maharaja’s service, he protested against
his dismissal. He was completely Indian in the sense that he
had been brought up among and served with Indians. He had no
ties with Britain. His father was dead and his brother had been
given a Commission by Begum Sumru. In fact, he had little con-

26 tiie stort or the ancumndi.w cmmuNirr

fidence in British faith. Finally, he was persuaded by liis fellow-
officers to meet Lord Lake, the Commander-in-Chief of the British
forces. He was treated with extreme cordiality and offered a
Command by Lord Lake and given the right to raise a troop of
horse. Skinner, however, had a deep sense of loyalty. One of
the terms which he insisted on ssas that he would not fight Ins old
comrades-in-arms: nobody would draw sword against Madhoji
Scindia, whose salt he liad eaten, or Perron under whom he had
served. Ultimately, Skinner became a great favourite with Lord
Lake. He formed his Corps of cavalry from a body of Perron’s
men who had served under him. The men, in fact, insisted on
serving under ‘Sikander Sahib', as James Skinner was known.
‘Sikander* was a corruption of Alexander, the reference being to
Alexander the Great.

Skinner's first action under the British colours covered his Corps
svith glory. Having captured the fort of Malaghur from Madho
Rao, he was congratulated by Lord Lake and placed in general
command of the country between Aligarh and Delhi. During that
period with only COO men he cut up about 5000 Sikhs at Saharan-
pur and made prisoners of the confederate Chiefs who had assembl-
ed on the banks of the Jumna.

Because of the jealousies existing among the Maharatta Chiefs,
all their schemes for unity came io naught. Scindia and Holkar,
in spite of efforts to unite, failed to do so. Ranjit Singh of Lahore
also backed out from supporting Scindia. Holkar, Bltonsle, who
was Maharaja of Nagpur, and Scindia, although promising to work
together never did so and were destroyed one by one by the British.
The regular brigades received no assistance from the cavalry and
were, during the battles, deserted by the officers who led them. It
is interesting to reflect that had the Anglo-Indian officers, who had
distinguished themselves in the service of the Maharatta Chiefs,
remained to lead the otherwise courageous Maharatta soldiery,
the history or British arms in India might well have l>ecn different-
ly written. Holkar first tortured and then barbarically put to death
eight or his best officers. The most eminent of these was Col.
Vickers, an Anglo-Indian, who was mainly responsible for Hotkar's
victory over the Peshwa’s army at Poona on the 25th October,
1002. Vickers Kith seven officers, all Anglo-Indians, were beheaded
in one day.

27

F»rr-LASCX S0U5TEXS

Lord Lake met the remnants orScindia’s forces and afler a bloody
battle totally destroyed them.

Skinner and his men saw considerable service against Amir Mian,
the most powerful of the predatory Chiefs of this period. In an
encounter with his forces, Robert Skinner displayed particular
gallantry. Lord Lake sent a letter in Tenian to tl.e Corps
commending their services. Skinner’s Horse covered itself vmh to
much glorv that when they were passing through Delhi, the
Resident, Col. (afterwards General Sir) David Oehtrrlony, impret-
ed than and unbuckling his rword gave it to their Corps Commander.
JmraSlimrer. On the 19th Drorml*r, 1805, Hollar anti httiijit
Singh mctl for tetnu. Injanoaty, 1806. at the md of the campaign
*11 the irregular troops Mere ditelutrged. Slinner’l svas the only
Corps of irregular cavalry that was retained and made permanent
as a reward for their courageous and faithful service.

On Lord Cornwallis’ death in Ghazipur, in 1C05, his successor
Sir George Barlow ordered, among other reductions, the disband-
ment of Skinner’s Horse. With tears in his ryes Lord Lake, the
Comxnander-in-Chief, communicated this news to Skinner. His
men received pensions and gratuity, while James and Robert were
granted Jagin yielding Rs. 20,000 /- a year. Shortly after this,
however, when it was decided that British subjects will not hold
land, the Jagirs were withdrawn and pensions were granted. Tlut
pleased neither of the two brothers nor their friend Lord Lake.

Not long after there was trouble with the Sikhs. Once again,
the British Administration rushed for help to Skinner. He svas
asked to raise a Corps for the settlement of the Harriana District.
On the death of his brother in 1825, Skinner’s Corps was reduced
in strength. Skinner's reaction was an eloquent commentary on
the administration’s policy at the time.

“I was, however, soil at the head of 1200 horse : and in 1822 I
went to Calcutta, where 1 was very kindly greeted by Lord Hastings.
He promised that he would not lessen my command by a single man;
hut no sooner had he left the Country than my Corps was at once
reduced to 800 men. Rapid, indeed, has been my fall. In the
Maharatta service from 1796 to 1C03, 1 had always a well-grounded
hope of rising in rank and fortune; no question was ever raised as to
my birth there. When I entered the British service, I believed that
had found a field in which the fruits of zeal and fidelity would be

26 THE STOUT or THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITT

fidence in British faith. Finally, he was persuaded by his fellow-
officers to meet Lord Lake, the Commander-in-Chief of the British
forces. He was treated with extreme cordiality and offered a
Command by Lord Lake and given the right to raise a troop of
horse. Skinner, however, had a deep sense of loyalty. One of
the terms which he insisted on was that he would not fight his old
comrades-in-arms : nobody would draw sword against Madhoji
Scindia, whose salt he had eaten, or Ferron under whom he had
served. Ultimately, Skinner became a great favourite with Lord
Lake. He formed his Corps of cavalry from a body of Perron’*
men who had served under him. The men, in fact, insisted on
serving under ‘Sikandcr Sahib’, as James Skinner was known.
‘Sikander’ was a corruption or Alexander, the reference being to
Alexander the Great.

Skinner’s first action under the British colours covered his Corps
with glory. Having captured the fort of Malaghur from Madho
Rao, he was congratulated by Lord Lake and placed in general
command of the country between Aligarh and Delhi. During that
period with only COO men he cut up about 5000 Sikhs at Saharan-
pur and made prisoners of the confederate Chiefs who had assembl-
ed on the banks of the Jumna.

Because of the jealousies existing among the Maharatta Chiefs,
all their schemes for unity came to naught. Scindia and Holkar,
in spite of efforts to unite, failed to do so. Ranjit Singh ofLahorc
also backed out from supporting Scindia. Holkar, Bhonsle, who
was Maharaja of Nagpur, and Scindia, although promising to work
together never did so and were destroyed one by one by the British.
The regular brigades received no assistance from the cavalry and
were, during the battles, deserted by the officers who led them. It
is interesting to reflect that had the Anglo-Indian officers, who had
distinguished themselves in the service of the Maharatta Chiefs,
remained to lead the otherwise courageous Maharatta soldiery,
the history of British arms in India might well have been different-
ly wTitten. Holkar first tortured and then barbarically put to death
eight of his best officers. The most eminent of these was Col.
Vickers, an Anglo-Indian, who was mainly responsible for Holkar’s
victory over the Peshwa’s army at Poona on the 25th October,
1802. Vickers with seven officers, all Anglo-Indians, were beheaded
in one day.

23 THE STORT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITT

matured and reaped in perfection; and no exertions on my part
were spared to forward this object. I imagined myself to be serv-
ing a people who had no prejudices against caste or colour. But
I found myself mistaken. All I desired was justice. If I was not
to share in all the privileges of a British subject, let me be regarded
as a native and treated as such. If I was to be regarded as a
British subject, did the hard labour and ready service of twenty
years merit no more than a pension of 300 rupees per month; with-
out either rank or station and after the distinct and repeated pro-
mises of the permanent maintenance of my Corps, was it fair that
1 should be left liable to be commanded by the youngest subaltern
in the army, deprived of the hope which I had so fondly enter-
tained of passing my old age tranquilly in that service to which my
better years had been devoted? But I thank my Creator that
there remains one source of satisfaction — one consolation under
every disappointment; and it is this— that I have ever discharged my
duty as a soldier with honour and credit; that during the space of
twenty years, in which I have served with Europeans, no one can
ever upbraid me with dishonouring ‘the steel’, or being ‘faithless
to my salt’ : that, finally, though I have failed in gaining what I
desired and deserved — that is rank — I have proved to the world
that I was worthy of it.”

In 1826 on the recommendation of the Government Skinner was
made Commander of the Bath. The British Government was
further pleased to declare, "This officer has so often been brought
to our notice that his services must no longer be neglected; there-
fore, let the gift of rank be bestowed by the Crown.” The rank
of Lt. Col. was granted to both Skinner and Gardner. It would
appear that Lord Combermerc had to wear down the opposition
of some of the British military officers who did not view favourably
the conferment of this rank on Skinner.

In 1831 Skinner was directed to proceed with two Risalas of
his Cavalry to Rupar where a grand meeting had been arranged
between the British Governor-General and Ranjit Singh. The
latter attended this Durbar superbly dressed. He wore on his left
arm the famous Koh-i-Noor diamond. Lord Bentinck presented
Skinner with an elegant silver vase on which there was an inscrip-
tion acknowledging Skinner’s outstanding services.

On the 4th December, 1841, the lion-hearted leader of the famous

r*rx-LANcr. souitrxs 29

•Yellow Bays* away. He died at Harm after a short illnew.

On the 17th January, 1012, h« remains wore disinterred and es-
corted by the regiment to the church which he 1ml built in Delhi.
Four miles from the city the cortege was met by a vatt multitude.
Sixty-three guns were then fired corresponding to his age. Pull
military honours were paid to him. It was said, "No Linperor
was ever brought to Delhi in such state as SiVander Sahel)."

Skinner was as modest as he was a dashing soldier. It is said
that he used to have a wooden ladle placed before him at meals to
remind him of his humble origin. He was short, sturdily built and
dark in complexion. Apart from his skill and courage as a soldier
and leader of men, Skinner was a Persian scholar and kept his diary
in that language.

The Gardners

Col. William Linnaeus Gardner was the founder not only of the
well-known Gardner’s Horse, which continues today as one of
India's proud regiments but also of the rather prolific Gardner
family. William Gardner was gazetted as an Ensign in the 18lh Foot
on the 7th March, 1793. He was the eldest son of Major Valentine
Gardner who was the elder brother of Alan, First Lord Gardner.
He became a free-lance soldier and had a most adventurous
career. Before 1798 he entered the service of the Maharatta
Chieftain Jaswam Rao Holkar and raised a brigade of infantry for
him. Holkar sent him on a mission to negotiate a treaty with the
independent Princes of Cambay, a State on the west coast of India.
Gardner married Princess Mehr Manzul-un-nUsa when she sms
13 years of age. This granddaughter of the Prince of Cambay was
eventually adopted by Akbar Shall who succeeded Shah AJam as
the Emperor at Delhi. It would appear that in 1 804 Gardner was
in the service of the Raja of Jaipur. When he joined the British,
he raised a cavalry Corps known as Gardner’s Horse.

Gardner served as a leader of this irregular horse unit with the
rank of Captain under Lord Late. Later with the rank of Lt. Col.
he rendered invaluable service under Sir David Ochterlony. His
unit was first known as a Corps of irregular cavalry and afterwards
was described as Gardner's Local Hone.

Gardner was a skilled rider and swordsman. He was held in
very high esteem by both Indians and Europeans. He was dcs-

30 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

cribcd as a gentleman and a soldier of pleasing address and un-
common ability. Gardner and his wife arc said to have led an
ideally happy life. He resided at his estate at Khasgunj in Etah
District. He died there on the 20th July, 1835, at the age of 65.
Hts wife is said to have died of a broken heart within six months
after the death of her husband.

Col. Gardner had two sons and a daughter by his Princess wife.
Alan, the second son, who died in 1828, was married to one Bibi
Saheba Hinga. They had two daughters, Susan and Hurmuzi.
Susan married Prince Anjam Shikoh: Hurmuzi married in 1834
Stuart William Gardner, an Ensign in the 28th Native Infantry,
the son of Rear-Admiral Francis Gardner, nephew of the second
Baron Gardner and grandson of the first Baron Gardner. Their
son Alan Hyde succeeded to the title. He married in 1879 Jane,
a converted Princess or the House of Delhi who had a son in 1881.

The Gardner family lived in a princely style but ultimately their
estates were mortgaged and then lost. In 1883 Alan Hyde Gardner
claimed the title of fourth Baron. On the death of Alan Hyde a
few years before 1889, his son Alan Legg, who was Reference Clerk
in the Library of the Government Secretariat of the United Pro-
vinces, claimed to have succeeded to the title.

Hyder Hearsey

To this period also belonged Major Hyder Young Hearsey, one
of the most colourful Anglo-Indians of that time. He was the son
of a Jat lady by Capt. Henry Hearsey. By coincidence be was
given the name of Hyder, which was the name of one of England’s
greatest enemies at that time, Hyder Ali of Mysore. It is believed
that his second name was ‘Jung’, meaning tsar, which was sub-
sequently anglicised to Young. Hyder Young Hearsey was edu-
cated at Woolich. Owing to the ban against the admission of
Anglo-Indians into the Company’s Army he would have been deni-
ed a Commission but for the influence of his cousin Col. Andrew
Hearsey, Commandant of the Allahabad Fort. His first appoint-
ment was as aide-de-camp to the Nawab Wazir at Bcnaras : he soon
effected an exchange into the Maharatta service under Madhoji
Scindia. Partly because of his knowledge of Trench, Hearsey
was made aide-de-camp to General Perron who was then command-
ing Scindia’s armies. Ultimately because of Perron’s partiality

TREE-LANCE SOLDIERS

31

to certain French officers, Hearsey and Hopkins, another Anglo-
Indian, left and entered the sen-ice of Raja George Thomas. Sub-
sequently Thomas fell out with Madhoji Scindia and a French
officer by the name of Bourguin was sent with two divisions of the
Maharatta army to conquer Hissar, Thomas’ principality, and to
reduce Hansi, the capital. In the various actions that ensued,
Bourguin was repeatedly defeated by Thomas and his lieutenants
Heaney and Hopkins. Finding that he could not reduce Hansi
by the normal methods of warfare, Bourguin resorted to treachery
and sought to bribe Thomas’ soldiers into desertion. Soon Tliomas
found that he had not sufficient men to man the walls of his fort.
With Heaney he withdrew into his citadel where he was besieged
by Bourguin but without decision. Eventually Thomas was
induced to give up the citadel named Gcorgc-ghur. He was
allowed to march out with all the honours of war, to retain his arms,
his family and his private property : he was also paid three hundred
thousand rupees.

Shortly after this Hearsey left Thomas and raising a troop of
5000 men in the Mewathi country, began to subdue the district for
himself. In 1B04 he received an invitation from Lord Lake to
come over to him. Hearsey accordingly disbanded his men with
the exception of one regiment of picked cavalry. With these he
fought in the battle of Dcigh. As a reward his men were formed
into a cavalry regiment under his command. Hearsey was sent to
quell the insurrection of Rohillas which he did successfully. Sir
George Barlow, acting Governor-General, however, ill-adviscdly
ordered the disbandment of his Horse and even refused to pay the
soldiers the pension that had been promised by the Government.

In the following year Hearsey went exploring the sources of the
Jumna and the Ganges. In 1809 he found himself undertaking
a more attractive task of expelling the Gurkhas from the Oudh
Terai. His campaign was completely successful and he took the
Gurkha Chieftain a prisoner.

Hearsey had become acquainted with the Raja of Tehri Garhwal
who was living in very straitened circumstances at Bareilly. The
Raja was the representative of the Chand family that had ruled
over Garhwal for many centuries. He was the heir of Raja
Pradhuman Shah who was driven from his dominion by the Gurkhas
in 1803. Pradhuman Shah made a valiant attempt to recover his

32 THE STORY OP THE AXGlO-tSOUN COSIUITSITY

territories, but was defeated and killed near Dclira in I COI. Hit
successor, despairing of regaining /n't territories and throne, o/Tered
to sell part ofit to Heaney. The transaction seemed to be extreme-
ly rash in nature because of the inclination or the British authorities
to avoid war with the Gurkhas. Hcarsey was, however, not only
absolutely fearless but of an enterprising character. He enter-
tained the idea of reconquering Garhwal for the Raja and himself.
The sale was, therefore, concluded by a formal deed. According
to this deed the Raja sold to Hcarsey the I’argunnas of Doon and
and Chandee. This was in IBM. Heaney thus owned the svhole
territory between Kaht and Gonda.

After the Gurkha war of 1015, the British Government reinstated
the Raja in parts of his dominion, but certain parts which included
the Doon and Chandee and the present district of Garhwal were
retained by the British Hcarsey brought his purchase to the notice
of the Government which bought the Parganna of Chandee from
him for a sum which was to be payable to Hcarsey and bis successors
in perpetuity commencing from the \st of January, IB12. In the
same deed Heaney promised that when the Doon valley came into
the possession of the Company, he would sell that propf rly also to the
Company. But for reasons best known to it, the Cast India Company
failed to complete the purchase of the Doon and the efforts of
Heaney's descendants to get the British authorities to honour these
transactions consistently failed.

In 1014 Heaney and Dr William Moorcraft journeyed into
Chinese Tartary and were the fint foreigners to set eyes on the
Mansarosvar and Rakastal lakes. On his return I/earsey submitted
his report to the Government with an illustra led map and received a
present of 6000/- rupees. In the following year Heaney was eng-
aged in another campaign against the Gurkhas.

The capture orilharatpur was the last campaign in which Heaney
fought. The old warrior emerged Hrom his retirement to volunteer
his services in spite of the many wounds that he had received dur-
ing his many campaigns and despite rhe churlish treatment meted
out to him by the Company. After the fall or Bharalpur Heaney
retired to his house in Karch where he lived in great state and happi*
ness until his death in 1810. His wire, a Princess of Cambay,
survived him for about ten years. He left two sons and a daughter
who married Genera) Sir John Bennett Heaney of Afutiny fame.

FRET.-LANCE SOLD IFRS

33

The two sorts, John and William, entered die sen-ice of tJic King
ofOudh in 183G as they were unable to get commissions in the Com-
pany's service because of their mixed descent. On the annexation of
the Province in 1852 both brothers were given commissions with the
rank of Captain and distinguished themselves during the Mutiny,
It is interesting to note the number of Anglo-Indian officers
involved in the battle between the Maharatta and the Nizam’s
armies. One of the most powerful Princes of the time, the Nizam
of Hyderabad, employed a large number of Anglo-Indian officers
to train and lead lus armies. On the 1 llh March, 1785, the Nizam’s
armies met the Maharatta forces at the battle of Kardla. The
armies of the Maharattas and the Nizam were almost equally
matched in numbers and equally well disciplined, being officered
largely by Anglo-Indians and Europeans.

The battle was really indecisive. The Nizam, who was an old
uncertain man, insisted on retreating when his Moghul cavalry,
on which he relied unduly, broke up in confusion under heavy fire
from the Maharatta rocket batteries. In the Maharatta army
there were many senior Anglo-Indian officers such as Col. Hess-
ing, Michael Filose, Dcrridon and many others. One of the most
distinguished Anglo-Indian officers of the Maharatta armies was
Col. Sutherland who married the niece of General Perron, the then
Commander-in-Chief of Madhoji Seindia’s armies, and the daughter
of Col. Hessing. Sutherland fought gallantly for Holkar and settled
at Mathura where he was buried.

In fact General Perron himself had married an Anglo-Indian
girl by the name of Dcrridon (the original name was perhaps
deRidon). He had two daughters, one of whom married a French
nobleman. The Dcrridon family was living at Koil in 1838.

General dtlioigne

General Count deBoigne was one of the most colourful and decisive
figures in those stirring times. His military genius and his many
qualities of head and heart made him not only the Commander-
in-chief of Madhoji Scindia’s armies, but uncrowned King of
Hindustan. On the 2nd February, 1794, Madhoji Scindia was
perhaps the most powerful Prince in Maharatta history with the
exception of Shivaji. The kingdom he left behind was the most
powerful in India.

34

THE STORY OP THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Its strength was due as much to the military genius of deBoigne
as to the statecraft of Scindia. It is said that deBoigne’s conduct
was governed throughout by the highest of principles. In 1795 in
the palace of Agra there was a solemn parting between deBoigne
and his young master of the House he had served so long and faith-
fully. deBoigne had resigned the service of Daulat Rao Scindia,
the grand-nephew of Madhoji Scindia.

deBoigne had contracted in India a marriage, according to the
usages of the Country, with the daughter of a Persian Colonel.
He had two children, a son named Alabux and a daughter named
Banu. They accompanied their father to France and were sub-
sequently baptised Mlto the Christian faith, the son being named
Charles Alexander and the daughter Anne. Charles married the
daughter of a French nobleman. On the death of the father the
estate passed to him.

deBoigne left behind in India two daughters by another marri-
age. In letters written to Col. Sutherland he showed his continu-
ing concern for these daughters. His landed estate in the Etah
District had been assigned to the support of the two girls.

A brief reference may be made to the extraordinary adventurer
Raja George Thomas, the Irish sailor who had deserted from the
Navy in 1782. Thomas served under Begum Sumru and achieved
great distinction. He was placed in command of her forces which
at first consisted of five battalions of infantry, some cavalry and
about 40 guns and included about 300 Anglo-Indians and Euro-
peans of various ranks. In 1788 he took part in the campaign on
behalf of the deposed Emperor Shah Alam. By his skill and daring
he succeeded in turning defeat into victory and saving the person
of the Emperor. Thomas also served under Madhoji Scindia and
then carved out a principality for himself. He was the undisputed
Raja of the Harriana province with his capital at Hansi. Ultimate-
ly he was brought to bay by the troops of Scindia under the com-
mand of one Bourguin who, however, allowed him honourable
terms of surrender on the 1st January, 1802. He went to Sardhana,
the. seat of Begum Sumru, where he spent some time. The Begum
took charge of his wife and family. He had married one of Begum
Sumru’s maids of honour by the name of Maria. Thomas him-
self was a Protestant, but Maria was a Roman Catholic and so
were her children.

FREE-LANCE SOLDIERS

35

George Thomas completely identified himself with his soldiers.
He was virtually illiterate in English but a scholar of Persian.
Jacob Thomas was one of the four children of George Thomas.
He served as an officer for many years with Begum Sumru. On
her death the Sardliana forces were disbanded and Jacob Thomas
joined Ranjit Singh in March, 1838. John Thomas was the eldest
son svho was known more for his literary activities and for his
Urdu verse.

Colonel Henry Forster — C.B.

Henry was the son of Henry Pitts Forster of the East India
Company’s Civil Service who came out to India in 1783 and was
subsequently appointed Master of the Calcutta Mint. The father
constructed, at Bhowanipore, a circular summer-house in the
centre of a tank. This was known as 'Forster's Folly*.

Henry was bom in 1793. Being or mixed descent he was dis-
qualified from obtaining service under the Company. Finally, he
joined what was the resort of all aspiring soldiers of the day, the
Mahratta Army. In 1816 he was appointed Adjutant of the
second regiment of Skinner’s Horse.

The following year he saw active service under General Sir John
Malcolm in the Pindari campaign and helped to run to earth
Chcetoo, the lawless freebooter. He fought in the battle of Mahin-
pore, aided Baji Rao, the last of the Peshwas, in quelling a mutiny
among his Arab mercenaries. In 1818 he was assisting Skinner’s
Horse to weed out the Pindari hordes from the districts of Dhar
and Jubboa. In 1819 Forster was made a Lieutenant and trans-
ferred his services to Roberts' Local Horse. In 1822, however,
he rejoined Skinner’s Horse where he was placed second in com-
mand. Eight years later he became Adjutant of the 3rd Local
Horse at Bareilly, and in 1834 he marched the regiment to
Neemuch-

About this lime the Government of India directed him to raise
a force for the suppression of a serious revolt in the Shekawatie
Country in Rajputana. This important task he carried out
successfully and furnished a brigade composed of two regiments of
Cavalry, two of Infantry and two batteries of Artillery commanded
by himself and officered by his three sons, Henry, William and
Thomas. With these levies he won— not without being wounded —

36 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNIST

the battles of Sikur, Gudhi and Khetri and captured the fortress
of Raluk from the insurgents.

During the first Punjab campaign of 1845-46 the Shekawatie
Brigade was actively employed. It was present at the battle of
Aliwal where Henry Forster (Senior) had a horse shot from under
him. On one occasion during the campaign Forster was ordered
to send a guard of four companies of the Shehawatics as escort Tor
the Commander-in-ChieF, Lord Gough. Forster selected the flank
companies of each of his regiments. When Lord Gough rode down
to the escort ranks and enquired where the officer in command was
and what regiment he was inspecting, he was informed that the
regiment was an Irregular one. Lord Gough then exclaimed if
an irregular regiment is like this, what must the regular be!
Forster received the Punjab medal and clasp of the campaign and
made a Companion of the Bath. It is noteworthy that although
Lord Gough urged the East India Company to promote Foister to
the rank of Colonel for his services, the Court of Directors declined
to accept the recommendation of the Commander-in-Chief. Cough,
however, prosed a staunch friend and in 1854 obtained for Forster
a Colonelcy in the Queen’s Army.

The strength of the Shekawatie Brigade was subsequently re-
duced to one regiment 0r Infantry, later known as the 13th Bengal
Native Infantry which was stationed at Dinaporc under the com-
mand of Col. James Michell, the grandson of Henry forster.
During the whole period of the Mutiny the loyalty or the regiment
was never suspect and unlike other regiments were allowed to keep
their arms. This dependability was due to the love and confi-
dence of the men in Henry Forster and his son William who succeed-
ed him in the command.

FREE-LANCE SOLDIERS

37

who left a legacy ofRs. 40,000, to the District Charitable Society.

With one exception all his daughters were married to officers of
the old Indian Army. His son Major Wiliam Fonter married
Miss Heaney; both their sons were in military service, one in the
Indian Army and the other in the 5th Lancers. Col. Forster’s
youngest son, Major-General Thomas Francis Forster married his
cousin Anne, a sister or Sir George Kellner who retired in England.
Their son Arthur, of the Punjab Police, married Miss Alice
Skinner. A handsome marble monument in the Lower Circular
Road Cemetery marked Col. Forster’s grave and had the follow-
ing inscription:

“In memory of
Colonel Henry Forster, C.B.

(H.M’f Indian Army)

Who died at Calcutta
on the 9th October, 1862
Aged 69 years.”

Poets and Scholars

ris significant that during this period of anarchy and strife
many Anglo-Indians distinguished themselves not only as soldiers
but as outstanding writers of Persian and Urdu verse. Up to 1 750
and indeed for about 50 years beyond that Europeans and Anglo-
Indians mixed freely with one another and with members of the
other communities. There was close social and cultural inter-
course. Persian and Urdu were the principal languages. Because
of this close intercourse a significant feature was the complete
mastery by many Anglo-Indians of both Persian and Urdu. Un-
fortunately, much of the literary production of that time and the
undoubtedly great influence that Anglo-Indians had on both
Persian and Urdu literature have been forgotten. Writing of this
period Mr. R.B. Saksena, a retired civil servant, said, “Englishmen
in India and Anglo-Indians not only distinguished themselves as
writers of Urdu and Persian verse, but were equally eminent in
the domain of English verse.” Continuing Saksena writes, “Their
poems reveal a remarkable knowledge of oriental literature, my-
thology and religion, local colour and history and minute details

36 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO- INDIAN COMMUNITY

the battles of Sikur, Gudhi and Khetri and captured the fortress
of Raluk from the insurgents.

During the first Punjab campaign of 1845-46 the Shekawalie
Brigade was actively employed. It was present at the battle of
Aliwal where Henry Forster (Senior) had a horse shot from under
him. On one occasion during the campaign Forster was Ordered
to send a guard of four companies or the Shekawaties as escort for
the Coinmander-in-Chief, Lord Gough. Forster selected the flank
companies of each of his regiments. When Lord Gough rode down
to the escort ranks and enquired where the officer in command was
and what regiment he was inspecting, he was informed that the
regiment was an Irregular one. Lord Gough then exclaimed if
an irregular regiment is like this, what must the regular be!
Forster received the Punjab medal and clasp or the campaign and
made a Companion of the Bath. It is noteworthy that although
Lord Gough urged the East India Company to promote Forster to
the rank of Colonel for his services, the Court of Directors declined
to accept the recommendation of the Commander-in-Chief. Gough,
how ever, proved a staunch friend and in 1854 obtained for Forster
a Colonelcy in the Queen’s Army.

The strength of the Shekawatie Brigade svas subsequently re-
duced to one regiment of Infantry, later known as the 13th Bengal
Native Infantry which was stationed at Dinaporc under the com-
mand of Col. James Michell, the grandson of Henry Torster.
During the whole period of the Mutiny the loyalty of the regiment
was never suspect and unlike other regiments were allowed to keep
their arms. This dependability was due to the love and confi-
dence of the men in Henry Forster and his son William who succeed-
ed him in the command.

On the outbreak of the Mutiny Forster again was detailed to
reduce the mutinous 34th N.I. and Ramghur Infantry in Singh -
boom, Manbhoom and Chaibassa. After having accomplished
this Forster was ordered to perform a similar task at Sumbulporc.
On his arrival there he was appointed Commissioner. His health
being impaired as result of a prolonged attack of fever, he pro-
ceeded to England on medical advice, returned to Calcutta, took
up his residence at 'Ball) gunge and died in 1E62.

Col. Forster first roamed Miss Kellner who was murdered at
•EbAYi decnerg nVe J/eruty*. His second wife teas an Indian lady

FREE-t-ANCE SOI-DIfaS

39

General Joseph BeruJey was bom on the 15th October, 1846,
and died on the 1st November, 1871, at the early age or 25. He
was not only the General Officer Commanding the Alwar lorccs
but had a reputation for several accomplishments. He was pro*
fident in music and composed Hindi songs. His range and versa lb
lity were deemed to be remarkable, the more so because he did not
have any special poetical master. Joseph Hensley married a
daughter of John Puech, an Anglo-Indian, and sister of George
Puech.

Gtorge Puech

George Puech is deemed to be the most prolific of Anglo-Indian
poets of Urdu. Bom in Koil on the 1st December, IB27, lie was
taught Urdu and Persian privately. According to Saksena,
“George Puech occupies a very high niche in the temple of Anglo-
Indian poetry and an honourable mention as a Urdu poet amongst
writers of Urdu verse. He had the rare distinction of writing with
ease in Persian and Urdu. He had a remarkable knowledge and
considerable command over these languages and wrote well and
copiously." The younger sister of Puech married James Gardner,
grandson of Col. Gardner.

The Palmers

Another well-known Anglo-Indian family of this period was the
Palmers. The founder was General Wiliam Palmer. His second
marriage was to a Muslim lady of Delhi who is said to have died
in Hyderabad in 1828 and was buried in the Palmer cemetery in
Hyderabad. By this marriage he had many sons and daughters.
The most famous was William or ‘King’ Palmer who entered the
military service of the Nizam in 1799. ‘King’ Palmer rose to the
rank of Brigadier and retired in 1810. He founded the famous
banking house of the Palmers. Incidentally ‘King’ Palmer built
up such a successful banking business that he was able to lend to
the Nizam, when he needed it, onemillion pounds. ‘King’ Painter's
daughter married Col. Meadows Taylor, the famous author of the
‘Confessions of a Thug*. In his memoirs Col. Meadows Taylor
testifies to the scholarship of his father-in-law, who was an accom-
lished Persian scholar.

gg THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

of Indian life and scenery. Many of them were authors of establish-
ed reputation.”

The Filose Family

One of the most distinguished Anglo-Indian families of this
period, the members of which achieved distinction both as soldiers
and scholars, was the Filose family of Gwalior. It played a not-
able part in the history of Central India. The founder of the
family was one Michael Filose who arrived in Calcutta in 1 770 A.D.
Ultimately he found service with deBoigne. Filose had two sons,
Jean Baptiste and Fidele by an Indian lady. Michael Filose ulti-
mately commanded a Corps under Madhoji Scindia which number-
ed eleven battalions. When he left for Europe, the command of
the battalions was taken over by his two sons. Jean Baptiste was
one of the few officers of European descent who fought alongside
Madhoji Scindia against the British. After Scindia’s defeat Jean
Baptiste joined him and remained in his service for many yean
as Commander-in-Chief. Jean Baptiste was perhaps the only
military adventurer of Hindustan who survived the disaster of
1803. Jean Baptiste had a colourful career. Before Scindia’s
defeat by the British, he used to go out on ‘kingdom taking’ expedi-
tions. He was the Commander-in-Chief of the State Army which
consisted of thirty thousand regular sepoys and the famous artillery
which had remained with him since the days of deBoigne. Jean
Baptiste served the Scindia House for 37 years and died in 1846.
He built up a reputation not only as a great soldier but as a great
scholar of Persian.

The greatest poet the family produced was Sir Florence Filose.
He was born in 1829 and died in the Gwalior State at the ripe age
of 83. He married one Mary Anne and both of them were buried
in the Filose Chapel at Gwalior. Florence Filose had two sons.
Col. Albert Filose and Major Clement Filose. Sir Florence’s elder
brother was Col. Sir Peter Filose who died in Gwalior on the 4th
July, 1872 : he was head of the criminal administration of Gwalior.
The youngest brother was Lt. Col. Sir Michael Filose who was
bom on the 18th April, 1836, and died on the 5th February, 1925.
He served under four Maharajas. A famous architect he designed
and constructed the famous Jai Vilas Palace. At the Delhi Darbar of
1911 his Majesty the King conferred the K.C.I.E. on Michael Filose.

4t

raEE-tASCE SOLDIERS

the Emperor AVlur conferred on Itim the title or Nawab and placed
the imperial Sentglio in hit care, having f.nt talren the precaution
of marrying him to hit Chrittian tvife't titter Lady J“b»t“-
olhce remained in the family till 1734 tthen Nadir Shah tacked

hittory of the family really begin! vrith Salvador Bourbon.
Col. Popham, the Britilh resident of Givalior, gate him a Jagtr and
a home in the State. Salvador vvat employed by the Begum of
Bhopal and remained in her terviee till her death. He vvat recalled
to the Bhopal terviee and made Commander-In-Chief or the torect.
In that capacity he vvat actively engaged in defending e la c
agaimt the Mahaiattat and the Pindari frrebooten that infatetl

theCountry. In this task hewas assisted by hit cousin Pedro u -

bon. Ultimately Scindia and another Maharalta Ch.efta.n
Bhonsle, the Raja of Nagpur, tent their combined forces to Bhop
to avenge their previous defeat. The Bhopal army was .defeated
by thit combind force or over 00,000. Salvador retreated vaith
small force of 3000 to guard the city. Hit heroism Bred the
habitants to endure a siege of six months and led u timate y o
raising of the liege. Madhoji Scindia now sent a force, un
famous Anglo-Indian General, Jean Baptiste Filosc, wtt ,m
tions to destroy the city. Salvador went to meet the invading
General as he wished to tecure time to mbit the inlereesnon of th
British through Col. Oehterlony who was then Resident at Bet •
The two Anglo-Indian Generals met and Salvador persua e *
to stay operations. In the meantime the British interven a
the city was saved. •

The Pindaris were constantly attacking and harassing
southern border of the Slate. Salvador went out wit an a
against them and after ridding the frontier of these pests, e w
sent to Nagpur on a mission of peace to Maharaj Bhons c °
pur. During his absence his patron Minuter, Wazir . o
Khan, died but not before he had conferred on Salva or a 'a
ble estate for his great services. Salvador died shortly after that
and was succeeded to his estate by the younger of hu two so ,
Balthasar. . H f

The late Minister’s son was elected the Ruler of B opa . e
once appointed Balthasar Bourbon as hu Minister and sent m
General Adams who was operating in the vicinity a gains

40 THE STORE OP THE ANCLO-INDKV COMHVsmr

Dr. Benjamin Johnston

Dr. Benjamin Johnston of Hyderabad, son of Capt. Benjamin
Baillic Johnston, a British officer in the Nizam's army, was not only
a skilful physician hut has been acclaimed as a poet of great ability.
Sahsena observes, "From the specimens of hit verses it appears that
Johnston was a poet of great ability who could compose verse in
Urdu and Persian with ease and fluency. He shows mastery over
language and technique. The Tazhirat testify to his scliolarship."
Dr. Benjamin Johnston's sister, Anne, married John Trancis
Anthony, a successful Anglo-Indian lawyer and my paternal
grandfather.

The Gardners

No Anglo-Indian family, however, has produced so many poets
of Urdu and Persian as the Gardners. The most notable svas
Suleiman Shikoh Gardner He was the eldest son of James Valen-
tine Gardner by a Muslim Princess, the adopted daughter of
Prince Suleiman Shikoh, son of Emperor Sluh Alam of Delhi.
Gardner was bom in 1B31 and died at Ghaoni, the family residence,
in 1902. Inheriting a large family property from his father he
lived the life of on Indian nobleman. He had a wide circle of
friends, the Maliaraja of Alwar being one of the closest. It is said
that Gardner s*as fond not only of poetry but of wine and women.
His tastes, boss ever, were scholarly and he was specially proficient
in Persian, Arabic and Hindi. He spoke all these languages as if
they were his mother-tongue and had a reputation as a bom poet.
In the words orSaksena, "His Hindi compositions arc remarkable.
He shows amazing command over the Urdu language and i* an
outstanding poet of merit amongst Anglo-Indian writers of verse
and Urdu poets generally.”

The Indian Bourbons

Another leading Anglo-Indian family that produced both soldiers
and poets of distinction were the Bourbons of Bhopal. There is a
strong tradition that the family descended from John Thillip
Bourbon, Prince of Navarre. In 1540 John Phillip Bourbon of
Navarre, a member of the younger branch of the family of Henry
IV, King of Prance, came to India. He landed in Madras and
then went off to Bengal. He ultimately arrived in Delhi where

IHEZ-LANCE SOLDIERS

43

After the death of Madam Duthin in 1032 (here was a special
investigation by the political authorities into the circumstances
and history of the family. There was said to have been a family
history compiled In the 10th Century and carried by a priest to
Goa. There is also an interesting paper by Col. Kincaid in the
Asiatic Quarterly Review of January to April, 1 897.

John Roberts was the son of General Sir Abraham Roberts,
K.C.B., and the half brother of Lord Roberts, V.C. John Roberts
married a Muslim lady and became a Mohammedan. In his will
General Sir Abraham Roberts, K.C.B. of 25, Royal York Crescent,
Clifton, Bristol, dated the ICth January, 1873, made bequests to
his wife Isabella Roberts, his daughter Harriet Mercer Roberts,
his son Lt. Col. George Roberts and his son Lt. Col. Frederick
Sleigh Roberts, V.C. He also made annuities to Ann Roberts,
resident of Benares, William Roberts and also to John Roberts,
resident of Lucknow. The latter were his children by an Indian
wife. John Roberts has left poems which show complete familiarity
with Urdu. According to Saksena, however, they were not of a
specially high order.

Djce Sombre

It has already been mentioned that Begum Sumru lavished her
entire wealth on David Ochterlony Dyce. He was carefully edu-
cated by her and received his education in a Delhi college. He
was a scholar both of Persian and English. In a deed of gift to
David Dyce, her adopted son and heir, the Begum stipulated that
he should proclaim himself as one of the family by adding that name
to his own. It was thus that he took the name of David Ochter-
lony Dyce Sombre. The Begum died on the 27th January’, 183G.
At the age or 30 Dyce Sombre found himself the master of a fortune
amounting to half a million pounds. Two of the Begum's old
friends wrote to Dyce giving him differing advice. Lord Comber-
mere urged him to visit Europe, while James Skinner addressing
him an ode in Persian strongly dissuaded him from such a step.

Dyce went to England. Although very dark in complexion, he
attracted considerable attention not only because he was highly
placed and had sponsors among Royalty, but also because of his
considerable wealth. In 1838 he was introduced to Mary' Anne
Jems, the only surviving daughter of Edward Jervis, Second

44 THE STOUT or THE AXCUVUmtAK COinHNTTT

Viscount St. Vincent. He was warned on the 26th September,
1840, when the bride was 20 years of age. In the following year
Dyce Sombre was elected Member of Parliament from the borough
or Sudbury. Apparently he had followed the then rather wide-
spread practice of trying to buy a ‘pocket’ borough. He was un-
seated on a petition for bribery and corruption. Dyce’s marriage
was unhappy. He accused his wife ©f infidelity. According to
him English society of that time was not only corrupt but had no
morals. He alleged that many English noblemen had offered him
their wives in exchange for cash payments. Mrs. Dyce, already
heir to her husband’s immense wealth, was successful in having him
declared to be unbalanced and put under restraint. Dyce escaped
thc'consequences by fleeing to Paris. He did everything possible to
disprove the allegation that he was in any way unbalanced. In
1850 he presented a petition to the House of Parliament. He died
in July, 1851, and in a will left all his property to the founding of a
school in India for boys of mixed parentage. He made the Chair-
man and Deputy Chairman of the Court of Directors his executors.
They fought the case up to the highest court but ultimately lost and
the whole property went to Mrs. Dyce.

Mrs. Dyce Sombre remarried, on the 8th November, 1852,
George Cecil, 3rd Baron Forester, who died on the J4th February,
1886. There were no children of the marriage. During her life-
time Lady Forester maintained the palace at Sardhana and found-
ed the Forester Hospital and Dispensary at Sardhana. After her
death the palace and the adjoining grounds were benight by a
Catholic Mission. The palace was then used for the purpose of an
Anglo-Vemacular school and as an orphanage for Christian boys.

Dyce travelled extensively in Europe and was a scholar not only
of English but or Urdu and Persian. He wrote to many of his
Indian friends in Penian and English. In the words of Mr. Saksena,
“It is unfortunate that no specimen of Dyce Sombre’s vctscs in
Urdu or Penian are available. It is incontrovertible that he
svaj a scholar of Persian and Urdu. It is also a fact that he was a
poet and could even compose verses in English. He had a number
of books and manuscripts which he took to England and kept them
as his dearly prized possessions." Sakscna reproduces certain
verses in English which were in manuscript and sent by Dyce to
Lord Lyndhurst. A sample is given below.

TREE-LANCE SOLDIERS

45

1. I liate your dreary English land
Its clinic and hearth so cold;

Its mercenary altars raised

To Mammon and his gold.

2. I hate your dreary English land
Its scandals, trade and mist —

Where e’en your women's Jips are chilled
Howe'er warmly kissed.

3. Give me the sunny land of Gaul
Its bright wines, its wild blisses;

Give me the Paris Bacchanals
Dishevelled Locks and Kisses:

4. Give me French hearts, as light and gay
As their own glad champagne;

Give me those lips that always smile
Those arms that always strain.

5. Farewell, my Lord; when next you have
Some spouse a ‘madman* made,

Don’t let his keepers take him to
The Burlington Arcade.

6. For me while France affords a home
Your land, I ’ll ne’er regret it :

Shall I e’er cross the sea again
Here’s wishing you may get it.

Boulogne. Dyce Sombre”

In the words of Saksena, "Dyce’s life was sad and his end tragic,
but he appeared to be more sinned against than sinning.”

Hearsays Petition

In about 1875, Captain Hearsay, son of General Sir John Bennett
Hearsay, drew up a petition in verse. One verse was particularly
significant, as it underlined the discriminatory treatment meted
out to the Anglo-Indians. It read;

“We have treated all Indians with kindness
This Country we’ve made it our own.

For this reason our children get nothing
Because they have never been home.”

44 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN' COMMUNITY

Viscount St. Vincent. He was married on the 26th September,
18 }0, when the bride was 20 years or age. In the following year
Dyce Sombre was elected Member of Parliament from the borough
of Sudbury. Apparently he had followed the then rather wide-
spread practice of trying to buy a ‘pocket’ borough. He was un-
seated on a petition for bribery and corruption. Dyce’s marriage
was unhappy. He accused his wife of infidelity. According to
him English society of that time was not only corrupt but bad no
morals. He alleged that many English noblemen had offered him
their wives in exchange for cash payments. Mrs. Dyce, already
heir to her husband's immense wealth, was successful in having him
declared to be unbalanced and put under restraint. Dyce escaped
the’consequences by fleeing to Paris. He did everything possible to
disprove the allegation that he was in any way unbalanced. In
1850 he presented a petition to the House of Parliament. He died
in July, 1851, and in a will left all his property to the founding of a
school in India for boys of mixed parentage. He made the Chair-
man and Deputy Chairman of the Court of Directors his executors.
They fought the case up to the highest court but ultimately lost and
the whole property went to Mrs. Dyce.

Mrs. Dyce Sombre remarried, on the 8th November, 1852,
George Cecil, 3rd Baron Forester, who died on the 14th February,
1886. There were no children of the marriage. During her life-
time Lady Forester maintained the palace at Sardhana and found-
ed the Forester Hospital and Dispensary at Sardhana. After her
death the palace and the adjoining grounds were bought by a
Catholic Mission. The palace was then used for the purpose of an
Anglo-Vernacular school and as an orphanage for Christian boys.

Dyce travelled extensively in Europe and was a scholar not only
of English but of Urdu and Persian. He wrote to many of his
Indian friends in Persian and English. In the words of Mr. Saksena,
“It is unfortunate that no specimen of Dyce Sombre’s verse* In
Urdu or Persian are available. It is incontrovertible that he
was a scholar of Persian and Urdu. It is also a fact that he was a
poet and could even compose verses in English. He had a number
of books and manuscripts which he took to England and kept them
as his dearly prized possesssions.” Saksena reproduces certain
verses in English which were in manuscript and sent by Dyce to
Lord Eyndhurst. A sample is given below.

miX’t-ANCr. SOLtirtRS

45

1. I hate your dreary English land
Its clime and hearth so cold;

Its mercenary altars raised

To Mammon and his gold.

2. 1 hate your dreary English land
Its scandals, trade and mist —

Where e’en your women’s lips are chilled
However warmly kissed.

3. Give me the sunny land of Gaul
Its bright wines, its wild blisses;

Give me the Paris Bacchanals
Dishevelled Locks and Kisses:

4. Give me French hearts, as light and gay
As their own glad champagne;

Give me those Ups that always smile
Those arms that always strain.

5. Farewell, my Lord; when next you hare
Some spouse a ‘madman’ made.

Don’t let his keepers take him to
The Burlington Arcade.

6. For me while France affords a home
Your land, I ’ll ne’er regret it:

Shall I e’er cross the sea again
Here’s wishing you may get it.

Boulogne. Dyce Sombre”

In the words of Saksena, ‘‘Dyce’s life was sad and his end tragic,
but he appeared to be more sinned against than sinning.”

Hearsay's Petition

In about 1875, Captain Hearsay, son of General Sir John Bennett
Hearsay, drew up a petition in verse. One verse was particularly
significant, as it underlined the discriminatory treatment meted
out to the Anglo-Indians. It read;

“We have treated all Indians with kindness
This Country we’ve made it our own,

For this reason our children get nothing
Because they have never been home.”

CHAPTER IV

DIFFICULTIES AND SELF-HELP
The Age of Ricketts and Derozio
SOME WORTHY NAMES

THE next 50 years saw the Community gripped in the fierce
toils of economic bitterness. The pall of discrimination imposed
by the British on the fortunes of the Community was, however,
illumined by a spirit of self-help and sturdy independence.

Finding the opportunities for soldiering drastically restricted or
even completely destroyed, the Community branched out into
trade and commerce. Above all, there was an increasing aware-
ness of the need for educational facilities in order to equip the
Community to compete. Numerous private schools were established
in places like Calcutta. I deal with this aspect rather fully in the
chapter entitled ‘In the Educational Vanguard'.

John William Ricketts, who later presented the Anglo-Indian
petition to the British Parliament, was the centre of the Community’s
endeavours. Son of Ensign John Ricketts of the Bengal Engineers,
who fell in the siege or Seringapatam, Ricketts was bom towards
the close of 1791. He was brought up by some friends who took
him to Calcutta and placed him in the Upper Military Orphanage
of Kidderpore. He left the School before he was 1G years of age.

Ricketts was a person of literary tastes and culture. When a
boy he enjoyed reading Addison and later in life frequently contri-
buted polished articles to various journats. He published a series
of religious addresses and exercises for Sabbath Schools entitled
‘Feed My Lambs’. By persuasion he was a Baptist.

Like James Kyd, his great contemporary, Ricketts was a
thoroughly practical man and whatever he undertook was marked
by ability, energy and earnestness of purpose.

On the 26th October, 1816, he married Miss Sarah Gardner

DimetXTIES AND SELF-11ZIJ> 47

who was, it is believed* a svard of the Kidderpore Upper Orphan
School and the daughter of a military officer. She was said to be
remarkably beautiful and survived her husband by 12 years.
Besides the children he lost in their infancy, Ricketts had five sons.
Thomas, the youngest, was killed at Car vn pore during the Mutiny.

It was the guidance and initiative of Ricketts that Jed to the
establisluncnt of the Parental Academy in 1823. It was, in fact,
the first Anglo-Indian school in the sense that it was established
and administered by Anglo-Indians. I deal with the position
and ultimate fate of this School in the chapter ‘In the Educational
Vanguard'.

In 1828 Ricketts set up the Commercial and Patriotic Association
with the object of training Anglo-Indians to participate in agri-
culture, trade and commerce. The Apprenticing Association was
also started in Calcutta with the object of meeting the premium
to be paid by Anglo-Indian lads apprenticed to engineering firms.
In 1828 a Marine School was also established on the Company
ship ‘Princess Charlotte of Wales’. This was intended to train
Anglo-Indians for the Merchant Navy. At Bombay, Madras and
Hyderabad associations were formed to enable Anglo-Indians to
take up agriculture and qualify for trade and commercial pursuits.
Many of these commendable efforts were unfortunately blighted
by a series of bank crashes, throughout the Country, which des-
troyed the savings oF the bulk of the Community.

At a meeting held in November, 1825, in Calcutta, it was decided
to present a petition to the British Parliament. Apparently there
was a long incubation period before the petition was finalised. A
Committee was formed which included John Ricketts, H. Derozio,
C.F. Bym, Wale Bym, William Bym, Willoughby Dacosta, P.
Mello, G.R. Gardener, J.J.L. Hoff, H. Martindell, C. Pole and
\V. Stunner. The document passed through the hands of two
eminent banisters, Theodore Dickens and Mr. (afterwards Sir)
Thomas Turton. The advocates were paid 40 gold mohurs each
for their advice : the last-named gentleman also accepted from the
Committee a gold watch with a chain and seal valued at Rs. 600.

At a public meeting held in the Town Hall on the 20th April,
1829, Kidceta unanimous)}’ elected Agent of the East Indians,
as the Community was then known. It was resolved that he should
convey the petition to England and that a fund should be raised

48 THE STOUT OF THE ANGLO'DtpIAN COMSrUIttTT

for this purpose. Subscriptions amounting to Rs. 17,000 were
ultimately raised.

Ricketts arrived in London on the 27th December, 1829, and
on the 29th March, 1830, the petition was placed before the House
of Lords by Lord Carlisle and on the 4th May, 1830, before the
House of Commons by the Hon’ble Mr. W. Wynn.

Some of the main items of the petition were as follows.

1. There was no uniform civil law applicable to members
of the Community.

2. There was no law governing succession to their property.

3. There was no law which indicated whether they had the
right of bequeathing property by will.

4. There was no law to declare which of their children
should succeed in case of intestacy.

Regulation VIII of 1813 of the East India Company
had expressly included the East Indians as “Native
subjects of the British Government” and thereby subjected
them to the same disabilities as members of the other
communities.

By Regulation III of 1818 they had been deprived
of the protection of the Act of Habeas Corpus.

5. In the interior areas they were subject to Mohammedan
Criminal Law which often operated not only in an
arbitrary but barbarous manner.

6. They were excluded from all superior and covenanted
offices in the Civil and Military Services, and from all
sworn offices in the Marine Service of the East India
Company. This restriction was first adopted by the
Company on the 9th November, 1791, prior to which
there was no impediment.

7. They were not only excluded from superior offices which
were open to Christian subjects, but they were also
treated as ineligible for most of those subordinate appoint-
ments in the Judicial, Revenue and Police Departments
and even in the Military Service which were open without
reservation to Hindus and Mohammedans.

8. By the order of the Commander-In-Chief of His Majesty’s
Forces dated the 27th February, 1808, they were

oirricm-Tir-S and srir-iou*

49

expressly disqualified from holding Commissions in the
British Army.

9. They were not permitted to be employed under the
Indian Princes without the special permission of the
Supreme Government. This rule was supposed to apply
to Europeans and Americans, yet the restriction was
applied in practice to the East Indians.

10. Any plan proposed by others or by themselves for
improvement of the Community, instead or receiving the
support of the Government, had consistently met not
only svith neglect but with positive rejection; every
attempt to provide the blessings of education and improve
the moral and civil status of the East Indians had invari*
ably been discountenanced and discouraged by the Court
of Directors.

Some of the main points raised by Ricketts in his evidence before
the House of Lordi’ Committee were as follows.

The petition had been signed by 600 or 700 persons mast of
whom were immediately descended from European fathers and
Indian mothers or from their descendants by intermarriage.

Ricketts pointed out that Anglo-Indians were not recognised as
British subjects by the Supreme Court of Calcutta, if residing in
the mofussil : they were subject to the jurisdiction of the mofussil
courts which were regulated by Mohammedan Law. They could
appeal to the Sudder Dewany Adawlat of Calcutta but had no
right or appeal to the Supreme Court of Calcutta although the
Dewany Adawlat had the power of enhancing the punishment
without any fresh evidence being adduced. They were not
permitted to act as pleaders in any of the courts.

Members of the Community could not hold a Commission in
the Company’s or the King’s Army. They might be drummers
and fiTers, but, as Ricketts pointed out, he was not aware of a single
instance in which a member of the Community had advanced
evvn to the rank of Corporal.

Some members of the Community were admitted in the Civil
and Military Services prior to the prohibition issued in 1808 by
the Commander-in-Chief. After that members of the Community
took service under the Indian States but they were required to

50 THE STOUT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

return to the Company’s territory on the outbreak of war. Thus
Anglo-Indian officers with the Mahraua Army from 1801 or
1802 were ordered back to the Company’s territories on pain of the
most drastic penalties.

To use Ricketts' own words, “Treaties with Native States prevent
Europeans from taking service; but, as in this instance, we arc
recognised sometimes as Europeans and at other times as natives
as it suits the purposes of the Government. We are recognised as
native except within the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court, and
yet the officers who were emplo>ed by the Mahralta States of
Scindia and Ilolkar were threatened to be dealt with as traitors
ir they did not return to the Company's territories!'*

“The public and private schools for the education of the children
of East Indians have never received assistance from Government
in any shape whatever. We are excluded from participating in
the grant for the education of the natives of India. We outnumber
the Europeans very considerably and our number is increasing
owing to the increased number of Europeans and of intermarriages.
Wc are chiefly employed as clerks in the public offices of Govern-
ment. During the Nepal War East Indians were employed in the
Irregular Corps, but the corps was disbanded.”

Referring to education, Ricketts pointed out that the Community
were educated at the Orphan Military Asylums, Upper and Lower:
to the Upper went the orphans of officers who married Indian
women, to the Lower or British soldiers married to the women of
the Country. There were also the Parental Academic Institution
and the Calcutta Grammar School. But there was no opportunity
for college education in Calcutta except in the Bishop’s College
which was confined to missionary purposes.

Ricketts mentioned that members of the Community were
employed as missionaries and teachers and acquitted themselves
creditably in those positions. He stated, “The influence they
possess in such occupations would be very much increased by the
removal of the restrictions to which they are at present subject.
It is a thing for which the natives themselves cannot account that
the Government should reject, as it docs, their own offspring, and
treat them with marked neglect and proscription.... As natives
of the Country and as fixtures of the soil, the East Indians might be
rendered instruments of great good to the Country. If the real

Duncumts and srxr-unL*

51

interests of India be sought, they cannot l« more effectively promoted
than through the instrumentality of those who base been bom,
educated, and are destined to spend their lives there.”

Ricketts gave instances of highly placed Europeans married to
Indians. Among those he referred to was one Harington, a
member of the Governor-General’s Council. He also mentioned,
that, “The ladies ofhalf blood are extensively married to Europeans.”
Ricketts referred to the fact that many members of the Community
after having been educated in England, Scotland and Ireland
were, on return to India, so frustrated by the disabilities imposed on
them that they often returned to Europe to seek a living there. He
gave the instance or the son of a British General. The son had
obtained the degree of Doctor of Medicine, but he found the dis-
crimination in India so intolerable that he returned to England
in 1825 and practised there.

In his evidence before the House of Commons’ Committee, on
the 24th June, 1830, Ricketts mentioned that a large proportion
of British officers in the Company’s service married women of the
Community. He pointed out that before 1791, the Company’s
service. Civil and Military, was open to the Community. Thus,
stated Ricketts, the Bombay Army was commanded by General
Jones, a member of the Community, during the campaigns of 1803
and 1803. The then Quarter-Mastcr-General of the Army, Col.
Stevenson, was also a member of the Community. Among members
of the Community in the King’s Army, Ricketts mentioned Major
Deare, Captain Rutledge, Lt. Mullins and others. He referred to
Drs. Lumsdcn, Breton and Lyckc, members of the Community in
the medical profession. Lycke practised in Calcutta and retired
in England after having amassed a fortune. Members of the
Community were also engaged as indigo planters, school masters
and architects. Ricketts referred to the business houses such as
Lackersteen, Vrignon, Mendes, Baretto and Brightman. He
mentioned that James Kyd was the master shipbuilder of the
Company in Calcutta. He referred to the fact that members of
the Community had been in the Company’s service in various
professions and were as much respected as any European.

Ricketts also added, “There is no distinction made by natives
between East Indians and Europeans: the distinction emanates
from the authorities of the Country. They first originated the

52 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

distinction and then used it as an argument for keeping us where
we are. The prejudices against us have diminished of late. A
much more liberal policy has been adopted towards the descendants
of European fathers by native mothers by the Dutch, French,
Spaniards and Portuguese in all their settlements. Two-thirds of
the Council of Ceylon are composed of gentlemen born on the
Island.”

The petition to Parliament resulted in the insertion of the clause
in the Charter Act of 1833 proclaiming that all persons without
reference to birth or colour were eligible for the Civil and Military
Services of the Government.

Ricketts’ efforts were warmly appreciated by the Community
and on his return he was entertained in Madras where he disembar-
ked. When he arrived in Calcutta, there was a large meeting held
at the Town Hall on the 28th March, 1831, where he was accorded
a hearty welcome.

Charles Potc, the distinguished Anglo-Indian artist of the period,
painted, free of charge, a portrait of Ricketts, which can still be
seen in the office of the All-India Anglo-Indian Association in
New Delhi.

Ricketts was buried in the old Gaya cemetery at the foot of the
Ramsila Hill. His grave was marked by an imposing monument
12 feet high, resting on a base 12 feet square by 2 feet deep, sur-
mounted by a slab of dark blue basalt. In an obituary notice which
appeared in the ‘Friend of India* the following tribute was paid :
"T° his spirit and perseverance the East Indian Community arc
mainly indebted for the change that has occurred in their position
in general society and in the regard of the Legislature — a change
little more than begun, but nevertheless striking, and advancing
quietly to greater and greater importance and further, “Mr.
Ricketts was not perhaps largely endowed with the peculiarities
generally required in an agitator or a popular deputy. He had
little of that warmth of temperament which attaches the multitude
to a leader and not much of the suavity and address desirable in an
Advocate. He gained attention from his earnest honesty of purpose
and his matter-of-fact sort of argument. In other times these
qualifications would not have served his purpose, but happily
there was a spirit abroad which readily sympathised with the claims
he had to urge.”

DIFFICULTIES AND SELF-IIELP

53

One of the four Houses in the Frank Anthony Public School,
Calcutta, is named after Ricketts.

Henry Derosa — First National Bard Of Modern India

While Ricketts was the public and political spearhead of the
Anglo-Indian movement of the time, the intellectual and emotional
leaven was lent especially by the outstanding figure or Henry Louis
Vivian Derozio.

Some commentators have put the 10th April, IG09, as the date
or birth of Derozio. The more authoritative view is that he was
bom on the 18th April, 1809. This Anglo-Indian boy genius
was cut off by a cruel fate when he was not yet 23 yean of age.
Despite the fact that he died so very young, Derozio left behind
verse which for sheer lyrical beauty, wealth of classical allusion,
poetic metaphor and vivid imagery make him, in my humble
opinion, perhaps the greatest poet of English that India has so far
produced. By some who have studied Dcrozio’s works — the fint
flowering of his remarkable poetic genius — he has been acclaimed
as the first national bard of modem India. He has also been
claimed as Bengali’s Bard. Unfortunately, unlike Rabindranath
Tagore, there was no one to publicise the quality of Dcrozio’s
poetry or to give him his rightful place in the pantheon of the poets
of English.

Derozio was a typical product of this lime. He svas brought up
against the background of the repressive economic and social
system under which the Community laboured. He represented the
attempt of the ambitious Anglo-Indians to break through the
chilling round of social and economic disabilities. This book is
not the proper place to write anything in detail about the out-
standing quality of Derozio’* verse. No work on Indian history
and more especially on Indian literature would be complete
without a special place being accorded to Derozio. His father
was partly Portuguese and partly Indian. His mother was an
Englishwoman. Dcrozio’s early education was at the Dhurumtollah
Academy of David Drummond. Drummond represented one of
the finest specimens that Scotland had sent out to this Country.
His influence both scholastic and poetic are said to have created a
lasting impression on young Derozio. Derozio was only 23 when
he died. Yet at that young age he had achieved a considerable

54

THE STORY OF

ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

niche for himself both in the world ofletters and in journalism. In
the words of Cedric Dover, “He was the apostle of freedom, the
prophet of a united India before India had dreamt of unity.”
Derozio left school at the age of 14 and yet in the intervening
period he composed verse of a quality which attracted favourable
attention even from the London press.

At 18 he gave up work with his uncle, who was an indigo planter
at Bhagalpur, and decided to carve out for himself a literary career.
His first book consisted of several verses and poems which he had
contributed to various journals. It was an immediate success.
The second volume was produced early in 1829 and included the
Fakeer of Jungheera, a Metrical Tale, and other poems. They
were given a cordial and encouraging review. The New Monthly
Magazine (March, 1828) remarked, “The thoughts and topics are
not unusual, but they are expressed and treated with grace,
elegance and spirit. The language is elevated and poetical;
and the versification is flowing, polished and serious.”

At tlus time Derozio was working as Assistant Editor of The
Gazette . Immediately after the appearance of the Fakeer of
Jungheera he was appointed as Lecturer in English history and
literature at the Hindu College. In the words of Cedric Dover,
He was not yet 19 when he entered upon his new duties, but he
exercised an influence that remains unrivalled. He shook the Hindu
religion to its foundations and was the real mover of the theistic
schism which exists today as the Brahmo Samaj movement of
Kaja Kammohan Roy, his friend and contemporary.”
f li C°n.!STPOrary descr'kcs Derozio’s outstanding influence as
o ows, c students in their turn loved him most tenderly and
were ever ready to be guided by his counsels and imitate him in all
eir ai y actions in life. In fact, Mr. Derozio acquired such an
ascen ncy over the minds of his pupils that they would not move
m their private concerns without his counsel and advice. On the
r” j C *°s,ered t^lc>r taste in literature, taught the evil
effects of idolatry and superstition, and so far formed their moral
conceptions and feelmgs as to make them completely above the
antiquated ideas and aspirations of the age. Such was the force
of his instruction that the conduct of the students out of the college
, “P*"* and gained them the applause of the outside

world, not only m a literary and scientific point of view, but what

Dim CULT! LS AND SELT-1 !T-U» 55

na> of Still greater importance, they were ail considered men of
truth. Indeed, the (Hindu) ‘College boy' was a synonym for
truth.”

Early in 1831 Dcrozio was dismissed from the College as his
dominating influence on the students created a wave of alarm
among the management which was much too hide-bound by
convention and tradition to allow Derozio’i radicalism and ques-
tioning scientific approach to life and values to gain currency among
the students. Replying to some of the criticism levelled against
him, Dcrozio wrote, "Entrusted as 1 was for some time with the
education of youth peculiarly circumstanced, was it for me to hast
made them pert and ignorant dogmatists, by permitting them to
lenow what could be said only upon one side of grave questions?
Setting aside the namnsmess of mind which such a course would
have evinced, it would have been injurious to the mental energies
and acquirements of the young men themselves. And (whatever
may be said to the contrary), I can vindicate my procedure by
quoting no less orthodox authority than Lord Bacon. ‘If a man’,
says this philosopher (and no one has a better right to pronounce
an opinion upon such matters than Lord Bacon), ‘will begin with
certainties he shall end in doubt.’ This, I need scarcely observe,
is always the case with contented ignorance when it is roused too
late to thought .... If the religious opinions or the students have
become unhinged in consequence of the course I have pursued, the
fault is not mine. To produce convictions was not within my
power; and if I am to be condemned for the Atheism of some,
let me receive credit for the Theism of others. Believe me, my
dear Sir, I am too thoroughly imbued with a deep sense of human
ignorance, and of the perpetual vicissitudes of opinion, to speak
with confidence even of the most important matters. Doubt and
uncertainty besiege us too closely to admit the boldness of dog-
matism to enter an enquiring mind; and far be it from me to say
‘this is* and ‘that is not’, when after the most extensive acquain-
tance with the researches of science, and after the most daring
flight of genius, we must confess with sorrow and disappointment
that humility becomes the highest wisdom, for the highest wisdom
assures man of his ignorance.”

Indignantly refuting the accusation of inculcating parental
disrespect, he quotes instances to prove that he has ‘always

56

THE STOUT or THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

endeavoured to cherish the sentimental feelings of the heart, and to
direct them into proper channels’, though he condemns ‘that
feigned respect which some children evince, as being hypocritical
and injurious to the moral character’. The third charge he dis-
misses as ‘ridiculous’, remarking that ‘it is a satisfaction to reflect
that scandal, though often noisy, is not everlasting’. And in
concluding he enquires pertinently ‘whether the expediency of
yielding to popular clamour can be offered in justification of the
measures adopted by the Managers of the College towards me?’
He believed that there was a determination on their part to get
rid of him, ‘not to satisfy popular clamour, but their own bigotry’,
but feels that ‘to complain of their injustice would be paying them
a greater compliment than they deserve’.

Cedric Dover writes, “We get an insight of the remarkable
qualities of Derozio’s mind and thinking to say the least for a
young man of barely 22. These are indicative of his extraordinary
character and ability. Dcrozio now took seriously to journalism.
He had a vast circle of the most influential friends which included
leading figures among the Anglo-Indians, the British Community and
the Hindus. He organised and edited the ‘East Indian’ which
rapidly grew in influence. It is said of this paper that it advocated,
‘the claims of every question, honest and true and liberal, with an
eloquence and ability and a power of judgment of which East Indians
may well be proud. At the same time he contributed to a host of
other journals. Most of these contributions were poems.”

Derozio s intellectual pursuits were not only deep but also
diversified. To quote Cedric Dover once again, “It is known,
however, that he translated the work of De Maupertuis on Moral
Philosophy, that he delivered a series of lectures on philosophy
before crowded audiences, and that he wrote a criticism of Kant,
which Dr. Mill said was ‘perfectly original and displayed powers
or reasoning and observation which would not disgrace even gifted
philosophers.’ And his contemporaries were fond of saying that
there were only two places where the most recent books issued by
British publishers could be found- the shelves of the most enter-
prising booksellers and the library of Derozio, frequently the latter

Continuing Dover writes, “But the fruits of philosophy need ti
an atmosp ere to mature and Derozio missed both. So

57

Dirnctanrs and szrr-ir m

cannot add hi. nmne to the toil %£**££££.
but we can accord him a rUcc m F* ”7 of lhc Romantic

melted melancholy, the me love of myho.ogy^.nd the »
command over the remurce. of the ^Inhhm^1"
error to deaeribe him. a. certain uninformed cnUm OO, ^ ^

imitation Romantic, though much of hu verm „

Dover continues, “The r akccr 01 jungn . Fnchan-

io dramatic touche., in gem. of poetic metapho r, I d

tie Of the Cave, tvid, to mhu.tne,. andfrfeh.y, of^ela

earnests of Dcrouo s potential abi i y. simple

that he i, a. hi. hot. Here we can enjoy « * hm

heautiea of nature, and appreciate the vigo , f ^

patriotism which permeated hi. hfe and . «*• Harp of y
Country', he erica. Me. me ..rite the .tram -and he pour,
song. Such song as this:

“Oh, Freedom! there is something dear
Even in thy very name.

That lights the altar of the soul
With everlasting flame.

Success attend the patriot sword.

That is unsheathed for thee!

And glory to the breast that bleeds,
Bleeds nobly to be free!

Blest be the generous hand that breaks
The chain a tyrant gave.

And feeling for degraded man
Gives freedom to the slave!”

“Or this:

“My Country! in thy day of glory past
A beauteous halo circled round thy brow.
And worshipped as a deity thou wast.

58 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Where is that glory, where that reverence now?

Thy eagle pinion is chained down at last,

And grovelling in the lowly dust art thou :

Thy minstrel hath no wreath to weave for thee
Save the sad story of thy misery!

Well — let me dive into the depths of time,

And bring from out the ages that have rolled
A few small fragments of those wrecks sublime.

Which human eye may never more behold;

And let the guerdon of my labour be
My fallen Country! one kind wish from thee’.'

“And if he was melancholy, it was the melancholy that impels
action. He was too vigorous, too philosophical, to be actually
depressing. He knew that

. .man’s energies can make
An atmosphere around him, and so take
Good out of evil, like the yellow bee
That sucks from flowers malignant, a sweet treasure —

O tyrant fate! Thus shall I vanquish thee,

For out of suffering shall I gather pleasure.”

“So the note of hope rings through much of his verse, as in these
lines :

“Your hand is on the helm— guide on, young men,

The bark that’s freighted with your Country’s doom,

Your glories are but budding; they shall bloom

Like fabled amaranth Elysian, when

The shore is won, even now within your ken,

And when your touch shall dissipate the gloom
That long has made your Country hut a tomb,

Or worse than tomb, the priest’s, the tyrant’s den.

Guide on young men; your course is well begun;

Hearts that are tuned to holiest harmony
With all that e’en in thought is good, must be
Best formed for deeds like those which shall be done
By you hereafter rill your guerdon’s won
And that which now is hope becomes reality.”

rnmcwnrs akd jrtHtni

59

"And there b hope become reality in thh enthusiastic fragment :

“Towards yon grey We the waters flow.

Then, brothrn, brothers, bravely row.

The rising gale hath filled our sail,

It bends our slender mast;

And now the word b, tike a bird
We’ll reach our home at last • ■ • •

And seel our ble of rock is won

Now, brothers, brothers, bravely done.”

“Finally, there b this bright and poetic vision of the future in
which he sees :

through mists of coming years
'rising spirit speaking peace to man.

The storm b passing, and the Rainbow’s span
Stretched from North to South; the ebon car
of darkness rolls away; the breezes fan
The infant dawn, and morning's herald star
Comes trembling into day. O! can the sun be Car?”

I have referred to the fact that when Ricketu returned from
England there was a meeting in the Town Hall of Calcutta on
the 28th of March of that year. At that meeting Pote, the famous
Anglo-Indian artbt, proposed that a second petition should be
presented to the new Parliament. In seconding thb proposal
Derozio made a speech which b significant not only for its language,
but also for hb appraisal of the supercilious, if not indifferent,
attitude which the average British Parliamentarian could be
expected to show to the efforts or the East Indians to secure better
treatment and improvement of their position. Derozio said,
“What have we hitherto done?” he asked, “What have we yet
obtained? Have our rights been restored, our claims conceded?
No, Sir, we have but just taken the field. And now shall we rest
upon our Arms? The spirit of exclusion has only been startled
upon hb throne. But there sits the demon still, mocking our
efforts, and grinning over his triumph. Our hearts must not
falter, our nerves must not slacken, let us not trust our cause to

60 THE STORY OP THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

men, who have nothing for us but empty professions .... Do you
suppose that any member of the Legislature, touched by so much
tenderness, will address either House of Parliament in some such
way as this? — “Gentlemen, here am I, overflowing with the milk
of human kindness, anxious to restore to that long-neglected and
unjustly treated race, the East Indian, those rights WHICH THEY
DO NOT DEMAND THEMSELVES.”

“No, Sir, such will never be the language of legislators. The
benevolence of statesmen seldom incommodes them to such an
alarming degree. And the very facts which Mr. Ricketts’ Report
communicates to us, should lead us to distrust noble Lords and
Honourable gentlemen. What are those facts? Lord Ashley
felt for us! We thank hb Lordship. He promised to present our
Petition. This was generous. But, when the time came for hb
Lordship's hand to follow up the benevolent suggestions of hb
heart, that hand became suddenly paralysed. Weighty matters
of State pressed upon hb mind, and the Petition was left to make
its own way into the House of Commons. I am apprehensive
(though I only suggest the possibility) that matters of State may be
as burdensome to our other sympathising friends in Parliament,
that such paralytic attacks, as we sec do sometimes affect Lord
Ashley, may be common to others who are deeply interested in our
welfare. To protect ourselves against such mischances, it would
not, perhaps, be the most unwbc course to petition the Legislature
again.”

"Gentlemen, you have nothing to fear from firm and respectful
remonstrance. Your calls for justice must be as incessant as your
grievances are heavy. Complain again and again. Complain
till you are heard — aye, and until you are answered. The ocean
leaves traces of every inroad it makes upon the shore. But it must
repeat those inroads with unabated strength, and follow them up
with rapidity, before it washes away the strand.”

British commentators on Dcrozio have written mostly with typical
arrogance and with the inhibitions of European smugness and self-
assumed superiority. Typically, Bradley Birt has twisted the whole
motive of Derozio to suit this European sense of overweening
arrogance. Thus in ‘Harp of My Country’ Derozio has apost-
rophised the deadening effect on the Indian people of slavery and
colonialbm, obviously sineintr in the law Indian context. Yet

DimCULmS AND SELF-1 IW

61

Bradley Birt perverts this motive to suit his own imperial ballet
and would confine Dcrozio's lament merely to the wrongs which
had been done by the British to his own Community.

Speaking on the occasion of Dcrozio’s anniversary in 1926
Professor B.B. Roy, a well-known professor of English in the
Calcutta University, among other things said, "I am quite convinced
that full justice lias not been done to him and to refer to him as
‘the Keats of Angto-Indian Literature’ is, to my way of thinking, an
entirely wrong way of looking at him. English literature is one
and indivisible; the bisection of it on a racial basis is unfortunate
in the extreme and should not be tolerated. Tire best that has
been written in the English language is worthy of a place even in
the most exclusive histories of English literature, no matter what
colour the skin of the writer may have. Towards pure artists like
Derozio, there should be a more liberal attitude than lias been
displayed by European writers on Anglo-Indian literature.”

Concluding his lecture, Professor Roy said, “From whatever
point of view, therefore, we might look at Derozio, we must be struck
by his greatness, his nobility, his fineness of temper and maturity
of- mind. Every Bengali and every Anglo-Indian should study hij
life and his life’s work as an essential part of their education. This
should be particularly so today. He was the prophet of a United
India, before there was an awakening, either among Indians or
among Anglo-Indians. This message of unity and concord comes
with singular force in a time which is troubled by unhealthy and
blundering communalism and by a deep unsetllemcnt of political
and social values.’’

Derozio was struck down by cholera and died on Monday, the
26th December, 1831, and not on Saturday, the 23rd December,
as stated by Thomas Edwards. Owen Aratoon in his edition of
"Derozio’s Poems” (1872) reproduced a photograph taken from
a lithographic miniature published by Stapleton. A copy of this
today hangs in the office of the All-India Anglo-Indian Association,
New Delhi. It shows Derozio dressed in a high-collared dress-coat
which was the fashion of the day, his neck swathed in the white
neck-cloth which was also the fashion of the day. The photograph
shows that he had a round face and long black hair which was
parted in the middle. He was slightly built and had the reputation
of dressing not only carefully but foppishly. Some commentators

62 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

referred to him as very dark, but others have questioned this
description. Some writers have said that he suffered from much
conceit: others referred to this as more a pride in the knowledge
of his outstanding qualities. He was generally acclaimed as a
person with a loyal, kind and affectionate temper. Some writers
have deplored the fact that neither the people of Bengal nor the
Anglo-Indians have thought to raise an appropriate monument to
Dcrozio. Mr. Susobhan Sarkar writing the foreword to a recent
publication edited by Mr. Subir Ray Choudhuri referred to
Dcrozio as ‘A great son of Bengal’ and suggested the erection of a
statue preferably in the neighbourhood of that of David Hare,
the other famous benefactor in the early history of modem edu-
cation in India, the rebuilding of the burial place of Dcrozio and the
renaming after him the road near Moolali where he lived and died.

One of the four Houses of the Frank Anthony Public School in
Calcutta is named after Dcrozio.

Some Worthy Names

Charles Pole

In this sub-chapter I have made a reference to a few worthy
Anglo-Indians. Hundreds of worthy names have been lost in the
mists of time. The achievements of hundreds of others have not
been chronicled or have been filched for the British Community.

Charles Pole was perhaps the greatest artist that the Community
has so far produced. He was a contemporary of Derozio at
Drummond’s Academy where he received a sound education.
Leaving school he followed the advice of James Kyd and instead of
entering Government service in a subordinate capacity, decided
to pursue his special talents and opened an artist’s studio in
Dhurrumtollah street. He was fairly successful in his profession.
Eventually he became the Headmaster of the Dacca Pogose School,
an institution founded by Nicholas Pogose. While in Calcutta
Pote took a great interest in the Parental Academy. He also took
a prominent part in the movement that led to a petition of the
Community to Parliament presented by Ricketts. When Ricketts
returned from England, Pote made an eloquent speech. On
that occasion aTter he resumed his seat, Derozio addressed the
meeting. He began by observing that had it been his desire to

DIFnCVLTIES AND SEIF-HELP 63

attract admiration, the brilliant address of his friend, Mr. Tote,
-would deter him from making such an attempt.

Pote excelled as a miniature painter. Among his larger pro*
ductions, however, was the portrait of Lord Metcalfe which was,
at one time, in the Town Hall of Calcutta, and another portrait
of David Hare in the Hare School, a painting of William Ricketts
•which now' liangs in the office of the All-India Anglo-Indian
Association, and the Altar piece at the Armenian Church of Dacca.
A painting of Derozio was apparently lost or destroyed.

Two companion pictures by him entitled L' Allegro and II
Penseroso were much admired at Dacca. He died at Dacca and
was followed by a crowd of pupils and admirers.

Tote was a free-thinker and was laid to rest without the rites of
Christian burial. Our artist sleeps in a nameless and forgotten
grave.

James Kyd

Bom in 178G, James Kyd was the son of Col. Robert Kyd,
Bengal Engineers, Military Secretary to the Governor. The
father, Col. Kyd, wrote a celebrated research work on Botany.
He was responsible for laying out the Royal Botanical Gardens,
James and his brother Robert were sent as boys to England to get
a training in shipbuilding. On their return in 1800 they were
apprenticed to one Waddell who wasat that time Master Shipbuilder
to the East India Company. Seven years later the brothers pur-
chased the dockyard of Kydcrporc which later on passed into the
hands of Government. Both this suburb and Kyd street are named
after the family. It is also probable that Kyd-ganj in Allahabad
and Kyd island owed their names to the same source.

James Kyd succeeded to the position of Master Shipbuilder to
the East India Company. In 1814 he visited England in a vessel
which he had constructed and named ‘General Kyd’ after his father.
James Kyd was held in the greatest esteem by the Governor-General.
He rendered yeoman service to members of the Community. He
was the author of several pamphlets in which he advised the lads
of the Community to look away from Government service and
strike out for themselves independent sources of livelihood instead
ol treading on each other’s heels in their hurry to enter the lower
grades of Government service.

64 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

James Kyd was a member of the Asiatic Society. He was also
a member of the Management of the Parental Academy which was
founded by the Anglo-Indians in 1823. He died on the 26th
October, 1836, at the age of 50. The Governor- General wished to
have a public funeral m his honour but it was declined by his
brother with modesty. A Bengal obituary observed, “Mr. James
Kyd was universally recognised as the Head of the East Indian
Class to which he belonged. Where will they ever find his equal?”

Captain John Doveton

Doveton is an illustrious name, often mentioned in the history
of the campaigns in Afghanistan, Mysore and Central India.
Although neglected by his relatives, John belonged to this house.
One of his uncles, when making enquiries after his dead brother,
found that the brother's son was a poor, friendless orphan at a
charity school in Madras. He succeeded in obtaining for his
nephew a commission in the army of the Nizam of Hyderabad.
John’s service dated from the 21st March, 1817. He rose to be the
Captain Commandant of the 7th Regiment of Infantry — a rank
next to that of a Brigadier. John Doveton inherited a large
fortune. He resigned his commission and went to London, where
he died in 1853. Doveton was of the Baptist persuasion and his
political views were ultra-radical in character.

John Doveton took a great interest in the education of the
Community and bequeathed £ 50,000 for that purpose. This
sum was equally divided between the Parental Academy of
Calcutta, the name of which was then changed to the Doveton
College, and the Doveton Protestant College founded at Madras.
An oil painting of Doveton hangs, today, in the office of the All-
India Anglo-Indian Association, New Delhi.

Lawrence de Souza

Lawrence Augustus de Souxa was a partner of the firm of Messrs.
Thomas de Souza & Co. He was the nephew of the late Count
Anthony de Souza. The Community has occasion to remember
his name with gratitude for the trusts he left. These trusts continue
to enure for the benefit of members of the Community.

The Lawrence de Sou2a scholarships are looked after by the
Official Trustee of West Bengal in which task he is assisted by an

oimaxms and sas-inzr 65

Advisory Committee which includes of a nominee of the All-India
Anglo-Indian Association. These scholarships Here originally
awarded to Anglo-Indians going overseas to compete for the I.C.S.
Today, the scholarships are awarded Jo Anglo-Indians preparing
for the I-A.S. or the Central Government Sendee examinations:
a few are also given for other courses of study.

The dc Souza Homes, another Trust founded by Lawrence de
Souza, are administered by the official Trustee of West Bengal :
he is assisted by the nominees of the Calcutta branch of the All-
India Anglo-Indian Association and the Calcutta Rangers Club.

Lawrence de Souza died in London on the 27th September,
1871. His remains were brought to India and were buried in the
Church of the Sacred Heart, Calcutta, which had been erected
by his grandmother, Mrs. Pascoa Barretto de Souza.

His brother. Sir Walter Eugene de Souza, was educated partly
in England at Downside College, Somerset. Sir Walter svas Consul
for Portugal at Calcutta 1870-1878 and Consul-General from 1878
to 1884. He was member for Westminster on the London County
Council. For his munificence to charities he was knighted in
1879. He was also a Count of the Roman Empire and held other
foreign distinctions. Walter Eugene de Souza also founded a trust
for the Community : it is a comparatively small trust and is adminis-
tered by the de Souza-and-Doucett Charitable Trust.

Sir Robert IVarburton

Robert Warburton was the son of Lt. Col. Robert Warburton
of the Royal Artillery who married an Afghan lady, the niece of
Amir Dost Mohammad. The son was educated at Mussoorie and
later in England. He came out to India with a commission in the
Royal Artillery and served in the 21st Punjab Infantry in the
Abyssinian campaign of 1868. He was appointed to the Punjab
Commission in 1870. He is famous for his work in the Khyber
where he was political officer from 1879 to 1897 and became a
legendary figure. Warburton raised the Khyber Rifles. He was
awarded the CSI in 1890, became Brevet-Colonel in 1893 and
served in the Tirah expedition from 1897-1898. He was decorated
with the K.C.I.E. in 1 893. His book ‘Eighteen Years in the Khyber*
was published in 1900. He was known as the “Warden of the
Khyber’.

66 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Sir William Willcox

Although the Encyclopaedia Brittanica refers to Sir William
Willcox as a British engineer, he was obviously a member or the
Community. Born and educated in India, he qualified as an
engineer from Roorkee. He designed and carried through the
Aswan Dam in 1898. His most important undertaking, however,
was the irrigation of 3,500,000 acres in Mesopotamia which began
in 1911.

Sir George Kellner

George Kellner was one of the most respected members of the
Community and played an active part in the promotion of its
interests. He was educated at the Parental Academy, the school
founded by the Community. After that he entered the service
of the Government of India and was Inspector-General of Accounts.
After that he was Financial Commissioner and a member of Council
in Cyprus from 1878 to 1883. He then became the Assistant
Paymaster-General in the Court or Chancery in 1884. He was
decorated with the K.C.M.G. in 1879 and died on the 10th June,
1886.

Watts — Dewan of Travancore

Son of an Anglo-Indian, bom and brought up in the Travancore'
State, Watts received his early education in the Maharaja’s College.
He went to England where he was called to the Bar and then
returned to India. He was Dewan of Travancore for several years.

Doctor Wallace M.D.

The date of birth of James Robert Wallace is given as the 20th
January, 1856. He was educated at the Lawrence Military School,
Sanawar, and the Medical College, Calcutta. He went to England
for further studies in 1879 where he qualified for the M.D,- He
returned and entered Government service but resenting the dis-
abilities imposed on the Anglo-Indians he resigned. In' 1892 he
was a director of the Eurasian and Anglo-Indian Association.
At that time the term ‘Eurasian’ was applied to the Community,
and the term ‘Anglo-Indian1 to Europeans settled in the Country.
In 1897 and again in 1902 he was deputed to represent the
grievances of the Community to the Secretary of State and members

DtmCCLTlCS AND SEIX-HEL? G7

of Parliament. Nothing t* knoum of the result*, if any, of ha
representations. In 1901 he was elected President of the Imperial
Anglo-Indian Association. In another Chapter I have referred to
his grandiloquent proclamation to the Anglo-Indians, “That
Britishers we are and Britishers we ever must be.” He, however,
laboured hard for the Community. He died in 1903.

Thomas Beale

Thomas William Beale started life as a clerk in the office of the
Board of Revenue of the North West Province as it was then known.
He was a profound scholar and assisted Sir II. M. Elliot in his
work on the Mohammedans in India. He wrote the ‘Miftah-ul-
Tawarikh* and an Oriental Biographical Dictionary. He died at
a very ripe age in 1875 at Agra.

Charles Richard Hardless

Charles Richard Hardless died on the 19th July, 1944, at the
vintage age of 78. He retired as the handwriting expert to the
Government of India. If ever a man deserved the epithet of
self-made it was Hardless. He started life well down at the bottom
of the ladder. He rose to be the first official handwriting expert
to the Government of India. He has been referred to as “The
Father of the Handwriting profession’ in India.

Leaving school he joined the Telegraph Department on Rs. 50/-
a month. He brought to bear on his work his innate sense of
devotion to duty. He was made Superintendent of his office at
an exceptionally early age. But Hardless was looking for fresh
avenues. At that time he came into contact with handwriting
identification work. He pursued it with characteristic energy
and thoroughness. It was not long before he acquired such
efficiency that he attracted official attention and his services were
requisitioned by his own Department, the Posts & Telegraphs.
He studied and worked till his knowledge and efficiency grew
and the post of handwriting expert was created by the Central
Government.

As time went on, he became more and more absorbed in his
work. He soaked himself in it, ate it, drank it and dreamed of it.
He wrote books and articles and evolved certain theories and
principles which came to be recognised not only in India but

68 Tire STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COiMUNTIT

abroad. One of his books is a standard work on the subject of
handwriting. The name or Hardless is still a legend not only
among handwriting experts but the legal profession throughout
the Country. From 1920 to 1921 he was Honorary General
Secretary of the All-India Anglo-Indian Association when Gidney
was the President-in-Chief.

H.J. Mullev.eu.x- — OBE, J.P.

Harry J. Mulleneux died on the 6th November, 1958, at the age
of 70. He was educated in Bangalore. After completing his
apprenticeship in Bombay he joined the G.l.P. (now the Central
Railway) in the bottom rung. From this humble beginning he rose
to the top and retired as Chief Electrical Engineer.

Mulleneux was an inventive genius and put into use many electri-
cal devices. One of his important contributions was the electrifica-
tion of the railway up to Igatpuri and Poona. During World War
II his services were enlisted by the War Office in London. He was
largely responsible for the device which led to the mine-detector
and the elaboration of mine-sweepers. He was decorated
for his services with the OBE. A loyal worker of the All-India
Anglo-Indian Association, he was elected to represent the Com-
munity in the Bombay Legislature. That was when the
Community had elected seats.

Frank Clinger Scallan

Bom in Calcutta in 1870, Frank Clinger Scallan was a well-
known Anglo-Indian artist and writer. Scallan completed his
education at the Calcutta Boys’ School after which he joined the
Survey of India, where he served for more than 40 years. After
his retirement from service he spent much time in Europe. He
travelled to England, France, Itaty and Spain a number of times
and was a pupil of the late Jean Paul Laurence Academic Julian
in Paris. His works were exhibited in the Royal Scottish Academy,
Paris Salon and also in various art exhibitions all over India. He
got the highest awards for black and white in India and a silver
medal in the Calcutta Fine Art Exhibition in 1924. He was
elected a member or the Graphic Art London in 1920 and a member
correspondente of Soc. des. Aquafertistcs (Society of French
Etchers) the same year.

nirncxi-Tits and srxr-i mu

69

HU etching* were particularly noteworthy. The titles of some
of tus original Indian and Foreign etchings were, Kashtaharani
Ghat, Monghyr, 1901, A Riverside Temple, Monghyr, 1903, A
City Gateway, Lahore, 1917, The Ajmer Gate, Old Delhi, 1918,
The Women’s Bathing Steps, Udaipur, Rajputana, 1918, Proladh
Ghat, Benaras, 1919, A Ballygunge Tank, Calcutta, 1919, In the
Court of the Golden Mosque, Lahore, 1919, A Street in Udaipur,
Rajputana, 1920, The Canal Chitpur, Calcutta, 1920, The Sweet-
meat Seller, BIshnath Temple, Benaras, 1920, A Lascar's Tea
Shop, Kidderpore, 1921, A Persian Wheel, Lahore, 1921, Stairway
in the Bazar, Darjeeling, 1924, The Non-Cooperator, 1924, A
Kashmir Beggar, Lahore Baba Mast Ram Das, 1927, The Inverted
Ploughs, 1928, In the Bazar, Delhi, 1936, The Kos-Miner in the
Field, Delhi, The House on the Wall, Lahore, The Cloud Messenger,
Isola dei Pescatori, Lake Maggiorc, 1934, Rio San Pole, Venice,
1934, Rio S. Formosa, Venice, 1934, Antilerj, South of France.

Salhn's paintings and sketches included, The Swayam vara cf
Yasodhara, Buddha in the Forest, Camel Rider, the Taj Mahal,
Brindaban BIhari Ghat, The Tatau, The Temple of Jbangira and
Jammu Masjid, Darjeeling, Poster 'Inverted Plough' (Kalka
Farming), Mahabarat, The Tobacconist, Simla Hills 26, Pictures of
the Alphabets Vendors-Malaga, Spitans Coffee House, Market Place,
San Remo, Italy, All that is left of the Old Residency of Cossimbazar,
1921, San Remo (Sketch), War svith Prithvi Raj, Illustrations in
the Indian King Reader, Book II.

After his return from Europe, Scallan took to writing mainly of
a historical nature. He was an illustrator for various important
publishers and Government departments in India. He was also
a poet.

Scallan lived to the age of SO. He died in November, 1950,
and was survived by his widow who was still living in Calcutta.

CHAPTER V

ANGLO-INDIANS AND THE
MUTINY

TO write of the valour and exploits of the Anglo-Indians during
the Mutiny or the First War of Independence, as it will probably
be redesignated, is a delicate if not politically dangerous task. In
his book entitled ‘The Call of the Blood’ Stark has recorded, often
in detail, accounts of the decisive, sometimes seemingly superhuman,
heroism of Anglo-Indian men and women. The task is delicate,
because to write unreservedly about events in India at that parti-
cular period might easily be misunderstood in an Independent
India. And yet no account of the Community would be even
partially complete without some narrative of the position and the
heroism of the Community during that critical period. There is
no intention to apportion blame. Whatever is written should not
be misunderstood. It is part of the scroll of history. Anglo-
Indian valour, reckless heroism, disregard of danger and death
should not be interpreted as a glorification or any anti-Indian
feeling, no more than to record the part played by the Sikhs would
be to portray the Sikhs as being anti-Indian.

The deeds and services of the Community during that period do
not represent anything of which they should be ashamed. According
to their history, tradition and background they did their duty.
In fact, they served beyond the call of duty. It is this aspect of
courage, of devotion to duty that this period serves to throw up in
bold relief. These qualities, in fact, run through the history of
the Community : they have projected themselves in the service of
Anglo-Indians to Independent India.

An adequate record is difficult, because of the trend to be found
throughout British Indian history of lumping the exploits of the
Community with those of the British. No real attempt has ever
been made to distinguish between the achievements of the Anglo-
n am an the British. Certain features, however, stand out.

ANGLO-INDIANS AND TUT. UUTTST

71

The British administration was caught not only unprepared but
was shaken to its foundations and might veil liavc been completely
overrun. Some of those who have written of the Anglo-Indian
contribution have stated, on good authority, that but for the part
played by the Community British Indian history might have been
differently written. This is said not in any anti-Indian spirit nor
in any spirit of overweening self-adulation.

. The Mutiny was characterised by excesses and atrocities on both
sides. In the first fury of the Mutiny, Anglo-Indians equally with
Europeans were caught up in a maelstrom of violence and sudden
death. Usually no attempt was made by mutinous troops or
those who joined them to distinguish between Europeans and
Anglo-Indians. Whole families of Anglo-Indians were wiped out.
In his book Stark gives lurid details of almost indescribable indivi-
dual heroism on the part of Anglo-Indian men and women caught
up in an orgy of mob violence and other excesses. It would take a
considerable volume to refer in any detail to the exploits of the
Community at this flaming period in India's history. Only the
briefest reference to some of the outstanding exploits is possible.

Delhi And The Punjab

The first name that comes to mind is that of the Anglo-Indian
youth Brcndish. Brendish, who was only 18 years of age, was a
telegraphist posted at Delhi. Only a few years before the electric
telegraph had been introduced into India. At twilight during the
period of evensong on the memorable Sunday, the 1 Oth May, the
Mutiny broke out unexpectedly and prematurely at Meerut. The
message was flashed by telegraph to Delhi. It was received by
the Anglo-Indian telegraphists George Brendish, Charles Todd
and Pilkington. Meanwhile the storm of the mutiny had burst
also over Delhi. Todd went out to repair the telegraph line
between Delhi and Meerut which had been cut. He was met by
rebel troops and killed. A stream of refugees from Delhi and the
surrounding areas hurried past the telegraph office which Brendish
and Pilkington refused to leave. Brendish kept flashing messages
to wherever it was possible to send them. Unable to get into
touch with Meerut, he sent the following telegram to Ambala,
“We must leave office. All the bungalows are being burnt down
by the sepoys of Meerut. They came in this. morning. We aie

72 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

off. Don’t call today. Mr. C. Todd is dead, we think. He went
out this morning, and has not returned yet. We heard that nine
Europeans were lulled. Good bye.” From Ambala this message
was relayed to Lahore, from there to Peshawar and other military
stations of Punjab. As a result sepoys throughout the Punjab
were disarmed. Referring to this action on the part of Brendish
Sir Herbert Edwards speaking to a London audience said, “Just
look at the courage and sense of duty which made that boy, with
shots and cannon all round him, manipulate that message which,
I do not hesitate to say, was the means of the salvation of the
Punjab.” Sir Robert Montgomery, Judicial Commissioner of the
Punjab, was even more emphatic when he said, “The electric
telegraph saved India.” These words are inscribed on the obelisk
which stands in the compound of the Delhi Telegraph Office and
which was unveiled by Lord Curzon in 1902. Curzon repeated
Montgomery’s words. Little is known of what became of
Pilkington.

Brendish was not, as some historians have written, killed after
sending the message. After Delhi had fallen he joined the Meerut
Light Hone which was recruited from the uncovenantcd services
and consisted of a large number of Anglo-Indians. From there
he joined the Bengal Yeomanry Cavalry, another predominantly
Anglo-Indian Unit, which was disbanded in 1895. After this
Brendish rejoined the Telegraph Department. The manner and
the quantum of the recognition of his services arc significant. They
are significant for the tardy and niggardly manner in which Anglo-
Indian achievement, however outstanding, was recognised or
appreciated by the British administration. He was made a gift
of a month’s pay which was Rs. 30 or £ 2. After a proper
period of forgetfulness, lasting over 40 years, the next instalment of
recognition came with his retirement on full pay. In 1902 a final
instalment of recognition, properly modulated, was made to
Brendish in the shape of a Medal of the Victorian Order.

The major contribution of Brendish to the salvation of the Punjab
from being overrun by the mutinous troops was complemented by
the exploits of another Anglo-Indian, General Henry Van Cort-
landt. The Punjab has been known traditionally as the ‘Sword
Arm* of India. Thev message from Brendish had enabled tens of
thousands of potential '.mutineers to be disarmed. In spite of that

AXClOlNDUXi AND Tltt WtTST 4

to to osxr 30,000 «foy, «ho H>J 1«» *"

Punjab and who bad joined other mulinoui elctnrnu. Then
wm> nnlv a handful of British worn \n *» we* ««1 t.^tcyino

were only jIumuw*— • ,, . ,, . „

with those units or Indian raiments that could be rclrft! upon
were too inadequate to dal with the widespread dcpmlauoni-
The Grand Trunk Road up to Delhi and beyond hid w be Vcpt
open, isolated communities of Europeans protected, if possible,
from the general carnage which had swept over several families
caught up in out-of-the-way places. The administration seas
desperate and virtually helpless. To their rescue came an Anglo-
Indian, one of the romantic and legendary figures of Anglo-Indian
history. He "is Henry Van Cortlandt.

Van CortlandtT MOry is typical of the milieu in which the
Anglo-Indian had to struggle and also typical oT die cruel social
and economic policies which were part of the then llrithh code in
India. Henry was the son of Lt. Col. Henry Clinton Van Cortlandt
of the Company’s Army. The ion wai educated in England and
given a military training. He returned to India hoping to get a
commission alongside hvs father in the Company’s fortes, but as
with the majority of the Anglo-Indians the policies of prejudice
proved too much. Because or his Indian blood from his mother**
side, Van Cortlandt was denied admission into the Company's
army. Trained to soldiering he took service with Ranjit Singh,
the lion of the Punjab. When the fust Sikh War broke out Van
Cortlandt took up service with the British and was appointed as a
Political Officer. On the cessation or the hostilities he was re-
employed by Ranjit Singh. With die outbreak of the second
Sikh War Van Cortlandt was embodied in General Edwards* army.
He rendered particularly distinguished service in the battle of
Multan.

With the annexation of the Punjab, Van Cortlandt joined the
civil service. When the Mutiny broke out he was performing his
duties as a civil servant. With growing restlessness he watched the
tide rising against the administration. Trained to arms, with
soldiering in his blood, he volunteered to raise a cavalry unit. In
tune oT stress, throughout British-Indian history, the administration
unhesitatingly called upon the Community wbkh. was, al>.«
their loyal and selfless service was completed, as unhesitatingly
discarded. Van Cortlandt’* offer was accepted with alacrity.

74

THE 5 TORT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

His own reputation and the reputation of his father enabled him,
within a comparatively short time, to raise the Harriana Light
Horse. With this body of (roops as his nucleus Van Cortland t,
who now enjoyed the rank of General, achieved a series of victories
which ultimately ended in the complete pacification or the Punjab.
With an auxiliary of Bikaner troops, he broke the mutineers at
Hansi and went on from there to recapture Hissar. With his
victories at Mungali and Jamalpore he subdued the whole or
Punjab up to Rohtak which is only a few miles from Delhi. By
his series of lightning and uninterrupted victories. General Van
Cortlandt reclaimed the most vital and strategic districts, such as
Sirsa, Hansi, Hissar and Rohtak.

In addition, bis victorious forces cut oflf huge bodies of mutineers
under Prince Muhammad Azecm and prevented them from swelling
the already swollen tide of mutineers who had proceeded to Delhi
to join the general fighting there. When the mutiny had been
quelled, Van Cortlandt’s outstanding and vital services were
recognised by the award of the Companionship of the Bath. He
was also made the Commissioner of Multan. Van Cortlandt
retired from service in 1868 and died in London on the 15th March,
1888.

Lucknow

The Mutiny had broken out at Meerut on the 10th May, 1857.
In Lucknow the fateful day was the 30th May. Sir Henry Lawrence
w-as the Chief Commissioner and was invested with plenary powers
and also given the rank of Brigadier-General.

The only force Lawrence had with him consisted or 300
British troops. To augment this totally inadequate number, he
raised a corps of volunteers and constabulary. This corps was
part Infantry and part Cavalry. It was recruited from among
Europeans and the Anglo-Indian civil population. With these
volunteers and a handful of troops Lawrence withstood and made
history during the siege of Lucknow. He faced over 50,000
mutinous troops.

. ^HHning true to form the British historian has not cared to
identify the names and the achievements or the Anglo-Indians.
As usual these names and achievements have been included with
i c ritis i. It has been possible, however, to rescue some of these

ANGltMNUUXS AKD t1!E JlUTtST 75

names for Anglo-Indian history. In his book, Stark has made a
reference to a number of Anglo-Indians who fought with the
daring and abandon of professional soldiers. Charles Crabbc was
a mere lad who was specially mentioned for his bravery in facing
shot and shell and performing his duty in an exposed position. In
a sortie another Anglo-Indian by the name of Hyde rushed one of
the enemy batteries killing three mutineers, shooting two and
putting the third to the sword. Young Campagnac in spite of an
injury to his leg was seen hobbling about, rifle in liand, where the
fighting was the thickest. Incidentally, Campagnac’s grandson,
Charles Campagnac, is, today, a colonel in the Indian Army
and one of iu finest boxers. Other names mentioned by Stark
for conspicuous gallantry wrre those of McGrennen and Hill.
Sequeira, without hesitation, manned a post which was a verit-
able death-trap. When the Commanding Officer asked the name
of the NCO who had had the criminal stupidity to put Sequeira
in such an exposed position, he refused to disclose the name of the
NCO. Among other names rescued from oblivion were those of
Ramsay and Apothecary Thompson. Ramsay was a telegraph
assistant who was working day and night at his post till he was
killed by a bullet. In his account of the Mutiny, Rees says of
Thompson, “Next to God, Dr. Thompson had been the means of
saving many lives.” The defence of the Residency and the siege
of Lucknow are now landmarks in the annals of Indian history.

Even in a historical record of outstanding courage and unusual
gallantry one particular aspect of this grim period deserves to be
specially mentioned. Seldom, if ever, hare schoolboys been called
upon and answered the call to fight as men and soldiers! During the
siege of Lucknow 14 boys of La Martinicre School, which is still
one of the leading Anglo-Indian schools in the Country, were required
to do duty as soldiers. The position allotted them was known as
the Martiniere Post. They not only carried arms, but stood shoulder
to shoulder with the professional soldiers and the civilian volunteers
at every phase of defence and attack. The names of those 14
Anglo-Indian lads deserve to be inscribed on a special scroll of
bravery. They were —

(1) Edward H. Hilton

(2) David Arathoon

(3) William Clark

76 THE. STOKE 07 THE AXC10-I>!OTA.N COStS tUNtTT

(4) John Homy

(5) Danier Isaacson

(6) James Luffman

(7) James Lynch

(8) David Macdonald

(9) Lews Nicholls

(10) Donald Macdonald

(11) George Roberts

(12) Joseph Sutton

(13) John Walsh

(14) Samuel Wrangle

In the words of Skipton this was. "The only public school in the
British Empire with a record of active military service.”

Half the meagre forces with which Lawrence withstood the siege
of Lucknow from May till September, when Lucknow was relieved
by troops under Sir Colin Campbell and Sir James Outram, were
civilians. Apart from the scorching heat and then the pouring
rain, the garrison was reduced to starvation rations: suffering
and disease took their increasing toll. The deaths sometimes
rose to as many as 20 in one day. And in all this tragedy there
was the inspiring example of courage^and endurance not only by
civilians, but by boys. The women in the garrison, half of whom
were Anglo-Indians, showed a stoicism and courage equalled only
by their men. They cooked the meagre rations, they tended the
sick, the wounded and the dying. They helped to forge a tradition
for the Community, in war and in stress, which has been maintained
by subsequent generations of Anglo-Indian women.

Sir James Outram in his Divisional Order of the 15th October,
1857, offered his, "Special congratulations and thanks to the
European and Eurasian portion or the garrison.”

R. Gubbins, Financial Commissioner for Oudh, and next in
rank to Sir Henry Lawrence, in his "Account of the Mutinies in
Oudh and of the Siege of the Lucknow Residency” writes,
“Sufficient justice has, I think, scarcely been done to the clerks and
un covenanted service. The admirable conduct displayed by this
class, which contained such men as Kavanagh and Williams”,. . . -
and again .... “All behaved well during the siege, and were
often very conspicuous in repelling the fiercest attacks of the enemy.
They deserved, I think, better at the hand of Government than

ANGLO-INDIANS AND THE HITT! NT 77

they received, or had at least received, when I left India.”

‘‘The uncovenanted service, let me again say, distinguished itself
very remarkably at Lucknow. Individuals belonging to it on
several occasions volunteered and took part in sorties when the
enemy’s guns were charged and spiked. And its members should
have no cause to complain that their gallantry and good conduct
have gone unrewarded." The Anglo-Indians were the uncove-
nanted service.

Cawnporc

The (lames of the Mutiny spread to and ultimately enveloped
Cawnporc on the 6th June. The tragic (ate of the Casvnpore
garrison and their acceptance of the terms offered by Nana Sahib
and the ultimate slaughter of men, women and children arc not
for this book to relate. The total garrison of about a 1000 of
which ultimately there were only 2 survivors, contained about 300
Anglo-Indians. A reference to Cawnporc is, however, indicated
because of the two outstanding attempts made by Anglo-Indians
to carry messages to Allahabad in order to bring relief to
the beleaguered and desperate Cawnporc garrison. Those two
Anglo-Indians were Blenman and Shepherd. Disguised as a
cook Blenman tried to get through the enemy lines. He eluded
seven pickets, but was ultimately caught by the eight!). He saved
himself by immediately inventing the story that he was a chamar
(leather worker) and that the revolver he was carrying had been
taken by him from a European. He ultimately returned to the
beleaguered garrison. G.O. Trevelyan in his book on the Mutiny
paid a tribute to his gallantry during the terrible privation and
fighting. General Wheeler, the Commanding Officer, at last decid-
ed to accept the terms of Nana Sahib for safe passage as further
resistance was impossible. Blenman was among those who were
killed by Nana Sahib’s troops at the Suttee Chowra Ghat.

W.J. Shepherd was the other Anglo-Indian who volunteered to
go through the enemy lines and seek relief for the beleaguered
garrison. He was a clerk in the Commissariat Department at
Lucknow. Barely recovered from a bullet wound, Shepherd
volunteered to try and get through to Allahabad. He was
disguised as a cook. Shepherd, however, did not go very far and
was caught by Nana Sahib’s troops. He was tried and sentenced

78 THE STOUT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNTCT

to three years’ imprisonment. He was fortunate. With the re-
capture of Cawnpore by General Havelock he was found alive
and released.

Bombay

While the Mutiny had been scotched in the Punjab, the flames
enveloped Delhi, Cawnpore, Lucknow and leaped their way to
Central India. Bombay was a focus which, if overrun, would
have extended the Mutiny through Western India and the Madras
State. The spirit of disaffection was no less strong in Bombay
than elsewhere. The British authorities and more especially the
British officers of Indian regiments were lolling in a sense of false
complacency. In spite of what had already taken place in other
parts of the Country, British military officers refused to believe
that their own set of men could ever be disloyal. They felt that
any indication of suspicion on their part would create wanton
resentment and perhaps disaffection among the men, where none
existed. Fortunately for the British at this time the administration
of the Bombay Police was in the hands of an Anglo-Indian, Charles
Forjett. Forjett had started life in a humble capacity in the
Survey of India Department. By dint of hard work and merit, he
climbed the rungs till he became a Superintendent of Police and
uncovcnanted Assistant Judge, then Deputy Commissioner of
Police, Bombay, and finally Commissioner of Police and Sheriff
of Bombay. In his book 'Our Real Danger in India’ Foijett
has traversed the critical and momentous events in which he was
a central figure. While deprecating unnecessary suspicion, Foijett
was convinced that the events in other parts of the Country
demanded the utmost precaution and vigilance. He approached
Lord Elphinstone, the Governor of Bombay, and asked for and
was given a free hand to take all measures that he considered
necessary. The first thing Foijett did was to collect around him
a strong and reliable nucleus of mounted Anglo-Indian and
European Policemen. They were a handful consisting of 50 men.
He refused to disperse these men through the city and maintained
them as a hard core under his immediate command. There was
an incident which, if not firmly handled by Foijett, might well
have precipitated the mutiny of the troops in Bombay.

A Christian soldier belonging to the 10th Regiment of Infantry

ANGLO-INDIANS AND THE MUTINY 79

had bumped into a procession carrying a Hindu deity. The
■drunken soldier assaulted the members of the procession and
knocked over the deity. The nearby policemen took the soldier
into custody. When word reached the Regiment, a number of
soldiers proceeded to the police lock-up, assaulted the policemen
on duty and rescued their comrade. A European policeman
with 4 men went to the military lines and insisted on the policemen,
who had been seized by the soldiers, being released. The sepoys
surrounded the policemen who had to fight their way out, killing
3 of the soldiers and wounding others. On this the sepoys took
to arms and were faced by 5 or 6 of their European officers with
drawn swords. As soon as news reached Forjett, he rushed to the
spot with his 50 mounted policemen. The British officers implored
him to go away as they felt that his presence would only incite die
troops to violence. Forjett’s mounted policemen were well-armed
and refused to listen to the British officers. He ordered his men
to open fire on which the sepoys thought better of the whole matter
and the incident ended quietly.

Forjett was now in the process of being convinced that the men
were restless and had been infected with the fever of disaffection.
He then arranged to keep a close watch on the sepoys. Not only
did he send out hand-picked men, in disguise, to mingle with the
sepoys when they visited the market, but Forjett himself in one
disguise or another did the same. Being dark-skinned Fotjett
had no difficulty in assuming various disguises. As a result he
discovered that the house of one Ganga Prasad had become the
rendezvous for the secret meetings of the sepoys. He got hold of
Ganga Prasad and on pain of unspeakable penalties induced the
latter to agree to admit him in disguise into one of those secret
meetings. From an anteroom Forjett was able to overhear the
conversation which left him in no doubt that the troops in Bombay
were completely disaffected and were planning an uprising. The
broad facts which emerged were that an uprising had been
arranged for the last day of Muharram, a Muslim festival. It
had, however, been postponed owing to the draconian measures
taken by Foijett and was now fixed for a day during Diwali.

Forjett knew that if he relayed his information to the British
officers, they would immediately discount his information as being
exaggerated or even baseless. He, therefore, arranged to take

80 THE STOUT OP THE ANGLO-INDIAN' COSORTNTTT

Major Barrow, the senior British Officer, along with him to one of
the meetings. Barrow was dumbfounded when he heard for him-
self the conversations : in spite of hts original scepticism, he lud
to accept the evidence of his eyes and ears. As a result, the ring-
leaders were duty court-martiallcd and sentenced. The "hole
movement was nipped in the bud.

Illustrative of the typical British neglect of the sendees of
members of the Community, Forjcit received no official recognition
for his outstanding work. Certain verbal encomia were, however,
duly recorded not "tthout a certain seme of patronage. By a
resolution dated the 19th June, 1858, die Govcmor-in-Council
recorded, “That the expectations raised by the appointment of
Mr. Forjett to the executive command of the Bombay Police have
been amply realised."

On the 23rd Mav, of the following year, the Secretary of the
Judicial Department ssrote, “The Right Honourable the Governor-
in-Council avails himself of this opportunity of expressing his sense
of the very valuable services rendered by the Deputy Commissioner
of Police, Mr. I'orjett, in the detection of die plot in Bombay in
the autumn of 1857. His duties demanded great courage and
acuteness, and great judgement, all of which qualities were
conspicuously displayed by Me. Foqelt at this trying period.”

Praise from an even higher source duly arrived. Sir Char I css
Wood, Secretary of State for India, conveyed to him, "The gracious
approbation of Her Majesty the Queen or your conduct during
the critical period of the Mutiny and the disturbances in India."

The Indian and European communities in Bombay presented
Fotjett v ith an address and, with the approval of the Government,
gave him a purse of 3850 pounds in token of their gratitude for his
"zealous energy" and the successful application of his "almost
despotic powers”. Torjett died in London on 27th January,
1890. He continued to be resentful of the niggardly treatment
he had received from the British administration and salved his
injured feelings by recording his experience in his book entitled,
‘Our Real Danger in India* where his services have been
chronicled.

In recognition of his services Toijett was granted an extra pension
and his son, F.II. Forjett, granted a commission in the Army.
Forjett’s son saw service mostly with the 2Gth Bombay Native

ANGLO-INDIANS AND THE MUTINY

81

Infantry | which in the 'seventies’ and ‘eighties’ was popularly
known as the 'Black Watch’, since three of the senior ofliern were
Anglo-Indians : they were the Commanding Officer John Miles,
who is said to have had a dominating personality, John Heath
and F.H. Torjett. The family name was said originally to have
been Forget, suggesting French descent.

Calcutta

That the flames of the Mutiny did not erupt in Calcutta was
due to the grizzled Anglo-Indian soldier General Sir John Bennett
Heaney, who was the military commander of the district, which
included Calcutta the then Capital or India. The mounting
spate of news from all directions of uprisings and the massacre of
Europeans, both military and civilian, kept Calcutta on the edge
of nervous expectation. Sunday, the 14th June, 1857, has been
described as “panic” Sunday. The growing snowball of rumour
given momentum by a certain amount of panicky, wishful thinking
gave birth to the story that the disbanded sepoys were on their
way from Barrackporc to slaughter the Europeans of Calcutta.
Trotter tells of the almost wild stampede led by high European
officials, both civil and military, to Fort William or to ships on the
river. Fortunately nothing happened on “panic” Sunday. It
was confirmed later, however, that there t«ss ample basis for the
alarm. The Maharaja of Gwalior was to entertain European
guests to a dispray of fire-works on “panic” Sunday. It was
arranged that the fire-works would be the signal for an uprising at
Fort William, Calcutta, of the sepoys who, after killing their
officers, would join the sepoys from Barrack pore. Thereafter, they
Would proceed to the palace of the deposed King of Oudh at Garden
Reach and fink up with his force of about 1,000 armed retainers.
The final part of the plan was that these ex-soldiers would lead a
mass of the Muslim population in Calcutta to wipe out the European
population. The plan failed because or a downpour of rain which
prevented the fire-works. The uprising was, therefore, postponed
to the 23rd June, which was considered to be trebly propitious. It
was the centenary of the Battle of Plassey; it was also the occasion
or the Hindu festival of Rathjatra and of the Muslim festival of
Bohr Id. The plan was forestalled by General Heaney disarming
and disbanding the sepoys at Barrackpore. The guards posted to

82

THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

different parts of Calcutta although not removed from their posts
were disarmed. Hearsey was a tough, battle-hardened, fighting
general and one of the most trusted advisers of Lord Canning,
the then Viceroy. He belonged to the well-known Anglo-Indian
family of Hearseys.

Volunteer Corps

In these conditions of anxiety, nervous tension and fearful
cxpectahon the Government decided to create the Bengal Yeomanry
Cavalry It was a volunteer corps. For this corps a large number
of Anglo-Indians volunteered. In October, 1857, the Yeomanry

Cavalry proceeded from Howrah to Raniganj by train. From there

they marehed via Gaya and Patna across the Ganges into Tirhut.
They moved through Dharbhanga and other places towards the
Nepal Terrai.

Early 1S50 they marched into the Gorakhpur district and
tdtmtntely armed at Atatora. They rough! a series of actions and
at Gonda, in conjunction with certain other units, touted the forces
or the Rajah of Gonda. The main body of the enemy, however,
t as yet to be dealt with and the opposing forces met on the outskirts
of Bulwaghat. Nash describes the battle as follows, "One hundred
and twen£two sabres with the Colour, at their head prcparrd to
charge. The word, 'March, Trot, Gallop', i„ „pid succession,
have scarcely pawed the lip, of the leader, when on dash the
keotnanry Lkc greyhound, slipped from the leash. They, weep
,h , ’ ‘hCy Plu”s' m"> intercepting ravines half full of

water that rnotnentartly check their rare into the jaw, of dead,;
fey tear through the stream in the teed, of a shower of grape from
the enemy , one and only 18 ponder. Still on goes theTqmdron,

onward ‘"d' “b" W to Lee the

onward wave s.,11 roar, as „ 'Now for ^ ^ for ^

fLdre Imt L a f">m PPing muzzle vomit,

^ d““*' grape into our faces:

• ANGLO-INDIANS AND THE MCTXNT

03

sepoys on every side as if out of the very ground itself. They have
been crouching like tigers prepared to spring from behind the
village, and from behind die thin line of their front rank by which
we had been decoyed. It was now too late to check the headlong
rush: and, had it been attempted, in the confusion that would
doubtless have followed, the destruction of the whole squadron
would probabty have been the result. No sooner, therefore, were
these numerous assailants disclosed, than the next moment a stream
of musketry, like a sheet of fire, met us with terrible effect and
literally cut down a section of the squadron, and encumbered the
spot where this withering volley was received with men and horses
straggling >n dying agony.”

"But nothing could daunt the remnant of that devoted band.
They plunged in among the enemy with an ardour that could not
be resisted. In an area of Heaven knows how few square yards,
the kilted and the wounded lay crowded together as they had
fallen. Some of the latter, with their garments on fire, were unable
to move; others fell and died without a groan; others, weltering in
their blood, or bleeding to death, dragged themselves up into a
silting posture, and, with revolver in hand, watched the doubtful
fight; and others again, having escaped severe injury and having
lost their horses, were standing over their helpless comrades and
shooting down the scattered sepoys as they approached within
revolver range of that gory spot.”

"‘While all this was going on, the undaunted remnant — roused
to almost superhuman efforts — having ridden into and over the
mutineers, drew their revolvers, and an unrelenting and indiscrimi-
nate carnage ensued. And now the left squadron, noticing their
comrades hard pressed, also raced into the melee; and then the
clank of steel, the rattling of musketry, and the yell of the mutineers."

In the cold weather of 1858-59 the Yeomanry Cavalry were
employed in operations in the Baraich District of Oudh. Here by
their fighting qualities they gained the dreaded name of the
‘Shaitan Paltan’, that is, the Devil’s Regiment. Finally they
operated against the sepoys on the Nepal frontier. They had been
commanded by Major Richardson of the 81st Irregulars; Captain
F.C. Chapman was the Second-in -Command. The Cavalry
consisted of 4 Troops, one of which was commanded by Lieutenant
deHoxar, member of a well-known Anglo-Indian family from

84 THE STORY OP THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Northern India. The corps was disbanded at Patna in 1859.
Before breaking up the men were addressed by the Viceroy as
follows, “I cannot allow the Officers and Men of the Bengal
» eomanry Cavalry to disperse without expressing in general orders
this acknowledgement or the excellent services they have rendered.
The gazette of the 23rd March, 27th April, lhh May, 6 th and
3th July, 13th August, 12th and 19th October, 23rd November,
1858 and the 11th and 18th January, 1859, all testify that the
Benga Yeomanry Cavalry have borne a distinguished part in the
several operations therein recounted. Long marches, exposure,
fatigue, and harassmg patrol and picket duties have from the first
fallen to the lot of this young Corps, and they have borne the whole
m true soldier-like spirit. The Governor-General-in-Counci!

nveys his best thanks for the good service they have rendered
imtln* Sn’ and m d,sband,nE ‘he Corps, which from the 27th
msnmt will cease to belong to the British Army, he wishes its
members a hearty farewell.1’

r S"’„C,h.?reh' Calcul"' tb« following tablet Wat to be
GUR ALMORAH' “KRAMJOTE, NUKUG-

BORSAItLt ™; .WOMOM. DOOMAREAGUNJ,
TOO^S'PORE, A.D. 1857-1858. Erected by
If l£f Tv No"-Co™u””"«> Officer, and Men of the Regiment
fellffi fc nT C™h* " ra""°^ of their Comrade' who

°r <li'd »f ">* «™»d* "T di.eate ,

COROVFTs'i :‘‘7TD; f-fEGTENANT S. STROVER;
c s gaynor' aw »“Rshall, H.P. TROUr,
W H B^NNft C H' ^VAGE. WA. CURRAN,

T TAYLOR oo'^,IioI'tAMS:TROOPERS’ G-'VESTERLV’

J DROWN ’r X\tI^R^ER' H ffANDOLPH, F. MILTON,
JD ALLINGHAM A/'„^,R,CHARDSON. g- ANDERSON,
W. GRIFFITHS \ E-mn\tr7RALD' ERROL> T. BURKE,

Anglo-Indian V.Cs.

lndi.nT,TTl™™^nTjT, idcnrifiablc Anglo-
Commissioner’t office at L« Wv' * thc D'Pn,>'

to far, the only civilian , Eavanagh was the f.rtt and,

y civil, an India „„ , *c„atri

ANGLO-INDIANS AND THE JtUTINT

85

the V.C. On the military side the first Anglo-Indian to win the
V.C. was Andrew Fitzgibbon. In fact Fitagibbon was the youngest
person ever to have been awarded the Victoria Cross. The next
identifiable Anglo-Indian V.CL was Robert MacMtllan, an orphan
Anglo-Indian boy from Madras, \vho won this coveted distinction
while serving with the Sherwood Foresters in the Ashanti War
of 1873.

Belated Recognition

The Queen’s proclamation of 1st November, 1858, marked the
official end of the Mutiny. Much of the exploits, daring and
unwavering courage of the Community during a period which
broke the spirits and the minds of many men and women have
not been salvaged for history. Much of this achievement has
been lost under the general designation ‘British’. Much of it has
also been lost to historical record for want of chroniclers. What
has been salvaged stands out as a shining monument to the courage
and devotion to duty of the Anglo-Indian Community. The
knowledge of their deeds is made all the more splendid by the fact
that for the greater part of a century before the Mutiny they had
been subjected to bitter economic and social disabilities and even
to deliberately cruel discrimination. Yet, when the occasion arose,
they formed civilian regiments and served shoulder to shoulder
with the most seasoned and battle-inoculated soldiers, both British
and Indian. Their dogged endurance, their capacity to march
and fight in the deadly heat of an Indian summer, or during the
torrendal rains, at last evoked a belated recognition of their quali-
ties. The Volunteer Corps of Patna, the Lahore Light Hone,
the Uncovenanted Men of the Lucknow Volunteer Cavalry, had
written in deeds of reckless heroism a valourous and stirring history.
The Lucknow Volunteer Cavalry had met and repelled the repeated
onslaughts of over 50,000 mutineers. The First Madras Fusiliers,
Pearson’s Battery, the Mounted Volunteers of Agra, the Yeomanry
of Meerut, the Cavalry Regiment of Calcutta, all of which units
contained a large proportion of Anglo-Indians, had made a notable
contribution to the final result of this dark and uncertain period of
history.

As part of the recognition of the fighting qualities exhibited
by the Community, it was announced that the Government had

THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

decided to raise a regiment of Anglo-Indians, from all parts of the
Country, for service in Bengal. Lord Canning was among the
first and the most enthusiastic in his appreciation of the courageous
services of the Community.

The Metropolitan See was occupied, at that time, by one of the
greatest prelates who have ever adorned this high office. In his
thanksgiving address at St. Paul’s Cathedral, Bishop Cotton pleaded
on the 28th July, I860, for the setting up of a number of well-
equipped schools for the Community. In his minute of October,
the Viceroy pleaded in ardent terms for fairplay to the Anglo-
Indians : “If cared for betimes, it will become a source of strength
to British rule and of usefulness to India. The Eurasian class
have a special claim upon us. The presence of a British Govern-
ment has called them into being. They serve the Government in
many respects more efficiently than the native can serve it, and
more cheaply and more conveniently than the European can.”

Lord Canning’s scheme for the advancement of the Community
was largely still-born because his term of office expired in 1862.
Bishop Cotton also died in 1866. After Canning, there were no
less than four Viceroys during the next twelve or fourteen years.
It was only on the 13 th August, 1881, that Lord Lytton, recalling
the intentions and promise of Lord Canning, issued his minute
on which the Government of India decided on the 15 th October,
1881, to make European education (which included the Anglo-
Indians) a Department of Public Instruction. I deal with this
aspect more fully in the chapter entitled, ‘In the Educational
Vanguard’.

CHAPTER VI

THE GIDNEYAN ERA

Betrayal Again

LT.COL. SIR HENRY GIDNEY represented an epoch of over
20 years in the life and history of the Community. A re-
ference to Gidney’s service to the Community involves, inevitably,
a reference to the position and achievement* of the Anglo-Indian*
from 1920 to 1942.

Henry Albert John Gidney was bom on the 9th June, 1873, at
Igatpuri. Igatpuri i* situated in the Western Ghats about 80
miles east of Bombay. A comparatively small place, Igatpuri,
however, represented an important railway centre, where an
appreciable number of Anglo-Indians employed on the railways
lived and worked.

Gidney was brought up in the Methodist Episcopal faith. From
the Methodist School in Igatpuri, Gidney was transferred to the
Baldwin Boys’ High School, Bangalore, a well-known Anglo-Indian
School. Gidney finished his schooling at St. Peter’s High School,
Mazagaon, from where he matriculated at an unusually early age.
Gidney was an all-round sportsman, being good at billiards, boxing
and tenni*. In later life, he was a keen and successful big game
shikari.

Gidney was unusually ambidextrous. To this congenital
quality he ascribed much of his prodigious if not phenomenal
memory. Passing out from school, Gidney joined the Indian
Medical Department (British Cadre) which was reserved for
members of the Anglo-Indian Community. He was trained at the
Calcutta Medical College, where the I.M.D. students pursued
their studies along with medical students of all communities.
Gidney was barely 16 years of age when he joined the Medical
College in 1890. During the 4-year course in college, his academic
record was spectacular. In the first year examination he stood
&xt: in tie second year examination fie again stood first. IVSife

THE STORT OF THE ANCIO*tNDlAH COilMVNTTT

doing his medical studies, Gidney sought to improve himself
academically : he took the Intermediate Arts examination from the
Allahabad University. In the third year medical examination,
Gidney not only retained his first place but secured 3 gold medals.
He climaxed his stay in the Medical College by passing out first,
beating on the way every other student including the best civil
medical students from all the other Indian communities. This
time he won 5 gold medals and 6 other honour certificates for every
senior subject.

The Indian Medical Department (British Cadre) was a sub-
ordinate service open only to Anglo-Indians. It was attached
to the British Army in India, and hence the tag — British Cadre.
Gidney was fired by an irresistible ambition to enter the senior
service — the Indian Medical Service. After only 2 years as an
Assistant Civil Surgeon, he was able to get 6 months furlough to
proceed to England, an unheard of concession in those dap.
Within 6 weeks of his arrival in London, Gidney appeared for his
London Entrance Examination. This was also a record. Being
short of money, he appeared for certain competitive inter-hospital
examinations and annexed 3 out of 5 scholarships. After 6 months
he decided to appear for the I.M.S. competitive examination.
Here also he raced against time. He joined a famous coaching
school which had completed more than half the normal term. He,
however, appeared in the competitive examination and was success-
ful.

Gidney returned to India as an officer in the Indian Medical
Service. In 1901 he saw active service in China in the Boxer
rebellion. He was mentioned in despatches during this campaign.
In 1902 Gidney went to England on medical furlough where he
remained for 2 yean. During this period he obtained the F.R.GS.
(Edinburgh) and the D.P.H. (Cantab). Towards the end of
1906 Gidney was serving in the new Province of Eastern Bengal
and Assam as a Civil Surgeon. It was during the years 1906 to
1910 that he acquired increasing experience as an ophthalmic
surgeon. He spent most of his spare time in big game shooting.
In 1910 after being given the rank or Brev et Major, he went on a
year s furlough to England. This leave was extended by 9 months.
Durmg this period he passed the L.R.C.P., M.R.C.P. (E) and the
U.O. (Oxon) examinations. In 1911 he was elected Fellow of the

89

Tiff. CtDSETAN Jt*A

Royal Society (England). lit va. Htcymungest man at that timt
to bo given thi, high honour, lie did line research «* J"
Ophthalmology at Oaford and leas appointed post-graduate leeluree
in Ophthalmology at Oaford : he held that appointment Toe about
1 8 months. Gidney also officiated on the naif of the eye hospitals
or Oxford and London. .. ,

Throughout hi, carter in the I.M.S. Gidney came up, repeated! .
against race and colour discrimination. Whm he returned t
India, in 1911, he was appointed Civil Surgeon of Kohima m the
Kan Hills. Gidney bitterly resented this appointment, as it was
a deliberate act of professional ostracism, despite his outstandmg
qualifications which entitled him to a far more important assign-
ment. The reasons for his relegation were a serious allercat on
with the Governor and the rancour of a European member or the
I.M.S. who had become Inspcctor-Gcncral of C*v»l »J«P,,a!j’
This senior ofTicial could not forget that Gidney had UW
practice in the Dacca district, not deliberately but merely because
or Gidney’s demonstrably superior professional ability. Chafes
his defects, Gidney did not lack in spirit and physical courag
accompanied an expedition against the Naga hea *

Assam. He was appointed Senior Medical Officer ° . I

On one occasion when the camp of wounded soldiers was attacked
by the Nagas, Gidney’s presence of mind saved the situation. He
collected a handful of soldiers and beat ofT the Naga attack,
this occasion he showed outstanding personal gallantry in r”cu
a porter who, however, ultimately died of his wounds. In this
expedition Gidney was mentioned in despatches three tim«-
was understandably resentful of the fact that his lea mg par i
defence of the stockade was singled out for non-recogn.Uon. AU
those who had served under him to beat ofT t i e a ac
promoted and given decorations. Gidney alone ai e o g
specific recognition. This drew from him the bitter commen
that had a European officer done half as well, e wo
got the V.C. or sit least she D.S.O. The discritnmaloty sresstmcM
meted out to Gidttcy rankled and precipitated the decision to resign
from the service at the earliest possible opportunity. Jaesawee -
ing Governor of Assam, however, had been so impresse y 1 ^

work that he was transferred from the smallest to t e
district-Sylhet. There he soon built up a large private practice.

90

THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

It was while at Sylhet that Gidney submitted his resignation: he
actually secured an appointment in the London Eye Hospital.

The Great War, however, intervened. Gidney was posted to
Peshawar in September 1914. He saw active service in the North-
West Frontier and was Medical Officer to the Rajputs when they
suffered heavy casualties on the 19th April, 1915, in their attack
on the Shabkadar Fort. Gidney was wounded and given three
months' medical furlough. In 1916 Gidney was posted to the 6th
Division at Mhow. He was given a triple appointment, namely,
Surgical Specialist, Ophthalmic Specialist and Specialist in Public
Health. Even for the I.M.S., to serve as a specialist in three
subjects was a record. In 1917 lie was posted as a Senior Surgeon
of a large War hospital and promoted to the rank of Lieutenant-
Colonel. At the end of the War, Gidney was invalided from the
service.

Gidne/ s Love Life

In 190f Gidney married Grace Wignall the daughter of a
Yorkshireman who had settled in Agra. There were no children
oT the marriage which was not a success. After a few years Mrs.
Gidney settled in the U.K. Till she died in 1937 Gidney supported
her. In public life, anyone who amounts to anything has detractors.
Gidney certainly had his fill. His rather flamboyant manner
orten gave his vilifiers a stick with which to beat him. A connoisseur
art collector, Gidney had a connoisseur’s eye for beautiful women.
A polished performer on the dance floor, this added to his reputa-
tion as a lady-killer. Even towards the end or his career, when he
was an i man, Gidney would hold the floor and put to shame
much younger exponents of the waltz and the tango.

As leader of the Community and with the increasing eminence
e ac levc ^ as the unchallenged representative of Anglo-India,
Gidney inevitably had his temptations. As he went from centre
-° (C^n meet'nS ’t,e most beautiful and accomplished women
m the Community, many of them were attracted to him not only
for lus eminence but for his innate charm and polish.

cn wit strong passions subject to strong temptations often
ommi great au ts. The passionateness which impels to achieve-
ment by overcoming seemingly insurmountable obstacles not
seldom leads to romantic episodes. Much that was said or written

9!

Tire ClD're'rAN ERA

about Gidney » often deliberately and

Gidney undoubtedly had the eapactty to tnrptre “ “

some women. Dunn, hi. public career three women rhared

work and his burdens. . . t_L. :n thc

A sparkling raconteur Gidney could no. only fine but tak »
held of,. it and sarcasm. To the delight of many of Im taemtn
he recounted a series of his alleged romanrtc eseapadra. Thu
supplied further ammunition to hts eser-ready Slid™.

Gidney was sen-cd for many year, by one VJ_ Anars S.amng
a, anitun. in she olftee. A, Tar became the Pooh-Bah rf dm ltad
OBiee of the All-India Anglo-Indian A»oo»Uon- Ayy» was
Gidney-, private secretary, stenognspher and , tn to, the eh,«
esrceudvc in the olTtee. Gidney always had
bow Ayyar as the architect of some of the mm. eject tn . •
tations and memoranda produced during ‘'1' ,d
light for the Community. With much reltsh Ctdncy mid «onr
of an irate old Anglo-Indian lady, w o This

indoctrinated with considerable antt-Gidney p P _ ( r

old lady accosted Gidney and mid he ought o be ashamed I n
himself as he did nor hesitate even to go on tour ^

(maid servant). Gidney’. irrepressible setue of ™

him bow to .he lady: he added to her ^^1 Avnar a very
introduce her to his 'Ayah'. He ' 'hen ca ° indignant

masculine person, and introduced him S under her

old lady: dumbfounded, she left muttering something under

breath.

Enters Public Life

After retiring from the I-M-S. Gidney set up pma.c
in Bombay. He opened a large pnvate £ hospu a^

achieved immediate succcw. ^ go 000 nLk. This was

Rs. 10,000 a month and reached the Rs. ^U.wu

in 1918. ...3, joon drawn into

In spite of his lucrative practice Gid ey Corooration.

public life. He had his first taste m ,h' Bo?^yb i „r the
In 1918 he was elected President of -he totay 1™* ^
Anglo-Indian Empire League, an orgarusation
founded in 1908 by Charles Palmer. Ine.de, s^ly, ™”'^ded
.member of the weit-known Hyderabad fiuntly wbteh had foonUrU

92

THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMA [UNITY

the Palmer Bank in Calcutta and at one time made a loan of 10
million rupees to the Nizam of Hyderabad. In 1919 GIdney was
elected Vice-President of the Central Council of the Empire League.
At the end of the same year, in a rather bitter election he beat by
one vote J.H Abbott, who had been the President or the League for
many years. Abbott represented the Community in the then
Imperial Legislative Council. From then on Gidney devoted himself
increasingly to the leadership and organisation of the Community.

Jfre werc at least 5 organisations representing Anglo-Indians in
different parts of the Country including Gidney’s League. On the 9th
April, 1926, there was a conference between representatives of these
organisations from Bombay, Bengal, Madras, Allahabad and Burma,
rhe object was to seek amalgamation. Madras and Allahabad
preferred to plough their own, dissident furrows. Bengal and Burma
eane towards amalgamation and unity. Gidney then became
President of the Bengal Organisation. Into this he fused his own
organisation. The Anglo-Indian and Domiciled European Asso-
ciation All-India and Burma, was registered in 1926. In 1929
Allahabad also came under Gidney’s banner. By his energy,
rgamsing ability and relatively outstanding capacity Gidney
ultimately wrested the crown of Anglo-India and became its
accredited leader.

This was not to say that Gidney did not face opposition. He
bitterly comment^ not only on the base criticism but the evil
V° WvCh He "as °f,cn «posed. In Bengal the opposi-
H A c? by tW° Prominent Anglo-Indians. One was

rHnrat- 1 W °. ac*"cved not inconsiderable distinction as an
Commiin’n/ "rro,c commendable histories of the

for AIM X C 5.Urk had none of thc flair nor ‘he capacity
inrnnslft " h r* mJliP which Gidney possessed, he had a not
mconnderable following in Calcutta. Spare in stature, Stark

‘srandeeism^tl,*^’. 1"st,nc,lvc,)r seemed to resent the
an onnortun’tv % StI?n{5. y characterised Gidney. Stark never lost

TltE GIDNTTAN £AA

93

In The Legislature

With the introduction of the Montague-Chclmsford Reforms
the Central Legislative Assembly came into being. The Com-
munity had been granted one reserved seat to be filled by nomi-
nation. Gidney’s growing stature in the Community resulted
inevitably in a contest with J.H. Abbott. The two men acted
typically. Abbott was preoccupied getting signatures. The
dynamic Gidncy scorned such pedestrian methods. He toured
the Country not once but twice in a short space of four months.
The Community was scattered through the length and breadth
of the Country and located not only in the main cities but in
colonies in almost every railway centre in the Country.

Gidney’s almost aggressive character led him to beard Abbott
in his home town of Jhansi. He challenged Abbott to appear on
a common platform. Gidney’s incomparably greater capacity
and polish brought him overwhelming victory over Abbott even
in Jhansi. As a result of the decisive support of the Community
throughout the Country', Gidncy was nominated by the Viceroy
to the Legislative Assembly and took his seat in the House in
September, 1921. ,

Gidney had no real political background or training. As a
medical man, he did not have the background attributes which
often contribute to success in the political field. Gidncy, however,
represented a striking and, indeed, a refreshing departure from his
predecessor. Abbott had been, more or less, a silent hanger-on
of the European Group and of European policies. Gidncy had to
feel his way. The House consisted of two main elements that could
be broadly designated as radical and liberal. At that time the
attitude towards the Anglo-Indians even of the liberals was not
only unfriendly but even hostile. Gidney joined the European
Group, perhaps with the intention of not making a too sudden
break with the past conventions. Gidney was never, however,
happy with the European Group. He resented their patronising
attitude. In spite of his rapidly increasing influence in the House,
they were not prepared to accept him even in the position ofa
Deputy Leader of the Group. With his aggressively independent
spirit and his capacity to more than hold his own, both intellec-
tually and socially, Gidney represented a type of Anglo-Indian
whom the European Group often resented. As a nominated

94

THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COXfMUNITY

member, Gidney could not vote frontally against the Government.
Usually nominated members are not supposed to criticise, much
less speak against, the Government.

From the beginning, however, Gidney did not hesitate to express
his disapproval of Government policies whenever he felt that
criticism was necessary. Gidney had the disability of an un-
resonant, even thin voice. But with experience and practice, he
became a facile and often, when inspired by emotion, a moving
speaker. His speeches did not have any special literary or scholarly
quality. Gidney was not able to enter the lists in matters which
required a legal background. Yet, he was one of the most active
and vocal members. In time he came to be regarded as an
authority particularly on railway and army matters.

Gidney had considerable social charm. He was considered
perhaps the ace raconteur not only of the Legislature but of Delhi
society. He had a fund of inexhaustible stories. There was a
characteristic tang in Gidney’s story-telling. On more than one
occasion when about to regale the House with one of his tit-bits,
he would be warned by the President to reserve those of a risque
character for the lobby. Gidney’s ready wit often extricated him
from a difficult position in the House when under attack by some
outstanding debater or speaker. He also had a not negligible
ability for punning, which he used to the discomfiture of an
interrupter or a malicious opponent.

Both Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Gidney had a rather theatrical
manner. They were both persons with a considerable self-conceit.
Both were impeccable dressers. Both sported monocles. Their
similarities, however, seemed more to repel than to attract. On
one occasion when Gidney got up to speak immediately after
Jinnah, referring to Jinnah he said, “The Hon’ble Member who
has just sat down has not only got the bull by the horns but the
cow y the udder end.” The House greeted Gidney’s pun with
uproarious applause.

Anglo-Indians In The Services

Anglo-Indians \in the services owed a great deal to Gidney’s
tenacious, unremitting championship. Inevitably, a large part of
SDattemi0nraS devoted to »he position of Anglo-Indians
in me Railways. ^Sometimes the criticism was made that the

THE GIDNEY AN ERA

95

Association was virtually a railway trade union. In fact, this
criticism was not fair. A preponderant section of the Community
had for decades found a place in the Indian Railways. Past
British policy of deliberate discrimination and the steady economic
emasculation of the Community combined to make the Community
almost pathetically dependent on Government service. While
throwing a few crumbs to the Community by giving it an almost
special niche, in a subordinate capacity, British Imperialism served
first its own interests by filling strategic positions in the key services
with Anglo-Indians on whom they could rely in times of crisis.

From the beginning Gidncy took a leading part in the discussions
in the Legislative Assembly on the Railway administration. Both
in the House and outside he underlined the difficulties of the
Community in the Railways. One of Gidney’s most difficult tasks
was to maintain the recruitment strength of the Community in the
Railways. When Gidney entered the Assembly there were
approximately 11,000 Anglo-Indians employed on the Railways.
In ten years the number increased to about 14,000. Shortly before
be died in 1942 there were signs of deterioration and the number
of Anglo-Indians had declined to about 12,000. Shortly after his
debut in the Assembly Gidney was confronted with a definite anti-
Anglo-Indian psychology. The reasons were complex. Some of
the causes were certainly not of the Community’s making. The
Community itself was uncertain of its polin'eal and even legal
position. For purposes of employment Anglo-Indians were
referred to as statutory natives of India, for purposes of defence,
and more especially for enrolment in the Indian Defence Force
later known as the Auxiliary Force, they were classified as
European British subjects. Yet they were completely barred from
recruitment to the British Army. Anglo-Indians thus found them-
selves virtually in a politico-legal vacuum. Gidney had to resist
deliberate attempts to squeeze the Community out of the services
on the plea of Indianisation which was interpreted as implying
de-Anglo-Indianisation. Gidney fought an unremitting and
largely successful fight against that misguided policy. The British
authorities were not only lukewarm but, often from a misguided
sense of offering a sop to clamorous ‘Indian’ political opinion,
they were prepared to sacrifice the Community at the altar of
expediency.

96 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Gidney’s career and his leadership of the Community were
marked by a theme which ran through them like a Greek chorus.
This was his consistent fight against race and colour discrimination.
One of Gidney’s major assignments was his appointment, in 1929,
as a Member of the Royal Labour Commission more popularly
known as the Whitley Commission. Gidney’s memorandum to
the Commission and his questions were directed to exposing the
discrimination practised as between European and non-European
employees. By cross-examining members of the Railway Board
and General Managers he exposed the fact that while an Anglo-
Indian Ticket Collector received Rs. 33/- a month, from which he
had to pay from Rs. 10/- to Rs. 12/- on account of house rent and
electricity, leaving him Rs. 20/- to support himseir and his family,
an uneducated and often completely illiterate British soldier was
recruited as a Guard on an initial salary of Rs. 125/- a month.

As a member of this Commission Gidney drew attention to what
appeared to be chronic grievances on the Railways, such as, the
over-working of the loco and traffic employees for prriods ranging
from 10 to 20 hours at a stretch. He also strongly criticised the
summary and high-handed manner in which the higher authorities
disposed of appeals.

Gidney also took up the cudgels on behalf of members of the
Community employed in the Posts and Telegraph Department.
In this he was handicapped by the consistent non-cooperation and
often open opposition of the Indian Telegraph Association. This
Association was founded in 1908 by Harry Barton. Barton was
a poor lad who had been educated at the Lawrence Military School
in Lovedale in South India. In many ways. Barton can be
regarded as the Father of Indian Trade Unionism. He was a
fearless and determined fighter and did not flinch from arrest or im-
prisonment. Without either the education or the polish that Gidney
possessed, Barton was nevertheless an able organiser and a doughty
fighter. Unfortunately, he was one of Gidney's consistent oppo-
nents and together with Stark formed the spearhead of the opposi-
tion to Gidney in Calcutta. When Gidney had served on the
Rangachari Committee in 1923 the Indian Telegraph Association
was led by Barton. Unfortunately when Gidney moved in the
Assembly, in 1929, for the appointment of a committee to investi-
gate the grievances of the telegraph workers, the Indian Telegraph

Tire G1DKETAM ERA

9?

Association took tip a hostile attitude. Wien Anglo-Indians
were faced with fierce, brutal retrenchment recommended by the
Varma Committee, Gidney, who was in London in 1931, represen-
ted the matter immediately to the Secretary of State. There is no
doubt that Gidney’s intervention served largely to blunt the vicious-
new or the Varma Committee’s assault on the Anglo-Indians in
the Telegraph Department.

The Indian Medical Department (British cadre) owed a very
special debt of gratitude to Gidney. The department, which was
attached to the British Army in India, consisted entirely of members
of the Community. It gave to the medical service, attached to the
British forces, their Assistant Surgeons with Warrant OfTiccr rank,
and in the senior ranks of the service a certain number of officers.
Gidney had originally entered this department, forging on the
way brilliant and perhaps unequalled records of academic and
medical distinction. Gidney, however, never lost his attachment
for the I.M.D. His dogged representation of their service condi-
tions led, in his life-time, to a vast and almost unrecognisable
improvement. The I.M.D. (B.C.) scales of pay were doubled and
so also were the pension rates. The Royal College of Surgeons in
Britain was opened to members of the I.M.D. (British cadre).

The 1925 London Deputation

Gidney’s restless energy chafed increasingly at the unsatisfactory
political and legal position of the Community’. A reference has
already been made to their trinity of status, namely, Natives of
India for the purpose of employment, European British subjects
for certain defence purposes, and non-Europeans vis-a-vis the
British Army. Gidney’ felt that the time had come for a deputation
to the British Government, backed by the whole strength of the
Community. It will be recalled that John Ricketts carried a
well-known petition, in 1830, which was placed before the British
Parliament. In spite of the rather formal and cool reception
which Ricketts’ petition received it did help to attract the attention
of the British Parliament to the then unsatisfactory position of the
Community. After that there would appear to have been other
representations, or evert deputations, hut they were not publicised t
apparently they were not only unsung but virtually still-born. A
deputation seems to have gone to England in 1897.. Nothing is

98 THE STORY Of THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

known as to the character or composition of that deputation or
what it sought to achieve.

In November, 1923, Herbert Stark waited on Peel, the then
Secretary of State. This would appear to have been a very single-
handed effort of which little, if any, notice was taken. Gidney,
however, with his flair for organisation, orchestrated his move
with plenty of publicity- At that time, unfortunately, there was
a multiplicity of Anglo-Indian organisations. Be it said to their
credit that they rallied behind Gidney. Allahabad, Bengal and
Burma gave their full support. Only the Madras organisation,
which preened itself on its ancient lineage and apparently was
content to rest on its crutches, stood aside. Gidney rvas accom-
panied by Charles Griffith of the Bengal legislature. In London
the deputation was increased to include A.B. Running, President
of the London Anglo-Indian Association and H.A. Gibbon, its
Secretary. The deputation was given 4 days’ notice of its meeting
with Lord Birkenhead, the Secretary of State. Gidney was at his
best in periods of stress and urgency. He engaged relays of
stenographers and worked from early morning to early next
morning. Ultimately his memorandum was ready for submission
to Birkenhead. With Birkenhead were Lord Winterton, Sir
Arthur Hirtzel, Sir Campbell Rhodes and officials of the India
Office. Birkenhead was known for his domineering and even
supercilious manner. At the beginning of the meeting there
appeared to be signs of a clash between two men with almost equally
aggressive outlooks. Incidentally it is interesting to note that the
former F.E. Smith had as his crest the polished Latinism, ‘Faber
Meae Fortunae’, ‘The Smith of my own Fortune*. The Anglo-
Indian leader who had forged h» fortune against much greater
odds had for his motto, ‘The Impossible is Possible*. Birkenhead
wanted an assurance from Gidney that the proceedings would be
treated as completely confidential. Gidney, however, maintained
that in fairness to his Community the memorandum, which was
virtually a public document, should not be kept secret. Birkenhead
relented and agreed that a communique would be issued and
invited Gidney to help in its formulation. The memorandum
emphasised the special difficulties of the Community with regard
to its political and legal position in the Country, the threat to its
employment in the services, its economic and cultural well-being

THE CtDNETAN ERA

99

and to several other important items.

One feature of the memorandum underlined Gidney’s own
difficult position. As a leader Gidney was not able to move far
ahead of the Community psychologically. Among his political
opponents, particularly Abbott and Stark, there was always the
tendency to accuse Gidney of abandoning their British heritage.
There has always been a strong section in the Community which
flaunts a pathetic and almost pathological nostalgia for the green
fields of England which most of them have never seen. Because
of this, we find in the memorandum an attempt to secure recog-
nition for the Community as a group of permanent British settlers.
This claim svas received with perplexity by the India Office and
evoked well-merited ridicule in India. The slow-moving machinery
of the India Office and of the Government of India took three years
to digest the memorandum and to produce a reply. The most
important result of the tfeputation was that the legal and political
position of the Community was recognised and found expression in
a communique issued by the Home Department of the Government
of India. The right of the Community to preserve its cultural and
social identity was recognised and also its right to freedom from'
any kind of discrimination in recruitment to the services as Natives
of India. The plea of the deputation for an Anglo-Indian military
unit and also for a training-ship was rejected. Apart from
clarifying the position of the Community and thus allaying the
fear of expulsion of the Community from the services, it also helped
to make clear to Anglo-Indians the fact that they were part of the
Indian nation although entitled to preserve their own cultural and
social identity.

The Simon Commission

In Jus svork before the Simon Commission and later during the
three sessions of the Round Table Conference Gidney soared to
even greater heights. On the announcement of the Indian Statu-
tory Commission, popularly known as the Simon Commission,
Gidney made an appeal for a united effort by the Community.
Even Barton and Stark came forward to cooperate. Gidney was
unwell during the preparation of the memorandum, but left his
sick bed to dominate the proceedings of the Association. Finally
the memorandum, a bulky document, was produced. In some

100 THE STORT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

respects it was rather irrelevant. It was, in many parts, a repetition
of the memorandum to Lord Birkenhead. On the completion of
the memorandum Gidney had it published. This caused an
immediate break with Stark and Barton who accused Gidney of
breach of faith. Yet it is difficult to sec how the document, which
seas meant for publication, could hase been kept under the tabic.
The memorandum was received by the Indian Press svith scathing
denunciation. The ‘Bengalee’ of Calcutta condemned the “Gidney
Manifesto” and the "Eternal mendicant attitude towards the
Government and the British mercantile class which svas the banc
of Anglo-Indian politics."

When the Commission returned to India, on its second visit,
Gidney did not find a place in the Indian Joint Parliamentary
Committee. He resented this exclusion and had to accept appoint-
ment as adviser to Sir Arthur Froome, the European Representative.
Incidentally, Froome had little, if any, interest in Anglo-Indian
aflairs. On the 26th November, 1928, the Anglo-Indian delegation
consisting of Gidney, the Rev. G C. Rogers, the Rev. Mr. Hobson,
Mr. McGuire, the Rev. Mr. Curtis, Mr. Cameron and Mr.
McCluskie met the Commission. Many years later, the Rev.
George Rogers reminisced to me on the way m which Gidney
towered over the rest of the delegation. He had the latest facts
and figures at his finger-tips and was able to reply readily and
convincingly to questions put to him by members of the Commission.

On one matter, however, the delegation blundered. Unlike
the European Association, which could afford to have the services
of an expensive constitutional lawyer, the Anglo-Indian delegauon
had no such resources at its disposal. When asked to formulate
precisely the kind of statutory safeguards, which Gidney was so
insistent on, particularly in respect of protection for the Community
in the services, of their education and their political representation,
no ready-made formula was forthcoming. This svas unfavourably
commented upon by several newspapers including ‘The Statesman’.
Needless to say, it was seized upon by armchair critics, of which
there are plenty in the Community, as a suitable stick with which
to beat Gidney and the Association. Nevertheless when the report
of the Simon Commission emerged in the latter part of 1930, it bore
ample testimony to the extent to which they had been deeply
impressed by the evidence given before them by the Anglo-Indian

Tini GIDNETAX ERA

101

delegation and more especially by Gidney. The need for the
protection or the interests of the Community in respect of service
quotas, education and additional political representation in the
legislatures was fully recognised by the Commission.

The Round Table Conference

Gidney's performance at the Round Tabic Conference, which
had three distinct sessions, represented perliaps the piecc-de-
resistance of h is record of work for the Community. The All-
India Anglo-Indian Association had moved the Government to
give the Community representation at die Conference. This
demand tvas, fortunately for the Community, granted. The first
session of the Conference was opened in the House of Lords by
King George V. The British Prime Minister, Ramsay MacDonald,
spoke neat. At this formal opening 5 persons were selected to
speak from the Indian delegation, among whom was Gidney.
Gidney actually spoke on the 1 8th November, 1930. Inevitably,
he stressed the need for adequate protection for the minorities.
He underlined the recent increasing experience of the Community
of encroachment on its economic position. He also emphasised
the services of the Community both to India and to the British
administration. According to the London Times, his concluding
sentence was the most striking epigram heard at the first session of
the Round Table Conference. Gidney concluded, “I want to
ensure that a reformed India will not result in a de-formed Anglo-
India.” The Conference resolved itself into several sub-commi-
ttees. Gidney was appointed to those dealing with the minorities,
franchise, defence and the services. Before the Services Sub-
committee Gidney made such an impassioned appeal outlining the
special disabilities, the deteriorating economic position of the
Community, that he won a unanimous resolution from all sections
of this Committee recommending that “The Public Services
Commission should be instructed to give special consideration and
employment to Anglo-Indians in the Government services.”

It is not possible to give any detailed account of Gidney’s work
both inside and outside the Conference. Outside he canvassed
support from every available quarter. One person deserving of
special mention is Lord Burnham. Gidney enlisted Burnham’s
support to such an extent that, although ill, Burnham lost no

102

THE STORY OP T

- ANGLO- INDIAN COMMUNITY

opportunity of pleading the case of the Anglo-Indians both in
committee and outside. It was a tragic blow to Gidncy, when
after having arranged to send a special bouquet of flowers to
Burnham on a particular morning, for his courtesy and continuing
interest, Gidncy opened the papers to find the announcement of
Burnham’s sudden death. Gidncy attributed Burnham’s death to
the fact that only a day before, although ill, Burnham had pleaded
with great emotional fervour that the European Association
should support the Anglo-Indian case. Up to that point the
European Association members had evinced little, if any, interest
Anglo-Indian case. On his return to Bombay in March
1931, as a mark or Gidney’i ceaseless and valuable efforts the
Viceroy sent him a telegram of congratulation. Higher recogni-
tion was yet to follow. In June, 1 93 1 , a Knighthood was conferred
on him in the King’s Birthday Honours List. A few months later
at Buckingham Palace Gidncy had a private audience with the
King afler h.s investiture. One or his reminiscences was that the
King smiled \\hen G.dney, talking to him of the Anglo-Indians,
referred to them as "my people", and then quickly corrected
himself by saying kour Majesty’s people and my Community".

“ * , and* for thc Community, a discreditable reflection

diat G’dney, work at the fust Round Table Conference, which
nTrr^ar ,UCr ^ and re<lui,in8 fnjit for ‘he Community, was
T’"ack °n him ^ a l'Prom clique of Anglo-
jj. ° jP'* ,heir mushroom assodation the high-sounding
moET °r LcSion- went around passing

conduct ™ n° C°nr CnCe aga!n5t G‘dnty- That discreditable
an unsavon * ma*ic'ous people, unfortunately had

£ A=7 rCaC"°"CVCn °n ** Anglo-Indian Association. At
«rit of oSr MeCt*ng S°mc of ,hc ™*nbm put Gidncy a
Gidncy saUsfactoH theJ°.rm of a. questionnaire. Although
that even tbi* * * an5Wfrfd bJ1 ‘heir questions to the extent
confidence in , .qUcstlonf” joined in passing a unanimous vote of
.o thk ^ "" ™iido'“ °r,“ rcr"mi

the most imnorta*1?” °-^ ^ ^ound Table Conference was perhaps
Congress PaTT^ *• *'tc»d'd bV Mahatma Gandhi. The
and asrreed to rw »• .w,tbd[awn ’!s civil disobedience movement
an* agreed to participate in this second session. Hindu-Muslim

T7IE C1DSZTAS ERA

103

dilTerences ware inevitably the central issue. There was a danger
that the problems of the smaller minorities would be relegated to
the background. Gidncy entered into the fray and did his best to
bring about some kind of communal rapprochement. The Mahatma
was prepared to concede a dominant position to the Muslims tn
those States in which they formed the majority, particularly in
Bengal and the Punjab. His one precondition was that there
should be joint electorates. Gidney opposed the idea of joint
electorates, as, in his opinion, stwould lead to the dissolution of the
■minorities. The Sikhs were also implacable in their opposition to
the Muslims being given a majority Note in the Punjab Legislature.
\ST»en a position of complete stalemate had been reached Gidney
persevered with the other minority community leaders and ulti-
mately a minority report was submitted which formed the back-
ground of the British Prime Minister’s Communal Award. Gidney
claimed that he was, in fact, the lather of this minority report.
This second session of the Round Table Conference lasted from
September to December, 1931.

The third and the last session of the Round Table Conference
was comparatively short. As usual, it saw Gidney using every
conceivable occasion to plead the case of the Community for the
protection of their education and their position in the services.
The most important result of Gidney’s work at the third session
of the Round Table Conference was the acceptance of the Irwin
Committee report on education and of the need for according
special protection to Anglo-Indian education.

After the conclusion of the third session of the Conference Gidney
had to await the White Paper, -which was to embody the recommen-
dations. On this would be based the new Act and also the
deliberations of the Parliamentary Joint Select Committee, which
was to meet to consider this White Paper. When the White Paper
was issued Gidney had every reason to be gratified. There was
the recommendation of increased political representation for the
Community. Four seats were to be granted to it in the Central
Assembly and one in the Council of States (the Upper House). There
was also the recommendation of statutory protection for Anglo-
Indian education, Gidney, who was one of the few Indian dele-
gates to be included in all the three sessions of the Round Table
Conference, was associated with the work of the Parliamentary

104

THE STORE OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMENITT

Joint Select Committee. As a matter of fact, he adopted the unusual
procedure of offering himself for examination and cross-examination
by the Committee, so that he would have the greatest possible
opportunity of placing every aspect of the Community’s case before
the Select Committee. Even after his return to India Gidney
continued to maintain the closest contact with the members of this
Joint Select Committee and more especially with Lord Hardinge

C81^Cn,dd°Ck- At G'dne>’s insta"« Hardinge
subnutntd to the Committee a special memorandum on behalf

fioilC°rnmTftya- M “ cumuIativc of Gidney’s efforts the
°u Publi5hcd a "«*»*» of the Home Depart-
ment dated the 4th July, 1934. This resolution undertook to
secure for the Community an overall 8% ofall those posts with which
the Community was then associated.

Slatutoty Safeguards

ciL'v *' "P"* °f "* Parliamentary Joint Select

“ 'Vhil' 11 » sympathedc

10 ,h? Commumly. there teas no recommendation for any
ory prov,,™ ,,,,h reg„d prol„„0„ pf ^ Commun,^'

^ G,dn'v ,v“ understandably disappointed. Ha

or to InOro arr 10 ^"trUSt the fa,c of lht Community to resolutions
7 t I“,n‘C,i'>n i!su'd ”> «« Viceroy - to the
^ “™” r " “ <’P“’”n """ '"""“"'"a of instruction, in

.rSiIr"5 1*»«1 « instruments ofdesMe-

of Siam bu^Td ? 'h' Vkm>' ,h' Secretary

memlr'^ „ f n°!h,ng m°re lh™ “ stereotyped acknowledg-
Biftlsh°Hou * Tr “d f°r ““"'“r P™«ti„„.. In the

fnttene? m Si' Ranald Cmddock, on Gidney’s

ptov ion inT^. “ f- the ineotpota.ion of a

SZ» S'rr* °f B'11 ,h,t “ ‘™' when making
thf P„,™ arf t1"S t. T '° "" R—iiways, the Customs and

t~r-hou,d * -r -

S.ioftHr'd in Aprii ,9m- “oXp™

pressed the amendment™ ,"^“'“■1^“”’^”' Unrorluni'',»'

been bad tactics as the W , re' Th“ 'vouJd appear to have
8ive futdter — ta ^ tiS XjS

THE GIONT.TAN ERA

105

amendment was pressed the matter was dosed against the Com-
munity, so far as the Home of Commons was concerned. All this
happened while Gidney was champing at the bit in India lbs ardent
and emotional nature had to endure seeing "hat lie regarded as a
vital safeguard for the Community gradually being effaced from the
legislative anvil. Typically, he suddenly made a decision to dash
to London. His public enemies and even the Governing Body of
the Anglo-Indian Association felt that he was embarking on a
wild-goose chase. With the rejection of Craddock’s attempt to
get a special provision in the Government of India Bill to protect
the service position of the Community, it was considered completely
illusory onGidncy’spart to hope to achieve anything when the Bill
was being considered by the House of Lords. At this supreme
moment Gidney lived his motto, *Thc Impossible is Possible.
On his arrival in London he immediately had a discussion with
Lord Hardingc. He then saw R.A. Butler, Parliamentary Under-
secretary of State for India, "ho gave him a sympathetic hearing.
Gidney now decided that what was known as the Dicliard Party
was his last chance, though obviously a slim one, for getting an
amendment moved in the House of Lords. He went to the
committee room of this party and was met by the Secretary " o
listened courteously to Gidney’s complaint.

The Secretary then "ent into the adjoining room "here the
members of the party were in conference. There was only a thin
partition between Gidney and this room. What was said cou
be overheard in the conference room. When the Secretary came
to him and regretted the inability of the party to meet Gi ncy,
as they had no time, Gidney’s pent-up emotions erupted. e
said he found it difficult to believe that any body of Englishmen
would deny him a hearing when he had travelled 7,000 miles to
present the demand of a Community which had special claims
on the British. Gidney urged that the party should hear him even
for a few minutes. The Secretary retired and came back to inform
Gidney that they would give him a hearing- Among those present
were Lord Rankellieur, Chyde and Lady Atholl and the Marquis
or Salisbury. Gidney being master of his brief, and mspired Dy
emotion, poured forth his case precisely but surcharged with feeling.
The Secretary of the Party was asked to draw up a bne or or
Lloyd. Gidney then phoned Lord Lloyd who agree to mo

106 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMSfUNJTT

the amendment. Lord Lloyd entered the House of Lords and,
because of lack of time, handed a manuscript amendment to the
Lord Chancellor. Lord Hailsham, the Lord Chancellor, announ-
ced that he had received an amendment from Lord Lloyd on very
short notice and, according to the procedure, asked if the House
was prepared to accept it. Lord Zetland, the Under-Secretary of
State for India, complained that he had received no notice, but
did not oppose the amendment. Less than an hour after the handing
in of the manuscript amendment, it was reached on the order list.

Lloyd got up and made a brilliant and moving speech on behalf
of the Community. To quote only a few sentences from his speech :
“I beg your Lordships to protect them if only in memory of their
wonderful past services, and of the great sacrifices they made for
us in the war. There was no Community who fought better for

us in different parts of the world If I have spoken a

little strongly, it is because I feel very deeply about the Community.
We had created them; they are our own blood; they are the result
of our civilization there.”

Lord Zetland rose apparently to oppose Lord Lloyd’s motion,
but before he could catch the Lord Chancellor’s eye Lord Hardinge
rose in his seat and was called. Hardinge made an even more
brilliant and moving speech than Lord Lloyd. There was a visible
change in the atmosphere, for many of the members, in increasing
numbers, nodded their heads in approval. It would appear that
Hardinge had swung both the Government and the Opposition
benches in support of the motion. Zetland was in a difficult
position. He sensed the feeling of the House. He knew that if
he pressed it to a division, the Government would lose and the
Prime Minister had made it clear that any defeat would be accepted
as a censure motion. Zetland replied that he did not think that
the amendment would carry the position of the Community much
further, but that he would redraft the amendment and make it
more definite. On this assurance Lord Lloyd withdrew his amend-
ment on the understanding that he would introduce a redrafted
amendment later. After that Gidney met the Diehard Party
Committee.

Finally there emerged the draft, which appeared later as
Section 242 of the Government of India Act of 1935. This
amendment was accepted ■unanimously by the House of Lords. It

nit CIDSETAN IRA

107

then came back to the House of the Commons. Sir Austen
Chamberlain and Mr. Butler gave their complete supjwt to the
amendment and it was accepted. Gidney’s last-minute and
seemingly hopeless effort had succeeded beyond the wildest dreams
of many of the Community’s most ardent well-wishers. Lord
Wolmer was constrained to write to Gidney, “It is I and all of us
who should congratulate you on your signal triumph in getting
such an important scries of amendments carried at the last moment.
This is indeed a notable achievement which I think is without
parallel in our parliamentary annals and I do most heartily
congratulate you and your Community on the result. It took the
Government of India several years before they issued the resolu-
tion, Home Department No. M/5/38, dated May 1st, 1939. i*
resolution was in amplification of the Government of India resolu-
tion of July, the 4th 1934, and carried out the intention of Section
242 more precisely and completely. According to this resolution
the Community were to hare reservations of 2J% of *hc d,^ct
recruitment to the superior railway sendee, 40% in the telegrap ut
cadre, 3% of all vacancies in the Appraiser Department of the
Customs which were filled by direct recniitmcnt, and 8% on the
Railways in posts with which the Community liad past assoaauon.
As hitherto, there was a 50% reservation for the Community in e
Preventive cadre of the Customs service.

Gidney also had a last-minute amendment moved in Parbament
with regard to the educational guarantees for the Community.
This amendment also was submitted in manuscript form. It
sought to confine the benefit of the grants for the Community o y
to those who satisfied the definition of the term Anglo- n an
in the First Schedule of the 1935 Act. The Marquis oT Zetland
opposed this amendment by saying that while the vernor
General and the Governors would ensure that the interests o
Community would be adequately protected, these schools cate
not only for the Anglo-Indian Community, but for Europeans,
Jews, Armenians and, at that time, about 20% of ot er n ian
communities. The grants, except for the indigent
ad hoc to Anglo-Indians, were to go to the schools for the benen
of all the children in those schools.

In Gidney’s continuous struggle to maintain and, i P0®1 »

strengthen the position of the Community, the provisions o

THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Government of India Act were his strongest and best weapons.
They enabled him to resist the constant pressure in the Legislature
directed against the employment of the members of the Community.
While the safeguards were intended to provide a minimum of
employment for the Community, the D’Souza Report submitted
on the railway administration showed that while in the Company-
owned Railways more than 8% of the Community used to be
recruited, on the State-owned railways this 8% was interpreted
as a maximum, and not as a minimum. These guarantees also
enabled Gidncy to resist the constant pressure on the Community
particularly during the regime of Sir Gurunath Bewoor, Director-
General of Posts and Telegraphs, who seemed to transpose his
personal hostility to Gidney against the Community in the Tele-
graph Department.

Education

A criticism has been made, although not quite fairly, that
Gidney did not take a sufficient interest in Anglo-Indian educa-
tion. This criticism has to be assessed in the context of the
conditions which governed Anglo-Indian education during Gidney’s
public life. In about 1934 there were approximately 362 schools
which were known by the designation Anglo-Indian. Of this
number 153 were controlled by Roman Catholic orders with about

34.000 pupils; 79 were run by the Anglican orders with about

12.000 pupils; other religious bodies administered 23 schools with
about 3,000 pupils; there were 21 non-denominational schools
with a little over 2,000 pupils; 76 Railway schools with about

5.000 pupils; there were also 10 Government-owned Anglo-Indian
schools with about 1 ,500 pupils. There was thus a total of 362
schools with about 55,000 pupils, and about 43,000 were shown
as belonging to the Anglo-Indian and European communities.
It will thus be seen that the education of the Community was
prepond era tely in the hands of the clerical orders. These orders
were fanatically jealous of their autonomy and denied any kind of
place to the Community in the direction of Anglo-Indian education.
Except for one or two institutions, even where lay educationists
were appointed all the upper posts were reserved for Europeans.

Gidney did his best to break down this European caste hegemony
in Anglo-Indian schools, but was up against a blank wall of race

GIDNETAN ERA

109

and colour discrimination.

Gidney also attacked both the race and colour discrimination
which was rampant in many of these schools. He complained
bitterly of the numerous instances of this discrimination which he
contantly saw for himself or which were brought to his notice.
Among the teachers there was generally a false sense of values.
Europeans had little, if any, identity of interest with their pupils.
Even the best of them, because of the social scheme in India,
served only to inculcate an inferiority complex in their pupils.
The Anglo-Indian teachers also, in many institutions, sedulously
tried to escape from the fact that they were Anglo-Indians. With
this escapist complex they were hardly the proper psychological
mentors for their impressionable wards. Gidney tells of an
instance, which in his opinion was not untypical, when a group
photograph was taken not only of the staff hut of the pupils, the
darker members were deliberately kept out of focus. Although
the education was in many respects good and better than that
available in the best schools run by other communities, the under-
lying purpose of education of making a person true to himself was
overlooked or even perverted. Few, if any, Anglo-Indians emerged
from these schools with their values in proper perspective. Thus
Gidney tells of an occasion when during a tour of South India he
visited a school. He asked the Anglo-Indian boys as to who is an
Anglo-Indian. One replied that he is a half-caste and the other
a Domiciled European. Gidney bitterly commented that the
basic purpose of education was thus not served in most of these
schools. The pupils were indoctrinated, if not with contempt for
themselves with contempt for things Indian.

Nevertheless, in his own way, Gidney fought strenuously for the
strengthening of Anglo-Indian education. He realised that these
schools, whatever their psychological shortcomings, represented
the nerve centre of the cultural existence of the Community. Before
the Simon Commission he devoted a large part of his evidence and
his memorandum to the need for proper safeguards.

Anglo-Indian Education

ThcHartog Committee, which was an auxiliary of the Simon Com-
mission, made a valuable survey of Anglo-Indian education. Under
the Montague-Chelmsford Reforms Anglo-Indian education was a

1 10 THE STORT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COiBIOJITT

reserved subject in the provincial sphere. This meant that the legis-
lature could vote on the grants but the final decision rested with the
Governor who could, if a cut was imposed, restore it. It had been
suggested by Stark and subnutted as a recommendation to the Simon
Commission that Anglo-Indian education should be a central subject.
It was strongly felt that if this was conceded then, at any rate, the
Anglo-Indian schools would have to deal with one and not several
legislatures. The Hartog Committee, however, found against
centralisation of control.

Gidney also resisted all attempts to hand over Railway schools,
which were administered from the Centre, to the States. He did
not wish these to fall victim to the different and often conflicting
policies in the different States. As already mentioned, Gidney ’s
outstanding achievement at the third session of the Round Table
Conference was the appointment of a Committee known as the
Irwin Committee to examine and report on the subject of Anglo-
Indian education. The Committee consisted of Lord Irwin as
Chairman, with Sir Hubert Carr, Sir Campbell Rhodes, Mr. Jaya-
kar. Sir Mohammad Iqbal and Gidney as members. The Report
made three notable recommendations. Anglo-Indian grants could
only be reduced by a 3/4ths majority vote of the total number of
members in the Legislature. The constitution of the Legislatures
and the large majority required made it virtually impossible for a
reduction to be effected. According to another recommendation,
the Government was asked to set up Statutory Boards of Anglo-
Indian education in the States. A vitally important recommen-
dation was the setting up of the Inter-Provincial Board for Anglo-
Indian and European Education. Although Gidncy’s plea for centra-
lisation of control had been rejected, yet through this Board a great
measure or coordination and uniformity was hoped to be achieved.

Understandably, Gidney had always fought for a reasonable
measure of control of Anglo-Indian education being in the of

the Community. But this was implacably resisted by the religious
orders. The unfortunate intensity not only of religious but of
denominational feeling was exhibited at the time of the setting
up of the Advisory Boards on Anglo-Indian Education. The reli-
gious orders resented the setting up of these boards, as they felt they
would lead to the intrusion by the Community In the direction of
Anglo-Indian education. Not only did they resist the appointment of

THE GIDNEYAN ERA

U1

Anglo-Indians, but they also engaged in a regular dog-fight for deno-
minational representation. The Viceroy held a private meeting in
order to settle the constitution of these boards. In Gidncy’s words,
“I was the only ‘Brownie* against a phalanx of British Kodaks."

Regrettably, both the European and the religious interests won.
The Community was reduced to a minority and the retrograde
principle of denominational representation was virtually accepted.

Gidncy always resisted the plea by the clerical orders that the
Community had no right to intervene in educational direction and
policy. He based the claims of the Community on the fact that at least
half of the expenditure in a school was met by the fees received from
Anglo-Indian parents; at least another one-third of the expenditure
was met from Government grants given for the benefit of the Anglo-
Indian Community. He, therefore, argued that, even from the
financial point of view, two-thirds of the school expenditure came
from or on behalf of the Community. Another glaring commentary
on the racialism practised in education at this time was Gidney’s
deliberate exclusion from the Inter-Provincial Board for Anglo-
Indian Education. Gidncy was anxious to be the Chairman of
the Board. Instead, unfortunately because of the pressure by the
then Metropolitan of India, an obscure European was nominated to
the Board and became its first Chairman.

Gidney was always anxious to give some kind of financial stabi-
lity to the position of Anglo-Indian education. It was to the Simon
Commission and later to the Irwin Committee that Gidney made
the plea that 50 lakhs should be funded for the benefit of Anglo-
Indian education. These pleas were rejected on both occasions.
When the Archbishop of Canterbury issued an appeal in 1938 for
raising funds for Anglo-Indian schools, Gidney supported this appeal
very strongly. Incidentally, the scheme was, later on, sponsored
by the Duke of Gloucester. It is interesting to note that a previous
appeal had been made in 1911, with the blessings of the King. The
target of the 19 1 1 appeal was £250,000. In fact only £90,000
were collected, the major portion being donated by Sir Robert
Laidiaw. The response to the 1938 appeal was very much less.
Gidney’s complaint was that while Britain could raise millions of
pounds for the Jews and give the Assyrians 250,000 pounds for a
national home, it was unwilling to raise even 300,000 pounds fora
community of its making and to which it owed so much.

1 12 THE STORY OP THE AKGLO-INDIAN COXWCNirY

Unemployment

The evil of unemployment has always bedevilled the Community.
There has always been a certain residuum of unemployment in the
Community. As in all communities a fraction of the residuum
has been the unemployable : but the major part of the unemploy-
ment in the Community has been a reflection of the utterly back-
ward economy of the Country. Unemployment in India has
perhaps hit most fiercely the middle and the lower-middle classes.
And the Community falls predominantly into these strata. The
two most acute periods of unemployment in the Community were
after World Wars I and II. In his own way, Gidney did his best
at least to palliate the incidence and the appalling consequences
of unemployment in the Community. The worst period after
World War I, when unemployment in the Community reached its
most distressing peak, .was perhaps in 1923. Gidney sought to
focus attention by a letter which was published in ‘The Statesman’
of July 1923. In that letter he gave a graphic, if heart-rending,
description of the conditions prevailing in Calcutta, where there
was the largest concentration of the Community. Also in Calcutta
there has been the acutest manifestation of unemployment in the
Community. “Take a stroll", he wrote, “through the New Market
or Chowringhee and you will be accosted by scores of starving
Anglo-Indian men and youths, mostly in rags, showing all the
ravages of hunger in their emaciated faces, begging for food. Visit
the various parks and maidans after 1 1 p.m. and you will, at times,
see European and Anglo-Indian men, women and children who
have in vain tramped the streets all day long in quest of employ-
ment, sleeping with the turf as their bed and the sky as their roof.
Others wend their way to the business quarters anxiously waiting
for returning tiffin boys to whom they readily offer a few pice for
the bones and crumbs left over from their masters’ tiffins. Take a
walk along the bye-lanes of Bow Bazaar Street or of Entally and
there you will find even the stables occupied by Anglo-Indian
families; starving men, women and children, sleeping alongside the
animals in the stables. Visit the neighbourhood of Sealdah or the
bye-lanes of Upper Circular Road, where you will find these people
living under conditions so gruesome as to defy description. . . -
Here you will see men wearing three or four medals, huddled
together and living with their families in indescribable filth, squalor

THE CtDS*ETAN ERA

113

and destitution, their faces bearing marled evidence of utter misery
and starvation."

In spite of Gidney’s intense emotional involvement in the problem,
the picture he painted was not exaggerated. It found confirmation
in a series of letters contributed by other* interested in the problem
and also by unemployed Anglo-Indians themselves.

Gidney formed the idea of establishing employment bureaux
in Calcutta, Madras, Bombay and Karachi. Unfortunately, his
efforts, both at tliat time and later on, proved abortive. Gidney,
however, continued his attempts, both personal and through the
Association, to relieve the problem. As an individual he helped
to secure jobs for many persons. Apart from constantly badgering
the Government to address itself to the problem of middle-class
unemployment, Gidney also resisted retrenchment of members of
the Community. Thus he charged the Railway administration with
deliberately discharging members of the Community to make way
for those whom the administration referred to as ‘Indians’. Several
Anglo-Indians had in their possession documents in which it was
unequivocally stated that they had been retrenched in order to
give place to 'Indians’. Thus, one Mr. Fenton, the Chief Trans-
portation Officer of the Great Indian Peninsular Railway, addressed
Gidney personally saying that his railway had to discontinue
employing Anglo-Indians in order to get cheaper ‘Indian’ labour.

. An unemployment committee was formed in Calcutta consisting
of a number of Europeans : Gidney was also on this committee.
The Bengal Government had formed a committee of enquiry to
investigate the causes of unemployment among the middle classes
in Bengal. The terms of reference of this committee were
extended, in 1923, to include the question of unemployed Anglo-
Indians. A large amount of money was collected by the committee.
A soup kitchen was also started, which at one time provided 40,000
meals a year.

In 1930 the unemployment position again became bad. A
survey conducted by the Anglo-Indian Youth League, in 1936,
showed that the position at that time was also acute.

Colonization And Emigration

< Gidney’s outlook was tinged with a certain pessimism. Thus
he felt that without statutory safeguards the poatiost oC the

1 14 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Community would steadily deteriorate. Gidney always antici-
pated hostility on the part of the ‘Indians’, as he called them,
towards the Anglo-Indians. Because of this, every now and then
we find a tendency to seek cither an enclave for the Community in
the Country or some kind of homeland. This inclination on Gidney’s
part was accentuated in times of depression in the Community,
particularly in the years 1923-24. Gidney acquired considerable
enthusiasm for the idea of colonising the Andamans and Nicobar
islands by the Community. He went to the extent of studying the
agricultural, mineral, timber and other resources and potential
resources of these islands. He even approached Lord Leverhulme,
the soap magnate, who undertook to buy all the copra that could
be produced from these islands. Gidney estimated that copra
alone would bring in a total annual revenue of 4 million pounds.

The idea was developed of sending a batch of Anglo-Indians
as the spearhead of this colonisation scheme. The Ex-services
Association was entrusted with the selection of a team of 12 men.
They also undertook to pay Rs. 30/- a month per person for their
food. The prison barracks in the Andamans were to be used for
the purposes of housing. This scheme aroused ardent enthusiasm
in some sections. When it failed there was a corresponding reac-
tion of bitter disappointment. Much of this disappointment was
ultimately directed against Gidney and the blame for the failure of
this venture was placed at his door. But it was a venture fore-
doomed to failure. The Senior Medical Officer, an I.M.S. man
in the Andamans, warned that the scheme was not practicable.
He pointed out that all previous attempts at colonisation had failed
largely because of a virulent form of malaria, particularly in the
Nicobars. It was estimated that it would cost at least two million
pounds for the drainage of these malaria-stricken areas. In the
next place, there was no purposeful attempt to place adequate
resources at the disposal of these pioneers. Apart From the Rs 30/-
a month For their Food, not a single rupee was given to them for
implements and the minimum requirements for any agricultural
scheme.

There have been several attempts at forming colonies by the
Community. Whitefield, near Bangalore, attracted a fair number
of members of the Community. Another settlement was establish-
ed at Mogra, now known as Clement Town, near Dchra Dun.

THE CtDJiETAN ERA

115

Perhaps, the most ambitious colonisation scheme launched was
by E.T. McCIuskie. McCIuskie was at one time a lieutenant of
Gidncy. When he launched the scheme there svas some estrange-
ment between them. A self-made man, who had started from
humble beginnings, McCIuskie organised the scheme with consider-
able energy. About 300 families settled in Lapra, which later
came to be known as McCluskiegunj. At first Gidney was
indifferent, if not opposed, to the scheme. Ultimately, on the death
of McCIuskie, he was persuaded to become President of the Coloni-
sation Society, which was the controlling body of McCluskiegunj.
Gidney acquired a great deal of enthusiasm for McCluskiegunj
and in his own way gave them a lot of assistance, particularly in the
matter of having a road built to Ranchi. A small colony was
started at Salur which met with very little success. Some members
of the Community also settled at Jhargram on the then Bcngal-
Nagpur Railway.

Anglo-Indians In The Armed Forces

Gidney constantly came back to the charge, seeking an adequate
outlet for the Community’s aptitude in the armed forces. His
plea to Birkenhead, later to the Simon Commission and then
before the Round Table Conference for the setting up of an Anglo-
Indian regiment failed.

It would appear that the British authorities preferred to get
the Anglo-Indians to undertake the odious task of internal policing
and defence by giving them paltry volunteer allowances. Thus,
the Indian Defence Force, as it was originally named, was predomi-
nantly drawn from the ranks of the Community. This force of
about 30,000 men was later renamed the Auxiliary Force. Gidney
often referred to this body of men as representing India’s second
line of defence. To Nationalist India, however, it was perhaps
more appropriately defined as the second line or offence, in the
sense that it gave offence to nationalist sentiment. From the security
point of view this force of Anglo-Indians served a vital purpose.
When India was denuded of military forces in World War I, the
I.D.F. was the only body that could be relied on to enforce law and
order in the Country. Unfortunately, the Community’s position
was not only embarrassed but compromised by the fact that this
force was used, without any qualms, by the British to suppress

116 THE STORT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COiDIUNTIT

any form or civil unrest. The police forces were usually either
too weak, too unreliable or too communally partisan for the purpose,

Gidney was never able to break down the blank wall of prejudice
which informed British policy in rejecting the claims of the Com-
munity for a regular battalion. He recalled that as far back as
1906, 30 Anglo-Indians were sent to the Training Ship ‘Humber’
with the Royal Navy. Although they were favourably reported on,
the Royal Navy refused to accept them after their training. In
spite of British prejudice and churlish policies, in times of stress
the blind faith of the Community, which made it volunteer without
reserve, was accepted with alacrity when the British nation had its
back to the wall.

Exodus And Infiltration

Gidney was usually concerned about what he referred to as a
leakage from the top and adulteration at the bottom, in the
Community. Gidney was not a biologist or an anthropologist. For
this reason he was not able to see in perspective this Inevitable
biological process which has occurred throughout human history
in every nation and racial group. A number of members of the
Community, particularly those, as Gidney put it, at the other end
of the pigmentary spectrum, were constantly merging with the
British community. Attracted by the lure of reserved quotas for
the Community in the services, Goans especially and Indian
Christians were constantly accreting. Gidney was perhaps unduly
perturbed by this accretion. The distinction has to be drawn
between accretion and assimilation. As long as there is assimila-
tion from socially and culturally acceptable strata, biologists agree
that there can be no scientific objection to this process which occurs
in every racial group. The cultural and economic objection is
valid when accretion is at the lowest level — such types are a drag on
the Community and are, in fact, not assimilated to the Community’s
way of life and thinking. I deal with this question more
fully in the chapter entitled, ‘The Social and Psychological Pattern*.
Kenneth Wallace, Gidney’s biographer, tells us that when Gidney
was shown those who claimed to be of Indo-Portugucse descent
in Cochin, he raised his hands in horror because in Cochin the
large majority had completely merged with the labourers in Cochin
and were to be seen engaged either in the fields or at their fishing

THE GIDNETAN ERA

117

nets. They knew no English, their mother-tongue was the local
language. Culturally, linguistically there was nothing to dis-
tinguish them from the local labourers and fishermen. This objection
could be understood, because these persons, whatever their alleged
origin, had lost all traces, if they had any at any time, of cultural
and social affinity which could give them any kinship with the
Community.

Gidney lost few opportunities to criticise those Anglo-Indians
who posed as domiciled Europeans. He referred to them some-
times as “Albino" Anglo-Indians, on other occasions as “Domestic
Occurrences’’ and perhaps, most incisively, as “Rear-Rank Euro-
peans”. The British community itself regarded this intermediate
class of so-called “Domiciled Europeans” often svith ill-concealed
contempt.

The impact of this renegadiun was amply demonstrated in the
census returns. Gfdney’s estimate was that at least 50,000
members of the Community had been shown, in the 1931 census,
in the European electorate.

Connoisseur Art Collector

Gidney was a well-known art collector. As a matter of lact he
was a connoisseur. Gidney not only had the grand manner, but
he also carried this attitude of the grandee into his domestic life.
Wherever he lived, he did so in an atmosphere of colourful ampli-
tude. His residence at 87-A, Park Street, Calcutta, and later on
at 122, Prithvi Raj Road, New Delhi, would have eclipsed in many
respects the trappings of a British Governor's residence. Gidney
had been a not negligible shikari. During his earlier years in the
I.M.S. he took full opportunity of his postings in Assam, the hunter’s
paradise, to pursue the pleasures of a big game shikari. He had to
his credit 52 tigers, 2 rhinoceros and 4 rogue elephants. Apart
from a right and a left tiger, an achievement that not many shikaris
can boast of, he had perhaps a unique record svith a right and left
rhinoceros. It is believed that no shikari in India has ever yet
bagged two rhinoceros with a right and left barrel. His house bore
testimony to his shikar days — tiger skins, elephant feet and
rhinoceros horns.

Gidney’s was perhaps the finest private art collection of antiques
in the Country. In 1 941 he was elected President of the All-India

118

THE STORT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Arts and Crafts Society in Delhi. Persian carpets lay on the floor
of his residence. There were some excellent pieces of porcelain
of the Sung and Ming periods and a bronze vase of the Tang period,
Georgian and Napoleon glass were some of his prized possessions
and also Napoleon porcelain. There was also a beautiful alabaster
vase which was said to have belonged at one time to the Marlborough
family. Gidney also had some outstanding pieces of Indian
carvin85* sculpture and brasswarc. A prized piece was the
Mother Goddess, a 10th century piece of sculpture from Khajuraho,
where some of the finest temples exhibiting ancient Indian sculpture
and architecture are to be found. He had some fine pieces of
Mpghul and Rajput paintings and also some old English, French
and Italian engravings. A beautiful lampstand from a Jain temple
and antique brass not only from India but from Persia and Tibet
formed part of his varied collection.

The End

I believe that Gidney, in common with other Indian leaden,
never enraged the rapid developments from 1912 which ultimately
precipitated a political stampede bringing the subcontinent to
Independence. Gidney called a conference in March, 1912, to
consider the approach to be made to the Cripps Mission. This
to be hts last meeting with the Community. At this time
Gidney was far from well. The political background added
unmeasurably to hn mental msd physical burdens. Gidney always
mu™ ? t ,h' ™‘t udranced condilions, a consti-

■■T “ T. rre safeguards for the minorities would be
•bl' "u* P*rll"'™‘' When Gidney met Sir Stafford
Gidnev had h ’ C * nCW ldnd °f P^'tical phenomenon.

k”0 ™omcd «° baling with Conservative and
Bntlh a^"5 °f.farliamem wh° an awareness of the
r\r,a,lr ^ India and ^ a enable awareness of

hoX;“na,“ “pi”.

social harlcm- a **1. con,ext what a person without any
SSL! criT 1; 7ditb\and f-nily, woulS be in the social
obligations wS u a n° ,nhib,tions with regard to past British
S Sr: .- Hf W p**- u°«cic„c" vis-a-vis Brithh
,h= Ani‘lo'Iodiam. Politically Cripp, was
nouveau rsche , Fam certain point, 0f view this perhaps made

119

T1IE CIDSHAN «A

hi, approach » .he rapidly changing condition, in India, l~
complicated .han .hat of a Cnmcrvative. So C“.“ .1

™ concerned Cripp,’ a,.i.ode w„ no. only
Gidney, callou.ly cynical and brarenl, <£*««»■«.
staggered by Cripp.’ refund .o Rive any kind of hope
JSZ of according any place u, .he Community m he no

comtitution. Gidney raw hi. life’. work cram“,"!v0 from
o-o That 1. why he convened the conference for evolving Irom
the*'collee.ive wudom or it, repreranta.ivc, the best motol. of
meeting ,he Cripp.’ appmach. Gidney ~ ^'"^ri.i’h
felt that the Community had been cynically betra)cd y
He rent out an angui.hed cry to the Common, ty, totmten

betrayed by the Britbh a. the altar of 1 pohucal ^ cy^^

was in this frame of mind that he met «* • C j,;,

in the rammer to celebrate the golden wedding *»» «wyofho
brodrer « the lad .daw. On hi. .ray bad, l»J Mb. '
an attack of mnrtroke. \\ ithin a coup e o >
in Delhi he pawed away on the morning of the 5th , M y, 1 «
Gidney’. mood of depredion toward, the end and dm lm bitter
new at the ungrateful and even churli.h «-»»« '
received from the Community were epilomoed in his

had written .hor.ly before hi. death to kenned ,V M
biographer . “I .hall .pend all my life worlong ^
and ungrateful Community. But let me not ? ’ ’

mH^Sibility is last bending me. Anyhow I vwdd^cr

bust than rust and so I still have ny hand on the umm
plough till I am called to my ever rest.” attachment

cfdney was buried with full military honours. Adejto
of British parachute troops provided the pall-beamts antJ OeBnjt
squad. The Viceroy and the Com^der-m-Ouef ^ ^ ^
presented among those who followed the cor CSC‘ adioum-

Lpect the Cor^rations of Calcutta, Madras and
ed their meetings. Messages or appreciation symf of

put out by Governors of Provinces and leaders ^

public opinion. It is a discreditable ^ tribute to

Government and other communities pa indifference or

Gidney, hi. own Community in Delhi. Cher from mddleren

120 THE STORE OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

'“•Ignorance, failed to do him proper honour. In other centres,
However, throughout the Country the Community, through the
All-India Anglo-Indian Association, bowed in homage and, indeed,

"in reverential respect. Gidney continues to be remembered and
honoured. At the Annual General Meetings or the All-India
Anglo-Indian Association his motto, ‘The Impossible is Possible’
is conspicuously displayed. Several institutions and clubs are
named after him. His birth anniversary, the 9th June, continues
to be observed by the Association as ‘Gidney Day’.

fVas Gidney A Nationalist

If Gidncy’s attitude, pronouncements and policies are studied
objectively, they will perhaps lead to the conclusion that he was
hardly a nationalist in his outlook. Thus, before Birkenhead,
the Simon Commission and even at the time of the Round Table
Conference, Gidney's speeches and utterances were characterbed
by the distinction he drew between Anglo-Indians on the one hand
and ‘Indians', as he called them, on the other. Gidney never
referred to the Community as Indians. He spoke of statutory
natives of India, nationals of India, citizens of India, but it would
appear that on no occasion did he describe the Community as a
Community of Indians.

Yet, in many ways, Gidney was a progressive. By many sections
of Indian opinion he was regarded as liberal and advanced in his
thinking. He was accorded several civic receptions; one at Madras
in 1934 and another at Lucknow in 1937. These civic bodies
were dominated by members of the Congress Party. At these
receptions he was welcomed and honoured as an Indian. . £)i*
these occasions Gidney showed that he was no narrow communaJ
He realised that Anglo-Indians could only find their place in Indi,
if they shed their complexes and inhibitions. Speaking at Wy
Lucknow civic reception he pleaded for a national outlook. He '
emphasised that communalism is the negation of nationalism.
Often in his speeches to the Community he exhorted them to
identify themselves with the peoples and the interests of India.
Speaking at Bangalore, he said, “Deny the fact that you are sons
and citizens of India, disclaim it, conceal it in your efforts to ape
what you are not, and you will soon be the ‘not wanted’ of all.
The opportunity is yours today to more closely associate yourselves.

THE GIDNEY AN ERA

121

from early school life, with the rest of India, to realise that you,
with all other communities, have a right to live in this, your Country,

and that you are first and last sons of India But if there is

one thing which you must completely eradicate from yourselves it
is the retention of the 'superiority’ and 'inferiority’ complexes;
and you should bring about their replacement with a complex
of equality."

A constant theme in Gidney’s speeches was his denunciation
of race and colour discrimination. Thus he condemned unreserve-
dly this discrimination both in the I.C.S. and the I.M.S. He was
unqualified in his condemnation of European clubs and of the
snobbery practised in them. It is known that he fought stre-
nuously against the ostracism practised by a European Club in
Central India against Indian members of the I.M.S. He indi-
cted European women as being the worst offenders in this respect.
He fought against the extravagant allowances given to Europeans
by the Lee Commission. He referred to these allowances as the
‘Lee Loot*.

There is no doubt that Gidney was a progressive leader in thfc
context of the then obtaining attitudes and complexes of the
Community. By persons such as Abbott and Stark he was
constantly accused of sacrificing the heritage or the Community.
Gidney was also confronted with certain inhibitions in the Com-
munity. Gidney’s policies certainly represented a striking advance
on the position taken up by Anglo-Indian leaders who preceded
him. He was unqualified in his emphasis that the Anglo-Indians
are nationals of India and could only find their proper place ifthey
moved with and accepted the other peoples of India without the
pl'bitions and complexes of the past. Gidney was ahead of the
rd core of Anglo-Indian thinking. Yet he could not go too far
*iead for fear of being misunderstood and misrepresented in his
<Swn Community.

CHAPTER VH

WORLD WARS I and D

The Burma Epic

THE AUXILIARY FORCE

World War I

FOR many years the leaders of the Community had agitated
for restoration of the position prior to 1 791 when Anglo-Indians
were admitted freely and without discrimination into the British
Army. The subject was mooted as far back as 1879. Dr. EAV.
Chambers, the President-Founder of what was then known as the
Eurasian and Anglo-Indian Association, had raised this question
repeatedly. At a meeting held in the Dalhousie Institute in
Calcutta in 1885 under the auspices of the Anglo-Indian Association
presided over by the Rev. W.H. Bray it was resolved to apply to
the Secretary of State for India to move the British Parliament
for early sanction of at least one local Anglo-Indian regiment. In
a long and able speech, W.C. Madge, C1E, dealt with the military
potential of the Community. He referred to the fact that Col.
Wooldridge, who commanded a Legion in the Crimean War and
held an important post of observation in India during the Mutiny,
had submitted a scheme in 1877 for employment of members of the
Community. Among other things Col. Wooldridge observed, “I
have made it my business, during a residence of 16 years in this
country, to occupy my leisure hours in the study of this much
neglected people. I can vouch for their personal courage. Their
activity and their intelligence compare favourably with the robust
frame of the Europeans and there are, moreover, thousands who,
after a few months’ training, with regular food and proper exercise,
may compete with any soldiers in the world.”

After the declaration of war on the 5th August, 1914, J.H.
Abbott, President-in-Chicf of what was then known as the Anglo-
Indian Empire League, wired to the Commander-in-Chief offering

WORLD WARS I AND II

123

to raise a regiment of Anglo-Indians for service abroad as Bellas a
corps of women nurses. This offer was, however, declined by the
military authorities. In spite of this rebuff the Community did not
sulk into a seme of wounded pride. Thousands sought active
service wherever it was available to them. By 1916 at least 6000
Anglo-Indians had joined various British units as Europeans.
Thus a large number of Anglo-Indians were enlisted in the Dorset
Regiment. In the result their identity and records of gallantry
were lost to the Community. The Cavalry and the Royal Artillery
attracted the Anglo-Indians more than the Infantry- As an old
soldier, Reg Newing, the President for many years of the Me-
dusklegunj branch of the All-India Anglo-Indian Association,
has written, “As Gym Instructors, Signal and Gunnery Instructors
they were as good as the best from Britain. In sports they were
certainly superior and in the boxing ring as good as the best soldiers
from Britain.” .

On the 15th March. 1916, the Army authorities, after much
dragging of feet, sanctioned the raising or an Anglo-Indian Force
as an integral part of the British Army. It was decided that .at the
first instance two Field Troops of Cavalry, one section of Reid
Artillery and 16 platoons of Infantry should be raised. This belated
sanction was received with mixed feelings by the leaders of the
Community, although they welcomed the removal of the colour
bar which was the real obstacle. Thousands or the best material
in the Community had already entered British regiments as
Europeans. ,

Of the Anglo-Indian units the Anglo-Indian Battery was ute
most popular. It was located at Jhansi and attached to the 77th
Royal Field Artillery. Commenting on the quality oT the men
Lt. Col. Grove, Commandant, 77th Royal Field Artillery, sat ,
“You have, besides your keenness, shown that you have plenty o
stamina and your discipline has been good from start to is . y
opinion is that you as a Battery are equal to most an e“cr *n
some, and that with very little more training you will be able,
if called upon, to go to the front, and render an account of your-
selves there.” _ . r.

On the 2nd or October, 1916, the Anglo-Indian Battery ltd
Rawalpindi for the front. They were seen off amidst scents o
enthusiasm at Karachi on Monday, the 23rd October, 1916. The

124 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

quality of the men was such that although the original decision
was to constitute only one Field Section consisting of one Lieutenant
and 70 NCOs and men, the number was increased to three
Lieutenants and about 300 NCOs and men.

Commenting on the service of the Battery on the fighting front
the Adjutant-General of India, on the Bth October, 1917,
stated, “The General Officer Commanding Force ‘D’ has reported
favourably on the services rendered by the Anglo-Indian Units
employed in Mesopotamia and has stated that he would be glad
to have more of them if available.” Men from all sections of the
Community had joined. Those from the highest rung, socially and
educationally, educationists, teachers, graduates, professional and
business men worked and fought besides those from the lowest.

Apart from their qualities in the field, they were more than able
to hold their own in other competitions. Thus No. I Company
secured a record in the British Army shooting competitions. In
cricket, hockey, football and tennis their teams were unbeaten.

On the return of the Battery to India, the Adjutant- General
wrote to Gidney as follows : “I am directed to inform you that the
Anglo-Indian Battery will return shortly from Mesopotamia. The
exact date will be communicated to you when known. At the
same time, I am requested to convey His Excellency the Com-
mander-in-chief’s appreciation of the good services which this
Battery has rendered in Mesopotamia.”

The return of the Battery was a red-letter day in Bombay. The
schools were closed : business firms gave their employees special
leave: railway workshops were closed. On behalf of the
Commander-in-Chief and the people of India, Brigadier-General
St. John, accompanied by hb staff, welcomed the Battery back to
India paying a golden tribute to their service in Mesopotamia.

On behalf of the Community, Gidney extended to the men a
hearty welcome and warmly eulogbed their services.

The Volunteer Artillery Battalion

The Volunteer Artillery Battalion raised in Burma from the
Anglo-Indians shared in the siege of Kut and established a proud
record which deserves to be at least duly acclaimed. A Britbh
unit with half their achievements would have been officially invested
with the aura of super-heroes.

VOKLD WARS I AND It

125

Major E.B. Davcrn, CIE, formerly 2nd Lieutenant in the
Volunteer Artillery- Battalion, Rave the following account of how the
Volunteer Battalion helped to keep the Turks out of Kut on X mas
eve in 1915.

“At 7 a.m. the Turkish guns began to ran5e on the fort front
line And lack kilns. This wat the most intense bombardment
that they had yet eaperieirced. Some 26 guns concentrated
on the fort alone svith a pitiless rain of projectiles. Large pieces o
She walls of the Sirmoor Bastion and of the north-east face were
falling in. Tile tsro guns they had store not permitted to reply to
this tornado, so they sought the best possible shelter, ut w CTCVC*
they went the shells searched them out: they poured in from all
directions. The din was terrific. One had to shout to his

neighbour to be heard." . . .

"At 10 a.m. a shell pierced the roof of the dug-out in which the
crew of Freeland's gun were sheltering. Chnstison Gilbert,
Ingham, Lonorgan and Blazey were wounded, the first three
seriously. The dug-out was promptly evacuate an on y jus
time, as two more shells quickly found their way m completing the
disaster.” ,

“It w-aa now clear that the Turks were going to mount
impending attack which had been carefully built up. c ng
Indian Battery hastily took out their bayonets so that they co
fight. The position assigned to them was the barricade which h
been built across the mouth of the Sirmoor Bastion tween t c wi

walls.”

‘‘The .... whose dug-outs ran along the north-east face, wc
very badly shaken by the shelling to which they ha C” SU ot
The O.C. of the Fort was made aware or this fact but steps
appear to have been taken at the time to re leve 1
Artillery telephone wires from the Observation to ® . .

scattered about the brick kilns had been destroy e ear y -
of many gallant attempts to restore communication, res
in the line kept occurring. They, however, hoped that some of .he
batteries would assist them at the psychological momen .

“At 11-30 a hail of small arm fire broke out the
shrilled their warning blasts and the men spnnted I for jhc‘rP°* *

The Anglo-Indians mounted the platform of the arrica e,
positions alongside the bombers of the Oxfords an opene

126 THE STOP.T Of THE ANGLO-INDIAN COSUfUNITT

fire at the advancing tide of Turkish Infantry who were breaking
over the battered outer walls. The Volunteer Artillery Battalion
took to their new environment like old hands in spite of heavy
casualties. Lecky, Thompson and Mullerworth dropped dead
without a groan, being shot between the eyes. McGowan was
shot through the thigh. About 20 of the Oxfords and the I03rd
were killed outright, most of them being shot through the brain.
Some of the Turks were using a heavy leaden bullet about .577
bore, the wounds from which were particularly nasty. The
wounded were being cleared as quickly as possible, as the space
at the disposal of the men was none too large for free movement
and their movement was impeded by the increasing number of
corpses. The remnants of the Oxford bombers did great execution,
hurling their deadly missiles with telling effect into the masses of
Turks who were ultimately checked at the broken ramparts. After
half an hour of bitter fighting the Turks began to retreat. Then
pandemonium was let loose. British and Indian troops, drunk
with the lust of battle, leapt to the shattered remnants of the walls
yelling and cursing like men possessed and at the same time dis-
charging a devastating hail of lead as rapidly as their magazine
would permit. Freeland, with some of the Anglo-Indian unit, ran
along to the gallery on the left from whence they discovered a knot
of about 20 Turks in a ditch under the walls leading to the under-
ground tunnel : these they quickly wiped out.”

"Gradually, the din of battle began to subside and a deathly
calm seemed to prevail punctured only by the groans of the
wounded and the dying. They discovered that a very critical
situation had prevailed for some time on the north-east face
between them and the river bastion. Major Anderson, the O.C.
of the Anglo-Indian Battalion, who stayed behind to superintend
the removal of the breach blocks of the guns after having seen this
carried out, collected all the men he could lay his hands on and
hastened to reinforce the Anglo-Indian Battalion when he met the
O.C. of the 119th who shouted out that he was proceeding to report
that his men were retiring to the second line as the enemy was
already in the fort. Upon this Anderson immediately diverted his
small party to the point of danger : cleaving his way through the
retiring Indian troops with his near-handful of men he evicted the
intruders and inflicted considerable losses on them. How Anderson

WORLD WARS X AND I!

127

accomplished this feat, he has never been heard to relate. The
Rajput Company or 1 19 who were holding the outlying trench near
the river bastion, however, did not retire with the other troops.
It was fortunate for the Anglo-Indian Battalion that the Rajputs
held their position, as they were able to enfilade the Turkish
attackers on the north-east face. The Anglo-Indians at the barrier
had no idea while the struggle lasted how near they had been to
disaster. The Anglo-Indian guns suffered heavily. Davemhadtwo
wheels blown to bits while Freeland had sustained two direct hits.”

"While the Anglo-Indian Battalion was undergoing a pommelling,
a strong feint had been made against the whole of the rest of the
front line to divert attention from the main attack. The other
troops had not realised the serious position which was faced by the
Anglo-Indian Battalion.”

At a dinner given to Gidney at Rangoon, Major Davem who
replied to Gidney’s speech on behalf of the gathering, paid a
singular tribute to the Anglo-Indian Battalion at Kut of which he
had been one of the officers. The report in the January, 1927
Review reads as follows :

“Major Davem, briefly replying next, referred to the splendid
work done by the Anglo-Indian lads at the siege of Kut. He
mentioned the fact that the officers at Kut had always spoken very
well of them. They were, he said, equal to any other unit.
Where discipline was concerned, they were superior. There
was no doubt about it that the boys did what they were asked to do
and did it properly. Major-Gen. Charles Townshend himself
stated in his report that if it was not for the Anglo-Indian gunners,
they would have lost Kut in December.” Kut had been invested
by the Turks on the 8th December, 1915. After a siege of 143
days, Kut was captured by the Turks. The British forces which
included a number of Anglo-Indians were sent into captivity in
Eastern Turkey. When welcoming the Anglo-Indian Battery in
Bombay, Gidney referred to the gallantry of the Anglo-Indian
Volunteer Battalion from Burma. He mentioned that only one-
third had survived their grim ordeal.

Achievements Not Recorded

The Machine Gun Volunteer Corps which distinguished itself
against the Germans in Africa consisted predominantly of Anglo*

128 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Indian volunteers. Many of them were decorated for gallantry.

Fred Peters was awarded the D.C.M. by Gen. Smuts and was
recommended for the Belgian Leopold II Class Medal by Gen.
Tombeur. He was also offered a commission twice which offers
he turned down because as a Regimental Sergeant-Major on the
Colonial scale of pay he was in receipt of higher emoluments than
he would have drawn as an officer. Fred Peters, with eleven
medals, was the most highly decorated member of the Indian
Contingent that attended the Coronation of King George VI.
During World War II he was commanding a prisoners-of-war
camp with the rank olLt. Col. F red Peters was, for several years, ike
Honorary Secretary of the Jubbulpore branch of the All-India
Anglo-Indian Association. The family tradition was maintained
when his nephew was awarded the Sword-of-Honour at the passing-
out parade of Indian Air Force officers at Poona in September,
1944. It is significant that at that passing-out parade, of the 15
officers who were awarded their wings, 1 1 were Anglo-Indians.

The achievements of many Anglo-Indians who joined as
Europeans were lost to the Community. Even through the mists
of time, however, some are clearly identifiable, F/Lt. Lief Robinson
who joined the R. A.F. in World War I brought down the first Zep-
pelin over England: he was awarded theV.C. F/Lt. Wamefordalso
of the R.A.F. accounted for the first Zeppelin over France. In addi-
tion to the V.C. he was awarded the Croix-de-Guerre. Robinson and
Wprneford were lads from Bangalore. Pcrcival Lovery, another
Anglo-Indian from Bangalore, enlisted as a gunner and was awarded
the \LC. One of his brothers was a Police Sub-Inspector in Madras
and another brother a Jailor in the Mysore State.

Majqr deMonte, an Anglo-Indian Officer in the Indian Medical
Department (British Cadre) which consisted entirely of Anglo-
Indians, \^as awarded the M C. for gallantry in France.

Assistant Surgeon J.W.C. Lopez, IMD (B.C.) was awarded the
Distinguished Conduct Medal for conspicuous gallantry and
devotion to duty. The citation showed that on the 17th and 18th
of October, 1917, in German East Africa, “He volunteered
to remain back with the wounded when our troops fell back before
the enemy : he helped to evacuate the wounded under fire. On
the 8th November, 1917, his ambulance was attacked by the enemy
and most of the stretcher-bearers were killed. He carried a number

WORLD WARS I AND 1J 129

of the wounded under heavy fire to a place of safety and then
returned with water and dressings."

Lord Lloyd, one of the most distinguished of British adminis-
trators, speaking in the House of Lords, said, “There was no
community who fought better for us in different parts of the world
they served in Mesopotamia, in Basra, up the lines of communi-
cation, in the line. No community had a better record than the
Anglo-Indian Community.”

The Indian Defence Force (the I.D.F.) deserves a special, if
brief reference. This Torcc, later known as the Auxiliary force
(India), was drawn almost entirely from the Anglo-Indian Com-
munity. It was recognised as India’s second line of defence. Its
yeoman, if unpublicised, service to the State was crucial. For at
least two yean when Britain had her back to the svall and India
was completely denuded of fighting troops, the I.D.F. represented
the only military* personnel on which the Government could and
did rely for maintaining law and order in the Country.

About 10,000 Anglo-Indians fought in the various theatres of
war. About 25,000 constituted the I.D.F.

Tire three strategic services, the Railways, the Posts &. Telegraphs
and the Customs owed their stahility to the Anglo-Indian personnel.
There were widespread strikes during the most critical period of the
svar. But for the devotion to duty of the Anglo-Indian staff, the
Indian Railways would have been paralysed. Every man, irres-
pective of age or position, put his shoulder to the wheel. Anglo-
Indian railway officers worked at menial jobs in order to keep
trains moving. Even schoolboys put their hands to every kind of
railway work. In addition, every Anglo-Indian railwayman of
Military age svas required to do duties of patrolling, keeping guard
and maintaining civil order as a member of the Indian Defence
Force.

The Anglo-Indian women in the Nursing Service occupied a
unique role. Practically the whole of the St. John’s Ambulance
work svas done by Anglo-Indian women.

But tragically and, indeed, ironically the post-war period brought
unemployment and disillusionment. Anglo-Indians, who had
given up everything in order to fight, came back to cold and
indifferent treatment by the Government. Many ex-soldiers,
wearing their decorations, were to be found walking the streets.

130 THE STORY Or THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

unemployed, hungry and bitter. That recurring British Govern-
inc.ni complex of welcoming the Community’s vital services in
times of stress and then casting them off like a trusted but no-longer-
needed weapon was once again exhibited with almost time-worn
cynicism.

World War II

As in World War I about 75% or the available manpower of the
Community joined the different Armed Forces. The Community
contributed, comparatively, more to the war effort than any other
community not only in India but in the Commonwealth.

The Anglo-Indian’s capacity for leadership was exemplified by
the high proportion of Anglo-Indian officers in every aim of India’s
fighting forces. There were hundreds of Anglo-Indian officers
in the Indian Army, the Royal Indian Navy and the Royal Indian
Air Force. While there appeared some reluctance among other
communities to join the Air Force, the Anglo-Indian, with a
characteristic spirit of adventure, stormed this youngest and perhaps
finest of India’s services.

The Adjutant-General, Lt. Gen. Baker, had asked me to secure
1350 Anglo-Indians for recruitment; 900 were wanted for the
R.A.S.C., the R.A.O.C. and RX. for the Middle East, 350 for the
R.A.M.C. and 100 for the Madras Coast Battery R-A. (A.F.I.).

The R.A.F. to which recruitment of Anglo-Indians had been
suddenly stopped was again thrown open. Air Chief Marshal,
Sir R. Peirse, informed me that he required about 200 pilot officers
for the R.I.A.F. as it was then known.

In addition to our contribution to the Indian Services, thousands
of Anglo-Indians joined the British forces. Many of them were
fighting with the British Army in the epic Dunkirk evacuation.

Between 3000 and 4000 Anglo-Indians were serving with the
Royal Air Force during the Battle of Britain. Many of them
won the most outstanding awards. Manser of the R.A.F., the
son of a former member of the Telegraph Department, was awarded
the V.C. posthumously.' Dyson, D.S.O., D.F.C. and bar, the
grandson of J.H. Abbott, a former leader of the Community,
established what was perhaps a record for the largest number of
planes shot down in single aerial combat. Dyson accounted for
6 Italian planes in 15 minutes during operations in the Middle

SVOM.D \TAM I AND II 131

East. This achievement was specially commended by Lord
Beaverbrook.

Acting Group Captain W.G.G.D. Smith, DSO, DFC, received
a bar to hit DSO. Gr.Capt. Smith commanded a fighter wing
in the Invasion or Sicily and operations over Southern Italy. The
citation stated that he destroyed in all 14 enemy aircraft and
a large number of transport vehicles and locomotives. Gr. Capt.
Smith was bom in 1914 at Madras and had hii home in the
Nilgiru.

Pilot Officer J.E. Loughran (267 Squadron) was awarded the
D.P.C. The citation stated that this officer at all times set an
inspiring example by his courage and devotion to duty.

Daniel, the son or a prominent Anglo-Indian Association
worker who was employed in the Government of India, was
first awarded the D.F.M. as a Flight Sergeant and then iheD.F.C.
as a Pilot Officer.

Pilot Officer Parker of Moradabad and Lt. Commander Douglas
of the Fleet Air Arm were two more of the many members of the
Community, in the Royal Air Force, decorated for gallantry.

Guy Gibson was almost a legend in the R.A.F. Gibson, V.C.,
D.S.O. and bar, D.F.C. and bar, known as the dam-buster, was
reported killed in a sortie over Germany. Guy Gibson was bom
In Simla : his mother was said to have come from a svell-known
Anglo-Indian family in South India: the father’s family would
appear to have been domiciled in India.

The V.C. was awarded posthumously to Frank Gerald Blafcer.
Although the citation referred to him as a British officer, a senior
Indian General, who was educated at the same school in India,
described Blaker and his brother as typical Anglo-Indians. The
Victoria Cross citation reads : “Blaker charged forward alone to
attack a Japanese machine-gun post on the summit of a hill over-
looking Taungni in Burma. He was wounded in the arm by a
grenade and hit three times by buffets from a machine-gun firing
from the strong point he was assaulting. He fell to the ground
mortally wounded but, struggling to a sitting posture, exhorted
the men of his company to advance with the words, ‘Well done,
*C’ Company. I am going to die but you will go on, I know.’
His men did go on and, before Major Blaker paid the price for his
valour, he saw them over-run the Jap position. Before this final

132

THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITT

assault, Major Blakcr had led his men in a wide encircling move-
ment over unknown and precipitous jungle country, a feat of
considerable military skill.”

Blaker was attached to the 3/9th Gurkha Rifles. His Colonel
wrote, “Blaker was a slight young man with an engaging personality
and great enthusiasm. When a vacancy arose, he was appointed
temporarily to command a company. There his flair for training
and his leadership quickly made their mark. He retained his
appointment in spite of his comparative lack of seniority. He
used his initiative and ingenuity on all occasions : indeed, he even
had to be restrained at times. He had a quick eye for ground and
for the solution or tactical problems, and he had trained his men
to act with Speed and resolution. The action in which he was
awarded his Military Cross and the attack in which he was killed
were typical of his methods.”

Such awards as the M.C., the D.C.M. and the M.M. were won
by many Anglo-Indians.

Once again the military waters were muddied by the British
policy, seemingly deliberate, of encouraging the fairer members
of the Community (and some not so fair) to join as European
Emergency Commissioned Officers. They were given a King’s
Commission with much higher emoluments than those who joined
with an Indian Commission. At least 90% of the European Emer-
gency Commissioned officers recruited in India during World War
II were, in fact, Anglo-Indians.

To give only two examples of Anglo-Indians who were decorated
while holding King's Commissions : ’Ginger’ Pcttengell, a Captain,
won the M.C and bar during the fighting in Africa and Italy.

’Ginger’ Pettengcll was a lad from Jubbulpore and educated at
my old school, Christ Church. His cousin, Edgar Pettengcll, is,
today, one of our Major-Generals.

John Hartley first joined with a King’s Commission : later he
transferred to the Indian Army getting an Indian Commission.
Hartley won the M.C in Italy. The citation reads :

"On the night 14/15, Major J.C. Hartley was ordered to attack
and capture the farm area of Casseti in Italy. His men, under his
inspiring leadership, broke into the well-held enemy defences and
captured the objective. Major Hartley was able to beat back
repeated enemy counter-attacks during which his company

WORLD WARS I AND JI

J33

suffered a number of casualties. Tlianks to bis encouragement
and organisation of his defences, he svas able to beat back successive
enemy counter-attacks. When his forces had run out of ammuni-
tion, he withdrew his company successfully including his casualties.
Throughout the action, Major Hartley’s courage and coolness
inspired his men and his bravery and powers of command enabled
him to control and lead his command of young soldiers, including
the withdrawal operation, most successfully. Although his
command suffered 40% casualties, Major Hartley’s leadership and
bravery carried his men through. He was granted an immediate
MC by Field Marshal H.R. Alexander.” Hartley retired fairly
recently as a Brigadier from the Indian Army.

Dubois received the M.C. Vaughan of the Indian Medical
Department was decorated with the D.C.M.

Pat Dunn, who was mentioned in despatches and wounded in
action during the Burma campaign, was the first Indian officer to
command a battalion in the field even before Gen. Cariappa,
the first Indian to command the Indian Army, with the then designa-
tion of Commander-in-chief. Dunn, who was 2 IC, took over
command after his battalion had been ambushed by the Japanese
and many of the officers killed including the O.C. I shall have
occasion to refer more fully to Dunn in another chapter.

Bertie Litchfield was awarded the M.C. during the Burma
campaign. The citation reads : "Throughout the 1945 campaign
Maj. Litchfield commanded the 2nd Indian Field Battery and
acted in close support of l/7th Gurkha Rifles in every action in
which they took part. His skilful handling of his Battery on
several occasions contributed materially to their success. ”

"In particular at Meiktila on the 7th March while under shell
fire from a 105 ram-gun he destroyed numbers of the enemy
opposing our tanks on the Mahalaing road and produced sup-
porting fire on a hostile position 20 0 yards from a damaged tank,
thus enabling the tank and its crew to be successfully withdrawn."

“Again on the March 26th during the clearing of Meiktila
airfield although wounded by a grenade he remained at his post
for six hours directing fire of the Div. Arty so skilfully that the enemy
position was turned into a shambles and captured.”

“Again at Ve we, Sadaung, and especially at Hefgu his bold
handling of his Battery contributed greatly to successful actions and

134 THE STOAT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COitUUNITT

enabled the position to be taken with the minimum casualties to the

Infantry.” .

“His complete fearlessness, enthusiasm and keenness to destroy
the enemy combined with his experience as a Troop Commander
in the 1942 campaign were an inspiration to his own Battery and
to the troops he supported.”

Towards the end of 1947 Litchfield took over as Commandant
of the Artillery School and in 1948 he went as Commander,
Artillery, Armoured Division. During his service with the
Armoured Division he was in the front line in the Hyderabad
Police Action. Later he served as Brigadier-General Staff to the
Military Government at Hyderabad. He was Director of
Artillery when he retired.

Regie Noronha was decorated for gallantry in hard-fought
engagements during the Burma Campaign. Then a Major he
was awarded, in May, 1944, the Military Cross for holding the
line with ‘A’ Company 4th Battalion (WLI) of the Madras Regi-
ment, against a number of attacks put in by a numerically superior
Japanese Force, at the Battle of the Sita Ridge on the Imphal
Front. He earned a bar to his Military Cross for heroism in
February, 1945, in the Irrawaddy Bridge-head battle preceding
the capture of Mandalay. For his strong determination, resolu-
tion and coolness in the execution of the various other tasks assigned
to him during the period November, 1943, to July, 1945, he was
also twice mentioned in despatches. Reference is made to his
outstanding service after Independence in the chapter ‘Saga o
Continuing Service’.

George Jenkins was awarded the M.C. during the fighting in
Burma. He is a Brigadier, today, after having held the post of
Deputy Military Secretary.

Capt. William Alexander Lopez of the I.M.S. helped to affirm
the dictum, not however always valid, ‘Like father like son •
Reference has already been made to his father Assistant Surgeon,
J.W.C. Lopez, of the I.M.D. (B.C.) who was awarded the DCM
in World War I. Capt. Lopez was awarded die Military Cross
for outstanding service in Burma. The citation mentioned that
he was in charge of the Light Air Section of an Indian Ambulance
Unit in a region of heavy fighting in Burma. While his battalion
was crossing a river, the enemy opened up extremely accurate

WORLD WARS ] AND JJ

135

fire with guns and mortars. Capt. Lopez immediately collected
the wounded, attended to their needs and evacuated them. In
spite of considerable danger to himself he refused to take shelter.
On arrival at the battalion area on the other side of the river, Capt.
Lopez set up his aid post and dealt with all casualties. The
battalion area was still being attacked, shelled by guns and mortars,
but he set a fine example to all by his determination. The citation
concluded, “His devotion to duty' in most dangerous circumstances
was an inspiration to all."

George Charles, an Anglo-Indian lad of about 20 yean of age,
was awarded the Military Medal for gallantry in Burma, A few
details of his exploits make interesting reading. He was dropped
in the near of the Japanese as a Commando. He and a companion
svere, after some time, surrounded and captured by the Japanese.
One night, when he heard the Japanese soldiers carousing, Charies
decided to escape from his shack. He attacked the Japanese sentry
with bare hands. Before he succeeded in strangling the sentry,
the latter managed to bayonet him and partly disembowelled the
lad. His hands were also cut to the bone by the bayonet. After
killing the sentry, he got hold of a tommy gun. With this he
attacked and wiped out a number of the Japanese soldiers.
Wounded severely, hungry and worn out, he wandered in the
jungles for 1 1 days before being picked up by British troops.

Major J.N. Pacheco of the IMD (B.C.) svas decorated by
Marshal Tito early in 1955 at the Bangalore Residency. He
was awarded the Titov Lik. While serving in Italy at a British
General Hospital, Major Pacheco also had charge of a large number
of Yugoslav partisans. He gradually learnt the language. The
letter or citation which Major Pacheco received at the time of the
award read as follows :

"We would like to express ail our recognition for what you have
done for our Jugoslav wounded and patients. We may assure you
that all the Jugoslavs who have known you will keep you in their
memories. With your unstinted work you have made many
friends in Jugoslavia, and at the same time you have helped
towards a better understanding between our two countries. Thus
you have done your part in cementing a lasting peace. Will you
please accept as a visible sign of our recognition the ‘Titov-Lik."

Major Pacheco is the only Indian Army Officer to have earned

1 0*U> hMM X AND »

137

branch of the All-India Anglo-Indian Association.

Both the soni have followed in the professional footsteps of their
father.

The Burma Epic

Burma was annexed by the British Government and became
part of India and was administered like any other part of the
Country. Because of the experience and efficiency of the Anglo-
Indians, the Government had reserved certain cadres for members
of the Community. A large number of them heid high positions.
Some of them intermarried tvith the Butmans as did many
Europeans. There was little, if any, social and cultural
distinction between the Anglo-Indians and Anglo-Burmans. In
1937 when Burma was politically separated from India, theofficial
name of the Community svas changed to Anglo-Burman although
many or them had no Burman blood — they were, in fact,
Anglo-Indians. Up till that time there was a branch of the All-India
Anglo-Indian Association in Rangoon. The number of Anglo-
Indians was about twenty thousand.

The heroism, sufferings and sacrifices of the Anglo-Indians in
Burma deserve to be recorded as one of the greatest epics of the
historic Burma campaign in World War 11. No official publicity
was given to the galtantry of the Community in Burma such as
that accorded to Burmese tribesmen. But everyone, who stayed
there long enough to see the Japanese invasion, testified to the
tenacious, unyielding courage of the Anglo-Indians.

While even the officials and others were making a hasty exit
from Burma, Anglo-Indian railwaymen and those in the
strategic services stood by til! the end. Even the girls, working
as telephone operators, held on till the last. Many of these were
either killed or captured. Anglo-Indians in the Auxiliary Force
were embodied and fought gallantly. An Anglo-Indian Anti-
Aircraft Battery in Burma shot down 17 Japanese planes in one
day — perhaps a world record.

The evacuation from Burma was marked by conduct of which
the British have every reason to be thoroughly ashamed. In his
book ‘Trek Back from Burma’, W.G. Burchett, an Australian
journalist who had spent some time in Burma, has given something
of the inside story. At page 155 of his book Burchett writes, “My

138 THE STORE OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

God”, he said (my old friend David Morrice) doffing his topee
and wiping the sweat from his forehead, “When this war is over,
I am going to sit down and write a book. I will call it *1 also Ran’ :
Jesu: did they run? and the ‘Hurrah Sahibs' led the race.”

“Then he told me something or the evacuation of

Rangoon. Of officials dropping their work and clambering over
each other to get away : of one of his colleagues who tried to take
all h»s furniture with him, including a billiard table, of others who
buried their valuables, hoping to come back soon and dig them
up. Nurses and doctors were ordered to leave their patients and
‘scram’.”

Referring to the revolting altitude of superiority of the so-called
‘Pucca Sahibs' when he was in Calcutta, Burchett writes, “This
uncharitable, superior attitude to the Anglos was sickening. Many
of the Anglo-Indians and Anglo-Burmans had done excellent jobs
in Burma, staying at their posts when the ‘Pukkahs’ or Europeans
who should have had a higher sense of duty and responsibility,
skipped ofT to save their white skins. The Anglo-Indians provided
the vast body of executives and white-collar workers who — never
able to occupy the highest positions — carried the main burden or
administration and commerce. They kept the trains running,
manned the fire-brigades and ambulances. Anglo-Burman and
Anglo-Indian nurses and telegraph operators performed service
jobs up till the last, and when the collapse came, many of them
were left to find their own way out of Burma.”

When all hope had been abandoned and the senior British officials
had bolted, thousands of Anglo-Indians started on a gruelling
trek to India. Through trackless jungle and swamp, thousands
of men, women and children battled their way to India. Words
fail to describe the harrowing nature of their fierce ordeal. Hund-
reds of them died by the wayside. Exhaustion, fever and disease
took a terrible toll. It would repay the historian to ascertain details
of the selfless courage, devotion and camaraderie that characterised
the behaviour of these refugees.

During my tours I met thousands of the Anglo-Indian and
Anglo-Burman refugees in various parts of India. There was a
particularly large camp in Coimbatore. I visited them in January,
1943, and addressed three separate meetings. I met others in
Dehra Dun. After I had addressed a meeting in Bombay I was

WORLD WARS I AND II

139

particularly touched by the story of an elderly Anglo-Indian man.
He was the sole surviving member of his family. His wife, two
daughters and only son had died during the trek from Burma. The
irrepressible spirit and, indeed, sheer guts of these people, men,
women and children had to be seen to be believed. Theirs was
a story not only of incredible heroism and long unspeakable
suffering during the trek to India, but also of the most shameful
dereliction of duty by British officers and civilians.

The Real Heroes

Commenting on the occupation of Rangoon, in a Colombo
paper, dated the 17th May, 1945, a South-East Asia Command
Military Commentator wrote, "Life in the city under Japanese
occupation was more than grim. It was a reign of tenor for the
Indian, Chinese, Anglo-Indian and Anglo-Burman population.
Tood was always short. Tea, sugar and flour had been unobtain-
able for months. There was no attempt at price control and
Japanese invasion currency, which now linen every street, poured
forth in a never-ending stream until it was of little value."

‘‘The very suspicion of espionage was enough to bring torture.
To own an electric torch was a crime. To be clad decently, to
appear to have enough to eat, wa* to bring down the rvrath of the
preachers of the Greater Asia theory.”

“There is no doubt that the real heroes or Rangoon were the
Anglo-Indian and Anglo-Burman communities. They were
continually under suspicion. If they did not work, they were
accused of getting money from the British. If they did work they
were told they were spies.”

“Many of the older people never left the streets in which they
lived from the time the Japanese entered until they fled. They
escaped forced labour by a variety of excuses, and they were the
best friends the British prisoners in the gaol had. Whenever
possible they passed news, cigarettes, clothings and fruit to them.
The sufferings of these people were almost a3 great as those of the
prisoners, but their loyalty never flagged.”

The Rev. A. Alcssi, S.C., wrote, “Next to the Army which
fought in Burma and eventually liberated it, and whose story of
heroism and sacrifice is svritten in the graves of the soldier s which
dot the countryside from Imphal to Rangoon, the Empire and

140 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Burma owe their deepest debt of gratitude to the Anglo-Indian and
Anglo-Burman Community. During the three years of the enemy
occupation of Burma the loyalty of this Community and their love
for their Motherland has never faltered.”

“With every new Army Division which has entered Burma we
have seen Anglo-Indian youths fighting shoulder to shoulder with
the men of Britain, of India and the Empire. We have heard, too,
of the thousands of Burma refugees from this Community who are
still in India and are so loyal to their Motherland and attached to
Burma. But I propose to speak of those of the Community —
more numerous still — who could not follow the Army to India and
who had to remain behind in the hands of the enemy.”

“I have known thousands of these poor unfortunates during the
past three years of bitter suifering. I have shared with them the
sorrows and the humiliations of the Japanese occupation, and I
have shared with them, too, the rapturous joy of the liberation.
And I can testify that for unfailing loyalty and steadfast confidence
and courage amid the gravest dangers there is no people in the
British Empire who will surpass the Anglo-Indians and Anglo-
Burmans.”

“With their education and their experience in the many
branches of Government service they might have become the pivot
of the new Government, they might have secured the best posts
and the biggest salaries with the Japanese, but to a man they
remained loyal. Without a thought they chose for themselves
hunger and persecution, but they would not collaborate with the
enemy.”

“They were systematically suppressed and interned and for no
other reason than they were loyal. While members of other
communities whole-heartedly collaborated and piled up wealth
which they converted into jewels, gold and silver, Anglo-Indians
and Anglo-Burmans had to dispose of all their ornaments and all
their personal possessions, even down to their last shirt. They were
forced to sell everything for a few pies with which to purchase a
handful of rice for themselves and for their children. The
liberating Army, when it re-entered Burma, found most of the
Anglo-Indians and the Anglo-Burmans bare-footed and wearing
their last tattered shirts and pants.”

“Only two months previously one who lost her husband and all

WORLD WARS I AND It

141

-sxitr - ™s“ ~~z

SSS^gSrswre

CtS«d .he following tribute h- a European

evacuee from Burma. Railway in Burma.

"WMe I » - * ’ h "a„"for myself

I svas in a unique pouuon to knmv, t slirrine

what the Anglo-Indian driven and lrcmeh 1 further,

limes. They, a. lea,, .he major..,', «“dt “ ^“huy "ould
they were called .0 tale up dude, when, poor fellows, .hey
hardly sland on .heir fee. with fads”'- d olion ,p duly of

••I lift my hat in admiration of .he deed, ol ues
these Anglo-Indian lad,." thM they were

"One of die mo,, amar.ng "hmg, about d „ the

espeeted, in fact, were depended upon >° *“clt ” „
last, when mo,, if not all the re,, had cleared out.

Our Women -

The contribution of Anglo-Indian women mQrc to

without comparison. Anglo-Indian wmen communities

the war effort than all the women of all the other

in India put together. Rf> ent Df the Women's

Anglo-Indians commuted about 80 per e - A,V.

Auxiliary Corps. Some of .hem rendered signal f^

Hubbard, a girl from Khara^ur^^en ^ Indtan Military

outstanding service in the Middl . - drew about

Nursing Service and the Auxiliary These women

70 per cent of their strength fium the 1

served in almost every rhealre of — - < ^“““UnS-

Libcral National M.P- for Bristol aher > ^.ifled

frond, said, “During our vbst to Indian h°T"“ and many

at die care that i, being bestowed upon the patient.

142 TIB STOUT or m AS'CIO’KDIAK COIWUNITT

iributci have been paid to the Anglo-Indian mines.” India's
fighting men, irrespective of caste or creed, owed an irreparable
debt to the Anglo-Indian nurses. The Women's Voluntary Service
also consisted predominantly of volunteer workers from the
Community. Addressing me on the work or Anglo-Indian women.
Lady Bird, the chief organiser of the Women’s Voluntary Service,
paid a tribute to "The many devoted and reliable Anglo-Indian
workers in the different Provinces."

Helen Rodriguez— G. At.

The services of Miss Helen Rodriguez, Matron, Civil Hospital,
Taunggyi, symbolised the courage and devotion to duty of the
Anglo-Indian women. The citation of the George Medal award
reads as follows.

"The King has been graciously pleased to give orders for the
following award :

"The George Medal.

“Miss Helen Rodriguez, Matron, Civil Hospital, Taunggyi.

"When Taunggyi was attacked by two waves of Japanese
bombers, Miss Rodriguez displayed the utmost courage and
devotion to duty. The military hospital was bombed and in the
absence of stretcher-bearers, Miss Rodriguez carried patients on
her back to places of safety. While performing this heroic task she
was bombed and machine-gunned. She returned to the Civil
Hospital and herself performed many operations, remaining on
duty with practically no sleep for four days and nights. Her
courage, initiative and complete disregard of her own safety were
in the highest traditions of the Nursing Service."

Miss Rodriguez came from a Bangalore family : her father was
Major Rodriguez of the IMD (B.C.).

Civilian Services

But for the ready and complete response of the Angto-Indian
Ratlwaymen, the Indian Railways could never have stood up to
the unprecedented strain suddenly imposed by a vast and un-
expected war effort. Long before 1939, those conversant with
railway conditions had warned the Government that owing to the
outworn and inadequate rolling stock the railways would collapse
under the impact of war conditions. Only those who actually

VORLD VARS I AND tl

143

ran the trains could speak adequately of the almost superhuman
‘effort that was required to keep them, and consequently the war
effort, moving in India. The Railways were literally the wheels
on which India’s magnificent contribution to the war, in men and
material, moved. This crucial service was only made possible by
the running sta(T having to work, very often, for unbroken periods
of 20 to 30 hours at a time. The disturbances of August, 1942,
made the position critical. Murder, anon and the uprooting of
railway track were the order of the day. In the areas around
Bihar and through which the troops and supplies, necessary to
Tesist the Japanese invasion, had to be carried, conditions were
chronic. But for the Anglo-Indian Raihvaymen and also for their
military service in doing patrol and sentry duty’, as memben of die
Auxiliary Force, the war effort would have been completely
paralysed for a considerable period.

To the Posts and Telegraph Department also the Anglo-Indians
made a vital contribution. In the face of unprecedented strain and
unrest, Anglo-Indian personnel kept this strategic service intact
and efficient.

Even during the war the almost perverted British seme of
ingratitude and discrimination persisted against the Community.
I had to fight it repeatedly. I have already referred to the hundreds
of Anglo-Indians who had joined the different branches of the
British Army as a result of a special appeal made to me by the
Army authorities. Four years after they had joined the Royal
Engineers, 77 Anglo-Indians had their conditions or service with-
drawn on the plea that they had been mistakenly enrolled and that,
if they wished, they could re-enrol under the Indian Army Act.
"When I pointed out to Gen. Deedes, the then Adjutant-General,
that there were a number of cases of Anglo-Indians wrongly
commissioned as King’s Commissioned Officers, the reply I received
was, “The ease of Anglo-Indians wrongly commissioned as K.C.Or
■was somewhat different. There were special considerations
affecting them and as compared with other ranks, their number
was small.” This was a deliberate perversion of the truth. As I
had repeatedly pointed out in the Central Legislative Assembly
(the predecessor of Parliament) more than ninety per cent of the
so-called European Emergency Commissioned Officers from India
■were, in fact, Anglo-Indians.

144 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

The Auxiliary Force

The Auxiliary Force was constituted by the Auxiliary Force Act
of 1920. This Force was the successor to the Volunteer Forces
which in 1917 gave place to the Indian Defence Force.

On the 1st July, 1939, the approximate strength of the Auxiliary
Force including the reservists was 29,346. The Auxiliary Force
which was disbanded with effect from the 14th August, 1947, had
a long and proud record. To mention a few of the units ; the Bihar
Light Horse, the Calcutta Light Horse, the Surma Valley Light
Horse, the Assam Valley Light Horse, the Northern Bengal
Artillery & Auxiliary Force, the 1st Calcutta Field Brigade, the
IVth Cossipore Field Brigade, the Agra Field Battery, the Cawnporc
Field Battery and the Infantry Units which were originally formed
of the Eastern Bengal Railway Battalion, the Great Indian Peninsula
Railway Regiment, the Bombay, Baroda and Central India
Railway Regiment, the Bengal and North-Western Railway Battalion,
the South Indian Railway Battalion, the Madras and Southern
Mahratta Railway Rifles, the Bengal Nagpur Railway Battalion,
the Nagpur Rifles, the Punjab Rifles, the Simla Rifles, the Bangalore
Battalion, the Allahabad Rifles, the Dehra Dun Contingent, the
Sind Rifles, the Eastern Bengal Co., the Poona Rifles, the Kolar
Gold Field Battalion, the Calcutta Scottish, the Delhi Contingent,
the Coorg and Mysore Co., the Ycrcaud Company, the Cawnporc
Contingent and the Karachi Corps.

In all there were 24 Cavalry and 48 Infantry Units.

During World War II some of the Cavalry units were embodied
with the Madras Coast Battery. This Battery, which had been
raised on the 1st January, 1879, from the Madras Volunteer Guards
was designated the Madras Artillery Volunteers : it was redesignated
as the Madras Coast Battery, RA, on the 25th November, 1941 :
it was administered as part of the Madras Contingent from the 1st
April, 1933, to the 15th January, 1942. It was embodied for
service with the Regular Army from the 25th May, 1940, to the
31st March, 1946.

The Bombay Coast Battery, RA, which was formed as the Bombay
Volunteer Artillery on the 6th June, 1887, became the 4th (Bombay)
Group Garrison Artillery on the 1st April, 1917, and No. V
(Bombay) Field Brigade on the 1st October, 1920. One Battery

WORLD WARS I AND It

145

was redesignated as the Bombay Coast Batter)'. RA, on the 1 5th
April, 1941, and embodied for service with the Regular Army
From the 25th May, 1940, to the 31st March, 1946.

No. 3 (Bombay) Fortress Company, RE, which had been raised
on the 1st April, 1903, from the Bombay Volunteer Artillery, was
embodied for service with the Regular Army from the 25th May,
1910, to the 1st May, 1946,

No. 1 (Madras) Signal Company, RCS, which had been raised
from the Madras Artillery Volunteers, became No. 5 (Madras)
Field Company on the 1st October, 1920: it was disbanded and
reconstituted with the then designation on the 23rd June, 1920,
and was embodied for service with the Regular Army from the
10th May, 1941, to October, 1946.

The Calcutta and Presidency Battalion, which was formed on
the 3rd February, 1863, as the Calcutta Rifle Corps, was re-
constituted as the 1st Battalion, Calcutta Volunteer Rifles, on the
24th March, 1898, and became the 5th Calcutta Battalion on the
1st April, 1917, and the Calcutta Battalion on the 1st October,
1920. *A’ Company was embodied for service with the Regular
Army from the 7th June, 1941, to the 31st March, 1946.

The Dehra Dun Contingent which had been formed on the
24th July, 1071, as the Mussooric Volunteer Rifle Corps and the
Thomason College Volunteer Rifle Corps, which was formed on
the 19lh August, 1872, and the Mussooric Volunteer Reserve
Corps, formed on the 13th August, 1889, were incorporated on the
4th March, 1901. All these units became the 9th Mussooric
Battalion on the 1st April, 1917, and were amalgamated with the
Dehra Dun Detachment, U.P. Horse and the Meerut Detachment,
No. 5 Company, M.G. Corps and reconstituted as the Dehra Dun
Contingent on the 10th July, 1925. They were embodied for
service with the Regular Army in January, 1942.

The Bombay Battalion, which was raised as the Bombay
Volunteer Rifle Corps on the I5th August, 1877, became the 15th
Bombay Battalion on the 1st April, 1917. ‘A’ Company was
embodied for service with the Regular Army from the 22nd March,
1941, to the 31st March, 1946.

The Nilgiri Malabar Battalion svas raised as the Nilgiri Volunteer
Rifles on the 29th October, 1878. The Coimbatore Volunteer
Corps was fanned on the 7th August, 1885, and incorporated on

146 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COltitUNtTY

the 4th January, 1892. The Malabar Volunteer Rifles was formed
on the 14th August, 1885, from the Calicut and Tellicherry
Volunteer Corps and was amalgamated as the 29th Nilgiri Malabar
Battalion on the 1st April, 1917. ‘A’ Company was embodied for
service with the Regular Army from the 31st May, 1941, to the
31st May, 1946.

The Hyderabad Rifles was formed as the Hyderabad Volunteer
Rifle Corps on the 7th July, 1882, and became the 26th Hyderabad
Rifles on the 1st April, 1917. ‘B’ Company was embodied with the
Regular Army from July, 1945, to 1st August, 1946.

The East Coast Battalion was raised as the Godavari Rifle
Volunteers on the 9th June, 1885, and was amalgamated with the
Vizagapatam Rifle Volunteers raised on the 10th October, 1885,
to form the East Coast Rifle Volunteers on the 14th October, 1890,
and became the East Coast Volunteer Rifles on the 14th October,
1903, and the 38th East Coast Battalion on the 1st April, 1917.
‘A’ Company was embodied for service with the Regular Army
from the 31st May, 1941, to the 30th June, 1946.

The Bangalore Contingent, which included the Bangalore
Armoured Car Co. and the Bangalore Battalion, was embodied
for service with the Regular Army from April, 1944, to the 1st
June, 1946.

The Madras Guards, which had a proud, historic record, was
raised on the 2nd July, 1857, as the Madras Volunteer Guards,
became the 1st Madras Guards on the 1st April, 1917, and No. 7
platoon was embodied for service with the Regular Army on the
25th May, 1940. The balance of the Unit was embodied on the 10th
May, 1941, and the Guards were disbanded on the 31st May, 1946.

From the point of view or continuity the Madras Guards was
the oldest Corps in India. It was, I believe, the only Volunteer
Force which had the honour of carrying the Queen’s colours.
Madras City had reason to be grateful to the Madras Guards.
During World War II Japanese ships had been sighted off the
coast : there was a tremendous flap : most of the officials, led by
the then British Governor, evacuated Madras : the Madras Guards
alone stayed put.

In December, 1947, I received an interesting letter from Col.
Douglas Reid, the last Commandant of the Madras Guards, from
his home, Green Gates, Holt, Norfolk. Col. Reid wrote, “I have

WORLD WARS I AND II

147

just received the October number of your journal and write to tell
you how much I have appreciated it. There is an air of realism,
boldness, commonscme and uprightness coupled with self-sufficiency
which was rather lacking in the Community in the past. I worked
and hoped for this attitude in the years during the war when I
commanded the Madras Guards. The great moment of our service
was when Frank Anthony addressed the troops in the inner barrack
square from the ancient staircase and visualised what has come to
pass.”

Compulsory enlistment in the Auxiliary Force was a precondi-
tion for employment of Anglo-Indians in the Railways. The Rail-
way Battalions formed the backbone of the Auxiliary Force. Apart
from being called out to protect railway property against anon and
looting by strikers the Auxiliary Force was also called out for military
duty to quell communal riots. By doing duty as the second line of
defence and auxiliary to the standing army many cror es were saved
to the Indian exchequer each year.

From 1928 the striking strength of the Auxiliary Force was at
least 32,000. At least two-thirds of these were Anglo-Indians; the
rest were the so-called Domiciled Europeans or Europeans. Even
here the official British policy of imperial arrogance and discrimina-
tion manifested itself. In spite of the preponderance of the Anglo-
Indians only about 1 10 were given Commissions. The contrast was
highlighted by a comparison with the Indian Territorial Force
which was reorganised in 1927. In that Force every officer, except
a Commandant and an Adjutant, was an Indian.

The history of these Forces, which merged into the I.D.F.
(The Indian Defence Force) and then the A.F.I. (The Auxiliary
Force-India), is probably unique in the annals of Volunteer
fighting forces.

CHAPTER VHI

MY GRIM TASK

Final Betrayal

MUCH of what follows is of an autobiographical nature. This,
perhaps, is inevitable, because since 1942 the anxious, often
grim, burden of finding a place for my Community in the New
India has fallen upon me.

Gidney’s work and achievements were synonymous with the posi-
tion of the Community in India for a period of over 20 years. The
news of Gidney’s death was flashed over All-India Radio on the 5th
May, 1942. The Community was stunned. There was a tangible
Community trauma. The question was repeatedly asked, ‘After
Gidney what’. So greatly had Gidney towered over any other
person purporting to speak for the Anglo-Indians, that the Commu-
nity found it difficult to believe that it could produce, particularly
at this critical juncture, a leader of sufficient capacity and vision
who could achieve a position at all comparable with that which
Gidney had secured in India’s public life.

The Annual General Meetings of the All-India Anglo-Indian
Association represent the focal point of Anglo-Indian public life.
Anglo-Indian leaders and representatives from every part of the
Country congregate to discuss the Community’s problems and to
devise ways and means to promote its well-being.

Gidney's Successor

I entered public life at the rather early age of 26. A busy, practis-
ing lawyer, I nevertheless took a deep interest in the affairs of my
Community. I was nominated by the then Central Provinces
Government to represent my Community on the local Municipal
Corporation. At the age of 26 1 was elected President of the branch
of the All-India Anglo-Indian Association at Jubbulpore which
had one of the largest concentrations of the Community in the
Country. That was in 1934. Because of my professional pre-
occupations, I had not been able to attend the Annual General Meet-

MT CMU TASK

140

ings or the Association. In January, 1912, Gidney visited my
home town. Although I had met him often this was his first
visit to the branch during my eight years’ tenure of office as
the branch President . Before asking Sir Henry to address the
crowded meeting, I made an introductory speech. ‘The Angto-
Indian Review’ of February, 1912, reporting the meeting contained
these strikingly prophetic words : “Sir Henry Gidney said that
in all Ins 25 years’ political experience he liad never heard an
Anglo-Indian speaker of the same ability. He conjured up a picture
in which he could see that as the romance of Henry Gidney ends,
the romance oF Frank Anthony begins." It was typical of Gidney’s
irrepressible spirit that he regarded a hard, uphill, often thankless,
task as a romance. Gidney insiste d that I should attend the Annual
General Meeting to be held that year. For the first time, in March,
1942, I attended such a meeting. At that meeting representatives
of the Community from every part of India had gathered. Vital
matters were discussed. I played a not negligible role in those dis-
cussions. Barely two months later Gidney passed away. His
successor was chosen by a process of election throughout the branches
in India. There was a contest. As a result of the election, Gidney’s
mantle fell on my shoulders. Gidney was 69 years of age when he
died and, in many ways, had achieved an outstanding position in
the public life or the Country. For a person 34 years of age, albeit
a practising lawyer, the prospect of assuming Gidncy's responsibili-
ties, in what was perhaps the mott critical period in the history of
the Community, was not entirely reassuring.

Gidney had not been too well for some lime and was, therefore,
unable to tour the branches of the Association. Although the
spokesman of numerically perhaps the smallest minority in India,
the leader of the Community represents, from the territorial point of
view, easily the largest constituency in India. In fact, the Anglo-
Indian constituency is conterminous with the sub-continent. At that
time the branches of the Association stretched from Karachi to
Bombay and again from Multan to Trivandrum.

The political portents were lairly clear to those who could read
them and understand. I felt that time was running out. I was
convinced that political steps towards Independence would not only
be initiated, but perhaps finalised within the next few years. Fortu-
nately, being a bachelor I had no family financial commitments.

150 THE STORT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMJtUNTIT

Abandoning my law practice, I undertook tours at a blistering pace.
The result was reinvigorating, even electrifying, for the Association.
A wonderful tonic effect surged through the whole organisation
expressing itself in new branches, new membership everywhere. It
was the Community’s heartening response to my call to mobilise
for the fight for survival that would now face us.

After my election to the leadership of the Association, I was nomi-
nated by the Viceroy in August, 1942, as the Community’s sole re-
presentative in what was then known as the Central Legislative
Assembly. I was also nominated as a member of the National
Defence Council which was presided over by the Viceroy and help-
ed direct India's war effort. I remember rather vividly my first
meeting with the Viceroy, Lord Linlithgow, as one of his guests at
lunch. Lord Linlithgow, always a complete gentleman, was un-
able, however, to suppress his surprise as I shook hands with him.
He remarked, with due apology, that I looked like a boy. My
personal reaction is not printable, but I hope that the record of the
past two and a half decades trill show that in the fierce, tumul-,
tuous testing times that crowded in on me from the very beginning
the Community had not, indeed, sent a boy on a man’s errand.

Clear Policy

From the beginning I was very clear in my mind that the Commu-
nity could no longer stand on two stools. It could no longer ex-
press a political dichotomy. Making my first major address to the
Community at the Annual General Meeting of the Bombay branch
in September, 1942, I said to the Community, “We are Anglo-
Indians by Community. Of that fact we have every reason to be
proud. We have forged a history, in many ways notable, of which'
any much larger community anywhere in the world could be justi-
fiably proud. Let us cling and cling, tenaciously, to all that we
hold dear, our language, our way of life and our distinctive culture.
But let us always remember that we are Indians. The Community
is Indian. It has always been Indian. Above all, it has an in-
alienable Indian birthright. The more we love and are loyal to
India, the more will India love and be loyal to us.” Thatstatcment
was acclaimed by the leaders of India as some kind of a new gospel
for the Community, but condemned by some of the older leaders of
the Community as utterly heretical, as a gospel for ‘Hinduising’ the

MT GMU TASK

151

Community. I regret to say that the political and, indeed, the
mental arteries of some of these older leaders liad hardened along
parochial, reactionary lines. There was a special flutter in the
Association dovecots at Lahore. At the following Annual General
Meeting there was an attempt to get me out of office unless 1 under-
took to declare that our policies were not only pro-Govemmenc hut
pro-British. I treated this suicidal myopia with the public whip-
ping it deserved. I reminded the oppositionists of the perfervid de-
claration of the good old Dr. Wallace of the high-sounding Imperial
Anglo-Indian League that ‘Britishers we are and Britishers we will
always remain’. The only reward for his exaggerated loyalty was
the publicly expressed sarcasm of the arrogant Curzon. Fortunate-
ly, I was able to mobilise the overwhelming majority of the leaders
who had enough vision and imagination to reject the old absurdi-
ties which would have meant extinction Tor the Community. I
have never had occasion to deviate Trom that announcement in the
past 2G years. It became, in fact, the greatest single instrument
by which I was able to mollify not only thesuspidonbutill-eoncealed
hostility of many of the prominent leaders. It became theinstru*
icnt by which I was able ultimately to secure recognition and,
indeed, salvation for the Community.

The attitude of the successive Anglo-Indian representatives in
the Central Legislature marked the evolution in the psychological
attitude of the Community. Before Gidney the Community’s re-
presentatives were an avowed appendage of the European Group
in the Central Legislature. Pathetically, sometimes ludicrously,
they hung on to the political coat-tails of the European Group.
They seldom, ir ever, spoke in the House and always voted with the
European Group. Gidney also joined the European Group. But
Gidney’s was not only an independent but a rebellious spirit. In
spite of the fact that he towered in ability over most of his colleagues
in the European Group, the Clive Street mentality, which was an
incurable affliction of the European business community in Calcutta,
dominated the Group. That mentality made even Gidney the
object of ill-concealcd condescension. Gidney rebelled and wisely
left the Group.

kVhen I entered the Legislative Assembly, I had no intention of
joining the European Group. Gidney’s almost last tragic cry to the
Community, shortly before he died, rang constantly in my ears.

152

THE STORT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITT

The Community’s betrayal by the Cripps Mission, the denial of
recognition of the Community in the Cripps’ formula of 1942, had
provoked what was almost Gidney’s death cry, “The Community
has been betrayed by the British at the altar of political expediency.”
While I hoped for the best 1 realised that in this contcxe of the
betrayal of the Community, in the context of a history of constant,
recurring betrayals, 1 dared not place its lire in the basket of British
promises. And I was not reassured by what I saw and had to fight
increasingly.

Discrimination Attacked

In and outside the House I lost no opportunity of attacking the
official policy of discrimination. After my first speech on the Fin-
ance Bill, the Government Whip approached me to vote with the
Government. It was taken for granted that as a nominated member
I would vote with the Government. I expressed my inability to
do so, because of the continuing policy of rank discrimination against
the Anglo-Indians. With ill-concealed horror on his face the
Government Whip asked me to go into the lobby to meet the
Secretary of the Legislative Assembly — a good Secretary but a dyed-
in-the-wool representative of reactionary British officialdom. When
I told him that 1 had no intention of voting with the Government
on the Finance Bill, he was dumbfounded. His silence expressed
more eloquently than any words that he regarded my attitude, not
only as a nominated member but as the Anglo-Indian representative,
as rank political heresy. I may mention here that my continuing
criticism of Government policy led ultimately to my being summon-
ed by the Viceroy. The Viceroy informed me that my record of
speaking and voting was such that Government was reluctant to
renominate me. I had committed what was regarded by British
officialdom as an unpardonable political crime. But I was able
to say to the Viceroy that I was there in a completely representative
capacity and that when I spoke, I spoke with the authority of that
representative capacity. Be it said to his credit that at least the
Viceroy had the sporting sense to recognise my representative capa-
city and to renominate me.

That has been my strength throughout my public life, the strength
drawn from the strength of the Association which is a uniquely
representative body. No person without the strength of his com-

MT CRW TASK

153

munity behind Mm, no pcreon depending for hi, "T”"'1™ °"
Covernmen, charity dared to say what I luve nud ondeonunue m
say. The measure of that strength, drawn fsom .he Anoeo.»n.
ha, been reflected down to today in the nnnnesl speeu.de ha, a, a
nominated member I si. no, only in the Opposttton Mimthefron,
rank of the Opposition in India’s Parliament. Beeause of the
strength of the Association only a deliberately dUhonm, &,vent-
ment could refme to nominate in leader to represent the Comma

”spSto“' Finance Hill in Man*, 1943, I ^gared the
Government for the dberimination which eontmuedto pracme
again,, the Community. Among other thing, 1 said, The
amhorities, ir anything, are today pnsetising this d-tcr.tntnWon m a
flagrant way. My hon’ble friend, do no, reahse -he nature
discrimination. They are no, aware of the nature oTte dtflerenua
scales ofpay and allowances that are offered to Etirepean Comtms
sioned Offices on the one hand and Indian Oommmmnrf Olfleere
on the other. This i, a matter which affects us all ,n th • Corner “
whichever community we may happen to be onS- riractice-

flagrant racial discrimination translated into eco
Members are no, aware .ha, a married Captain on
scales gets Rs. 775/. as against Rs. 610/- drawn by an Indian Com
missioned Officer: a Major gen Rs. 1 105/- “ af ‘"“’£",450 .
drawn b, an Indian Commissioned Officer : a Lt. Col. get, Rs. 1450
as again,, 1105/. drawn by his Indian counterpart. Andthuducr.
mination become, more and more marked as the seniority
I, there any jusUT, cation for this discrimination^ Economically
there U no justification, morally, it is indefensi e. , _

“I make this assertion on die floor of this House andl ^ 'W
the military authorities to investigate my assertion. e -

tha, whatT say is true. I say that ninety-nine and mu se-,e„. urf
the so-called British Emergency Commissioned Offices ,h
domiciled in this country are Anglo-Indians. But b
choose, wittingly or unwittingly, to make a fa se ec a
are recruited a, Europeans: without any mvesugat ion wl atew :r
the miliutry authorities give them a different, al
pay. The utter irouy of this poshiou is
i know or not one but several Anglo-Indian fam.hes
lesser-educated sons, because of iheir lack of cduca.tou, have made

154 THE STORT OF THE ANCLO-UTOIAN COlOfONITT

a false declaration. The military authorities have given them the
enhanced European Commissioned Officers’ scales of pay. The
better-educated sons have got the reduced scales of pay because they
have refused to deny their parentage or their Community. The
whole position is thoroughly immoral. The British authorities,
today, as they have done in the past, are placing a premium on dis-
honesty and cheating. If a man lies and makes a false declaration,
they pay him more : if a man has the courage of his convictions, they
penalise him by giving him a lower wage. I am not asking Govern-
ment to lower the wage of the British Emergency Commissioned
Officer, but I do ask them to increase the level of income and allow-
ances of the Indian Commissioned Officer. As I have said, ninety-
nine and nine-tenths of the British Emergency Commissioned
Officers who are domiciled in India are Anglo-Indians. They are
of Asiatic domicile. They are drawn from the same cultural and
economic stratum as the Indian Commissioned Officer. What
possible justification, economic or moral, can there be to differentiate
in this matter of pay unless it be on obviously communal and racial
grounds? I do not blame these persons so much for making these
false declarations. I blame much more your Government policy
which places a premium on racial discrimination, which offers a mess
of pottage 4o the man who is prepared to deny his Community.
Most men have their price.”

Continuing I said, "It is this policy which has adversely affected
and emasculated the Anglo-Indian Community. It has enabled
the British historian to filch the names of Anglo-Indians and falsely
to include them in the pages of British achievement. In spite of the
fact that in this War, as in the last, 80% of the available manpower
of my Community is serving in the different theatres, this discrimina-
tion is continuing unchecked. Over 10,000 Anglo-Indians are
serving, today, in every theatre of War : 20,000 are in the various
Auxiliary Forces. My Hon’ble friend Sir Edward Benthall, the
Minister for War Transport, should acknowledge the invaluable
service rendered by Anglo-Indian Railwaymcn, who form the pre-
dominant part of the Auxiliary Force, in preserving the stability and
strength of the Railway Administration. Yet in spite of these
services the allowances granted to the Auxiliary Force have been
recently decreased. There are about 4000 Anglo-Indian lads with
the Royal Air Force in Britain. Yet the Anglo-Indians have

155

Ropl Air Force rn In^% Vdtaimination. The

England, have e^ped ta< shemseivrs

r^Tnumir o^lan “hrengh. down
DysonTthe grandson of a former Anglo-Indian leader,

6 Italian planes in 15 minutes.’ ■ , . ihe many thou-

»I wonder what the Conntry would do without ne ^
sands of Anglo-Indian girls who commute the N S^ ^ ^
Even as regarf. our wornen thts pohey^d,^ ^ „r lhc

It is with the deepest regret that .. j the Women's

House to the unfortunate position that presads di

Auxiliary Corps. I have spoken to many

girls on this subject. I have eeeewedt e ^lng ,o commu-

that ranting and promotion ate deterntmed ucora 5
nity. in spite of the fact to

ing majority of the personnel of the Corp , been

tnow how many of them hold -"T “'“^d ,o^ha. pmmotions
told by every Anglo-Indian girl 1 have ^ ^ joined by
to warrant officer and commissioned rharactCr but by other

education, specialised knowledge^abi ity Corps,

and less worthy considerations. There are many

who are most highly qualified, who wi ^ Anglo-Indians,

officer rank because their only crime ** c^L, nf social antecc-

There are many Anglo-Indian g,rIf'v,‘ * c ^ refuse t0 do so
dents who are prepared to join the rps. todav. who

because of this discrimination. There arc u„til the

are eager to do their bit bat decline to jom this service unt

conditions arc changed.” . Tnj;a„ Army Ordnance

•■The same is the stoty with regard to the Ind an Amy ^ ^

nniu. Anglo-Indians are no longer certain o^ Briib^olhCT Ranks
technical officer says that they are el gt because they

and then another technical officer isqua s have even

declare themselves as Anglo-Indians. Some are

deliberately been asked .o make a false dec! »»>■“ Ad-

Europeans' I have brought these matters »*'” o1

jutant-General. But he has maintainrd a guilty stlence.

156 THE STORY OP THE ANCEO- INDIAN COMMUNITY

conclusion that I can draw from this silence is that he is at least
conniving at the muddle-headedness and discrimination that is being
practised by his underlings.”

I concluded my speech with these words, “Today there are many
thousands of Anglo-Indian men and women who are serving in the
various theatres of War. Today, not only the sons of India and
Britain but the daughters of India and Britain arc serving the same
cause, fighting the same fight. Is it too much to expect from Govern-
ment to give up this policy of discrimination? Is it too much to
expect that from the present crucible of suffering and blood, equal
sacrifice and equal heroism, equality of treatment in India irrespec-
tive of caste or creed or community Mill emerge triumphant?”

I fought similar battles in the National Defence Council, presided
over by the then Viceroy, Lord Wavell. My Indian colleagues in
the Defence Council were shocked when I told them that although
about 80% of the Women’s Auxiliary Corps was Anglo-Indian of
49 senior Commanders only one was an Anglo-Indian. I
had for some time in the Central Legislature attacked the differential
scales as between the so-called European and Indian Commissioned
Officers. I remember how Wavell tried to justify it on the
ground of the British officers having to maintain two establishments
and the necessary higher needs of the British Commissioned Officers.
How amused and happy were my Indian colleagues and how equally
debunked and unhappy was Wavell when I produced a list of a
number of so-called European Commissioned Officers on the one
side and Indian Commissioned Officers on the other. In one list
were the Anglo-Indians, Indian Commissioned Officers; in the other
list were their brothers. One list was of those who refused to deny
their parentage and their Community and the other was of renegades,
rejecting their parentage and their Community, with a
financial premium being placed on their renegadism. No longer
could the Government justify differential emoluments between
brothers. Ultimately not only the Anglo-Indians but officers of all
communities were the beneficiaries. The scales were equated.

nvisaging the Initiation of steps by the British Government for
handing over power, I prepared, in October, 19 M, a White Paper
or presentation to the British Government and Members of the
British Parliament. I also prepared a White Paper for presenta-
tion to the leaders of the Country. In 1914 when the Gandhi-

vnr GRIM TASK

157

Jinnah tails were in the offing, I watched the developments with
understandable anxiety. After the tails failed, through The Review’,
the journal of the All-India Anglo-Indian Association, I
addressed the Community and defined what should be our attitude
towards Jinnah’i Pakistan and the two-nation theory. I under-
lined the fact that vivisection of the Country would be injurious not
only to the Anglo-Indian Community, but more particularly to the
other minorities and that h would not solve any of the minority
problems.

The Sapru Committee

Early in 1945 what was known as the Sapru Conciliation Commit-
tee was formed. Its Chairman was Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru, a former
Law Member to the Government of India, who had achieved a
special position of eminence not only as a lawyer but in public life.
He commanded universal respect and confidence. All important
elements in the Country were represented on the Committee, wlucli
had the blessings of the majority party. I believe that the invita-
tion to me was a gesture to the policies that I had first announced
and pursued through the Association.

I submitted a memorandum on behalf of the Community to t e
Sapru Conciliation Commillf,. I opposed the idea of Partiuon.
That part of my memorandum proved to be tragically Pr0P cue.
I stated, “I am in the completest sympathy with the legitimate
claims of the different minorities. I also feci that everything
reasonable should be done to allay misgivings on the part ot
different minorities. I am, however, emphatically of the opinion
that the concession of the Muslim League claim to Pakistan
would not only not solve the minorities’ problems but wou a o
be fatal to the best interests of the Mother Country. Briefly my
reasons for being unable to agree to the Muslim League claim or
Pakistan are: . _

“(1) Under the C.R. formula, Pakistan will only take in 17 out
or 30 Districts in the Punjab and 16 out of 28 Districts in Bengal in
addition to Baluchistan, the North Western Frontier Province and
Sind: a large part of Bengal and Assam as a whole would not tall
within Pakistan. Even under the most sweeping claims made Dy
the Muslim League, Pakistan will include, presumably, the whole
of the Punjab and Bengal together with Baluchistan, the North

158 THE STORY OP THE ANGLO-INDIAN COitMUNTIT

Western Frontier Province, Sind and Assam. Even under this
latter claim, Pakistan will comprise a total Muslim population of
55.60 millions leaving 23.74 millions of Muslims as minorities in
the various Provinces in Hindustan. Further, there would be about
34.1 millions of Hindus, 3.89 millions of Sikhs and 3.2 millions
of others as minorities in Pakistan. The minorities’ problem after
the division of India would be as acute, perhaps much more acute,
in both Pakistan and Hindustan than it is today.”

“(2) The Muslim League claim would lead to the Balkanising
of India. A potentially powerful India will be emasculated as an
international power

"(3) The analogy of Europe does not apply, as India, unlike
Europe, is a geographical entity undivided by real physical barriers
such as are to be found in Europe. Further, in spite of differences,
Indians have achieved a basic ethnic and cultural unity.”

“(4) The division of India svill lead to the probability, if not the
certainty, of war between Hindustan and Pakistan and to the pro-
pagation of narrow and fanatical economic and political ideologies.”

When the Committee’s Report was published, it was regarded as
one of the most important constitutional documents in the political
evolution of the Country. It took its place with the Poona Pact
and the Motilal Nehru Report. The Sapru Conciliation Committee
Report was or special significance as it was endorsed by most or the
leaders and parties in India and more especially by the Congress
Party. For the Community the findings of the Sapru Conciliation
Committee contrasted vividly with those of the Motilal Nehru Re-
port. The Community had not been invited to participate in the
framing of the Motilal Nehru Committee Report which was drawn
up in Gidney’s time. In fact, the Motilal Nehru Report had con-
signed the Community to oblivion. Three decisions of the Sapru
Conciliation Committee Report affected the Anglo-Indian Commu-
nity vitally.

(1) In the first place while the Cripps’ proposals, of 1942, had
not given the Community a single representative in the
Constitution-making body, the Sapru Conciliation Com-
mittee, while recommending that the Cripps’ proposals
regarding the constitution should be accepted, also re-
commended that at least 2 representatives of the Anglo-

VT GIUM TASK

159

Indian Community should find a place in that body.

<2) So far as the Union Legislature was concerned, the Com-
munity was given recognition as a separate and definite
entity : the other small minorities such as the Parsecs and
Europeans were all lumped together by the Conciliation
Committee for the purpose of representation in the Union
Legislature.

(3) The most vital achievement was the recognition by the
Conciliation Committee of the right of the Anglo-Indian
Community to a definite place in the Union Cabinet.
Never before was this position recognised.

Unaided we had forged an Indian instrument of recognition.

The Hon’ble Dr. M.R.Jayakar, formerly a Member of the Judicial
Committee of the Privy Council, an ex-Judge of the Bombay High
Court, and one of the most distinguished members of the Sapru
Conciliation Committee, was good enough to send me a letter
appreciating my work. He wrote,

“If I may make a personal reference in this matter, may I say that
before the Sapru Committee you fought your case very well with
firmness not devoid of courtesy and persuasion. It svas a con Wist
to the way the representatives of some other minorities fought their
case. I had formed some idea of your methods of work from rea
ing the debates in the Legislative Assembly, but could never imagine
that your gifts could make you so irresistible an advocate o your
community’s claims."

An Interlude— Verdict On A Mental Guttersnipe

The April, 1945, number of the journal or the Association re-
produced my speech in the Central Legislature on Beverley Nichols
book ‘Verdict on India’. Commenting on the speech the special
representative of the Hindustan Times of New Delhi wrote,

“Mr. Frank Anthony entertained the House with a brilliant
denunciation of Beverley Nichols. He called the author ot
‘Verdict on India’ a ‘mental guttersnipe’ and attribut c
deliberate distortion and vilification of India to smug Britis racia
arrogance. His retort to Mr. Nichols’ remarks about S°*
Indians being half-castes was that the British were the most hy n iz
ed nation in the world.”

160 THE STORT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COUSIUNnY

“But the most exciting moment in his speech was when Sir Sultan
Ahmed, Information Member, interrupted him to deny that the
Government of India had anything to do with the author of this
shameful book. The whole Opposition seemed to jump to its feet to
challenge Sir Sultan. Nichols had been chaperoned throughout
his stay in Madras by the National War Front leader and Mr. K.C.
Neogy remarked that Dr. Spears of the Information Department
had been the friend and philosopher of Mr. Nichols. He added
that Nichols’ book would not have been published in India with
such promptness but for the paper specially supplied by the Govern-
ment of India. Cries of ‘Shame, Shame’ rang from the Opposition
benches and Sir Sultan Ahmed discreetly kept silent, hanging his
head to let the storm pass.”

The special correspondent of the Indian Nation commenting on
my speech wrote,

“The best speech of the day, however, was made by the Anglo-
Indian representative Mr. Frank Anthony, whose verdict on
Beverley Nichols was a masterpiece or satire, sarcasm and cynicism.
Mr. Anthony’s speech svas also brightened by passages of great
eloquence which was appreciated by all sections of the House.
Indeed, Sir Sultan Ahmed appeared to cheer Mr. Anthony more
often than anybody else.”

In my speech I addressed the European Group as a proud half-
caste speaking not only to half-castes but to polygenetics. Reply-
ing to me the leader of the European Group, Sir Henry Richard-
son, spoke as one polygenetic to another!

N.M. Jog, the well-known Bombay journalist, replied to Beverley
Nichols in his book entitled ‘Judge or Judas’. A whole chapter in
the book was a reproduction of my speech.

The Simla Conference

A press release of the 10th June, 1945, indicated the exclusion of
the Community from the proposed Simla Conference to be convened
by the Viceroy. I was on a summer vacation at the time. I i®'
mediately wired and wrote to the Viceroy protesting against this
exclusion and stating our case. I then sought an interview with
Lord Wavell and discussed the position with him on the 21st June.
In cflect, the Viceroy told me that if the Conference was to deal
with general constitutional matters, the Community would have

MT CW« TASK

been represented, but at the disnraion, «m to be confined to the
Suing of an interim Executive Council, lli. “*{“* a

fell that owing to the numerical xmallno of the
separate place could not be given to tt. As some l.nd of^opthe
Viceroy mentioned that nan the Indian Chmt.ans, who were about
7 million strong a. compared with about 250,000 A"S ^
had no. been invited to the Conference : the Parscrn also who .were
or the same strength a, the Anglo-Indian, had no, been mvUed^ I
replied that the Sikh, who were smaller m number than he nd an
Christians had been invited, the moral bong that unlike the W»
Christians the Sikhs were more united and also more lr°“
politically. I was no, satisfied by the Viceroy . reply and ..sued a
£c«s statement. I underlined that the Common,, y reccved the
nesvs of it. seclusion with shocked surprise and bitter d'“PP“"
men,. I pointed out that the strength of the
the proposed Executive Council was fixe as , would

appear to be a desirable number and no reamnabl. P“lyJ™“
object to the smaller minorities being accorded 2 scab between

"Tmong other things I said in my statement, "It has become »
ventional for the British authorities ,0 regard the A"Sl°-,"d‘a" “ „„
inveterate subordinate. Because we have not a r P ^

in the Central Government in the past, it is sought to be argu
we am no, entitled to 1, now. Another argument
' jusUSed by political theory or justice is that we are too .nun a
Community, numerically, to be granted a sea, in the 00'"™’°’ ’
Continuing I mid, "If Hu Majesty’s Government had dmnd,
repay in deb, to the Community, i, could no. only have minted a
representative or the Community, but laid down that the Corn™
nity shall be granted a place in the Executive P>"n'.l and I am
certain that not a single party except perhapi t e m ^
would have made the slightest objection. Bu P° ..

essentially been inspired by opportunism ^bic see °
vocal or [he wealthy." Continuing, I said, “I cannot help feeling
lhat the exclusion of the smaller commumues was a concess
Muslim League policy. I. was .lie origiual po.iuon ofdmMudnn
League ro Sim parity of represen.adon a. between the Muktox
on the one hand and all the communities on the other. S
Wavell proposals predicated parity as between Muslims and Hindus

104 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

only, the League endeavoured to secure the assurance that the
smaller minorities would not get weightage or recognition in the
Executive Council. Their plea to the Viceroy was that if the smaller
minorities also received representation, the Muslim League would
on!y get l/3rd of the total representation. It is, indeed, unfortunate
that the League policy should translate itself into resistance to the
claims of the smaller minorities.” I further stated, “It is known on
good authority that the Congress are not opposed to a place being
granted to the Anglo-Indian Community on the Executive Council.
The Sikhs and the Indian Christians are also in favour of the Anglo-
* tr- Ti\t * 10 * SCat’ *l * ** ,*1C more unfortunate, therefore,

that His Majesty’s Government did not think it fit to try and repay,
part, ally, ,„eparab]e dcbt ^ Community by „ framing
proposal, a, to mure a scat to the Anglo-Indians on the Viceroy's
&ccuttvc Council. II anyone owed us an obligation to grant us
thn place, ,t,,as Hi, Majesty's Government.”

I ““laded, “The obvious lesson which sve are compelled to drasv
” S“"U °>aferenee is that ,he British Governmenl was not

S Ir ^ 50 OUt °’ a haii'» breadth to do anything to
assist the Community.”

I ,h'3'd J111!' 1945, 1 “nt a cable ,o Ihe Secretary ofState for
Indt, which among other things stated, “Exclusion horn the Simla

Conference bitter blow and incomprehensible because of statu, of
Connnumty recogmsed by Indian leadets." Continuing, I said
e’ I jquesl ^‘s Majesty’s Government not to deny us
cZJtn ■ “ *™ P"9""1 brant. Sapru Conciliation

of Ute Co'™^To”af In,i'a» recognised the right

nrn„. woe. ■ J - a seat m ,flc Central Government because
or oue recognued tmpoeunee and service, to die Counhy. Sapru
CoQvrf-i'fp*1!!3 * n l° rnajorit>' of Indian parties including the
S3 Z"* l,i,°r>' “,d 1"““' ™ <«*> entitle the

“,"P™d«inn on the Executive Council." Conti-
mai ntain'd'Ad C.r'-ad> i4ui'l;ary Forte drawn from Community
nrntnunned Admm„„,,i0„ in two World Ware. Railway, would

nearlv 't'i ^ut Community’s effort. Anglo-Indians

Srce °f °“c'r ^ Air

manv hnnH ^ ? pet Cem of Indian Navy and

more to War fr ° ArTny' Anglo-Indian women contributed
more to War effort than all the women of all other communities

WT GRIM TASK

163

nut together. Anglo-Indian sen-ices during Campaign in Burma
recognised epic’.” The cable went on, •‘Representation on Execu-
tive Council vital to protect economy which dependent on Central
Services. Greater right to seat than numerically larger communi-
ties whose services to the State and war eHbrt nothing like ours.
If Hb Majesty’s Government denies us place "hich is recognised
by Indians will be tragic requital for present and past services.

In the meantime there svas landslide victory for the Labour
Party in the British General Elections. .

In September, 1915, Wavell announced a plan for consulting
the opinion of Indian leaders and then forming the Constituent
Assembly. The formula was s-ague and I was unable to secure from
the Viceroy any clarification or assurance that the Community would
be Invited to those consultations. I was not prepared for a repeti-
tion of the Simla Conference betrayal. I convrntd an emergent
meeting of my Governing Body and placed before them certain
stark and even unpleitant facts. I pointed out that one of th
greatest obstacles the Community had always to face an ig
not only the ignorance but, above all, the prejudice o c
British civilians in India towards the Anglo-Indians. The Indian
leaden had always been more ready to accept our case. Sub-
stantial proof waa given by the Sapm Conciliation Commmee 1
felt that if we were to enlist the support of the Until e

then we could only enlist it through the British m Britain. I punted
out to the Governing Body that it was the Union at home who had
shown some appreciation of the Community s services. re
them of what had happened in respect of the sa cguards gran
u, under the Government of India Act, 1935. When the 1935 M
was formulated, the British Indian Government
to accept our plea for statutory protection. It was only t g
the intervention of politicians in the British Par lamen
position had been ultimately secured.

London Committee

The Congress maintained the India League im Lon '

permanent propaganda medium on their bch - . r j

League had fairly recently set up their own organisation in g ^

At that time
in The Review’

tad fairly recently set up their own organs—* o
time I wrote words which proved to be prophetic. I said
Review’, “I look further ahead- It « my opinion that the

164 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

the Constituent Assembly will not meet. The Labour Government,
in view of its repeated promises to India, cannot afford to stand still
with regard to the Indian question. It is my opinion that even
after the constituent body fails to meet, His Majesty’s Government
will probably propose a new Constitution for India. It is not un-
likely that the outlines of this constitution have already been con-
sidered. Under these circumstances unless His Majesty’s Govern-
ment is made fully aware of the rights of the Anglo-Indian Commu-
nity, this Constitution will probably overlook our whole position
and will result in our political and consequently economic extinc-
tion.”

I arrived in England at the end of October, 1945. My experience
in the U.K. confirmed my worst fears. I found that the War had
created a complete void so far as the Community was concerned.
The old friends of the Community, such as Lord Lloyd, Lt. Gen.
MacMunn, Sir Reginald Craddock, Col. Wedge wood, M.P.
were dead. Others had retired from public life. At the begin-
ning I was confronted with a dense atmosphere of sheer ignorance
concerning the Community. The process of trying to make new
contacts and finding fresh friends was not only difficult but almost
heart-breaking. My first contacts were with some of my former
colleagues at the English bar who had been students with me at the
Inner Temple, such as Quintin Hogg. They were then members
of Parliament. From my conversation with them I was convinced
that Indian affairs and, above all, the affairs of the Anglo-Indian
Community held no interest for them. I then spent practically
all my time in the House of Commons. I listened to the debates
and formed my own impressions as to who were the most active
members with regard to India. In fact, I found that Indian affairs
attracted comparatively very little interest in Britain. If the lead*
ing papers carried four lines of news with regard to India, it repre-
sented a great deal of interest. The people in India were not
aware of the general blackout of Indian news in the English
papers and the almost complete lack of interest in Indian affairs.
Britain was preoccupied with her own formidable domestic
problems and also with international issues. I then set about
making personal contacts, I met and ultimately developed
cordial relations with Arthur Henderson who was then the Under-
secretary of State for India. Sir David Montcath was another

UT GRW TASK

165

person with whom I became friendly; be was the head of the Civil
Service and permanent Under*Secretary of State for India.

During my conversations in London with the leaders of the
Labour Part)- and more especially with Arthur Henderson, I was
given the impression that the Labour Cabinet, while sympathetic to-
wards the Anglo-Indians, was convinced that the Community would
not be recognised in the New India. Arthur Henderson told me
he felt that neither the Anglo-Indians nor the Europeans would
get recognition. I told him that this might happen to the Euro-
peans only because of the myopic policies which had been dominat-
ed by the Clive Street representatives. Had Europeans like Sir
Frederick James, who understood Indian psychology and conditions
better than either the British officials or the European commerical
community, been allowed to direct European politics, the attitude
in India might have been very different. I told Arthur Hender-
son that so far as the Anglo-Indian Community was concerned, I
felt that my nationalist policies, oAen bitterly criticised by un-
informed members of my own Community and misunderstood by the
British officials, would perhaps stand us in good stead with the
Indian leaden.

Eventually I met and bad long discussions with Lord Pethidt
Lawrence, the Secretary of State for India, and Sir Stafford Cripps.
I addressed both Winston Churchill and Attlee. Churchill
specially deputed Mr. Richard Austin Butler to meet me and dis-
cuss the position of the Community. I was fortunate in Churchill’s
choice. By a coincidence RAB Butler had been bom in Madhya
Pradesh (then the Central Provinces) my home State, when his
father was the Governor of that Province. Over drinks in the House
of Commons I discussed with him at considerable length the whole
position of the Community. I found in him not only a sympathetic
listener who knew a good deal about the Community but one who
was prepared to use his influence on our behalf. He told me that, if
necessary, he would raise the question of the position of the Commu-
nity in the House of Commons when he considered it appropriate.
The other leading members of the Conservative Party who I met
were Col. Oliver Stanley, M.P., Sir Stanley Reed, M.P., Deputy
Chairman of the India Committee of the Conservative Party, and
Lord John Hope, Secretary of the India Committee of the Con-
servative Party.

166 THE STORE 0? THE ANCtO-INDIAN COMMUNITT

I realised, however, that it was vital that I should make contacts
with members of the Labour Government. Hitherto all our con-
tacts had been with the Conservative Party. Some of those whom
I met and who assisted me were Reginald Sorensen, Tom Smith
and Harold task!. 1 was surprised by the knowledge that Harold
Laski had not only of Indian affairs but also of the Community. He
mentioned that he had been gratified by my speeches in the Central
Assembly. He felt that the British Government had dealt shabbi-
ly with the Community.

Through these members I was able to address the Common-
wealth Group of the Labour Party in the House of Commons which
consisted of over 150 M.Ps. Among the most interested members
of this group was Major Woodrow Wyatt, M.P., and the Earl of
Listowcl, a member of the Government who was formerly Under-
secretary of State for India and later Secretary of State for India.
Attlee was in the United States, but I wrote to him on several
occasions and he sent me three personal letters, mentioning that he
had asked for a very full report on my conversations with the India
Office and that he had studied my letters setting out the position
of the Community not only with considerable interest but with
sympathy.

In the few weeks that I was in London, I also met several persons
outside Parliament who I felt might be useful to me in my work.
I decided to try and establish a Liaison Committee of the All-
India Anglo-Indian Association in London. I was largely helped
by a grand old man who was at that time 04 years of ago. He was
Bishop Eyre Chatterton. By a happy coincidence he had confirm-
ed me when he was the Bishop of Nagpur. I found in him an
ardent and dauntless champion of the Anglo-Indians. He had
written several pamphlets on the Community. He was responsi-
ble for the inauguration of the fund to help Anglo-Indian Educa-
tion, and secured the support for this purpose of the Archbishop of
Canterbury, Lord Linlithgow and others. I believe he raised about
£ 100,000 to assist Anglo-Indian Education. He told me that the
collections would have been much larger but for the sudden out-
break of the War.

Ultimately, I was able to set up an influential London Committee
of the Association consisting of the following members. Sir Harry
Haig, a former Governor of the U.P., was the President', the Secre-

MY GRIM TASK

167

tary was Eric Pound, an Anglo-Indian, whose family had settled in
England, and who was working in a responsible position in India
House. The other members were,

Lord Hatley,

Dr, Phillip Lloyd,

Bishop Eyre Chat-
lerton,

Sir Geoffrey Clarke,

Sir Frank Brown,

Bishop of St. Albans who had been Bishop of

Matulipatam in India.

who was Bishop of Nagpur when he was in

India.

one of the most influential businessmen of the
City of London and who had recently been
President of the London Chamber of Com-
merce.

a member of the editorial staff of the London
Times.

Sir Stanley Reed, M.P.,

Major Woodrow Wyatt, M.P.,
and Miss M. Tyrwhitt-Drakc.

Eric Pound was, in fact, the only Anglo-Indian on this Com-
mittee.

I lost no opportunity of publicising the case of the Community in
London and received friendly editorial comment from the London
Times.

Association Captures Every Seal
I returned to India on the 7th December, 1945, and immediately
plunged into Association and Community work which, in the
Context of impending events, proved decisive. At that time the
Community had reserved seats in the Provincial Assemblies, to be
filled by election in the Community. Elections to these Assemblies
were to take place early in 1946. I realised that on the result of
these elections would depend the character and ability of our re-
presentative in the Constituent Assembly, if we were granted repre-
sentation. I repeatedly addressed the Community through our
journal that it was of vital importance for Anglo-Indians through-
out the Country to vote for the candidates put up by the All-India
Anglo-Indian Association. I pointed out that the Community
owed its position in the Country entirely to the Association. Among
other things I said, “In the event of a Constituent Assembly

168 THE STORT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

meeting, the representatives of the Anglo-Indian Community will be
elected by our 12 provincial representatives.” I further said, “It
is absolutely vital that in the future we have a co-ordinated policy
throughout the Country.”

The chapter on Gidney’s work shows how he had largely forged
unity in place of disunity and had brought the different Anglo-
Indian Associations under the banner of the All-India body. Only
one organisation in the South continued to stay out, to plough a lon-
ely, dissident and completely ineffective furrow. Its claims were based
on its alleged ancient character and little else. Throughout Gidney’s
struggle and achievements for the Community it had not helped
and, indeed, could not help. It lost no opportunity, however, to
attempt to stab Gidney in the back. The same policy was conti-
nued after I assumed Gidney’s place. In all the critical phases
through which the Community passed, it never raised its voice. But
it came to my notice that, furtively, whenever a memorandum was
submitted by Gidney or me a dissident note would be struck by
this body.

Quite frankly, I could not understand Gidney’s attitude towards
this dissident but ineffective organisation which could only act in a
manner subversive of the Community’s best interests. Gidney had
offered them every conceivable consideration to come in and join
the All-India Body, but petty, parochial considerations prevailed.
I also made every conceivable gesture, but I found that parochial
interests always took precedence to the larger interests of the
Community. Gidney had adopted an attitude of non-intervention
in the case of certain dissidents. The results had not been happy
for the Community. In Bengal there was the demoralising if not
degrading spectacle of the Anglo-Indian representatives going into
opposite lobbies and often speaking against one another.

I realised that the very existence of the Community now depend-
ed entirely on the All-India Body sweeping the dissidents out of
existence. I also knew that 99% of the Community were, in fact
and in spirit, behind the AJl-India Body. From the 11th January,
1946, I undertook a lightning tour of our branches in the South.
I took the buttons completely off the foils with regard to the candi-
dates put up by the so-called South India Association. I pointed
out that they had never been able to lift a finger to achieve any-
thing on behalf of the Community. All that they had done from.

UT C*!U TASK

ICO

time to time was to seek to undermine the position of the only
organisation and its head to whom the Community, including the
Community in South India, owed everything. I mentionet t t
while I wu pleading the cause of the Community both in *««»*
and in Britain, this organisation sent a telegram to the V iccroy
questioning my statement on the Community's ease. In effect,
said that an organisation which did not know anything of what was
really happening in the political field, of what took place before
the Sapni Conciliation Committee, of my efforts in respect of the
Simla Conference, an organisation which was helpless to raise a
finger to assist the Community, yet spent its time in trying to destroy
the efforts of the only organisation to which the Community owed
everything, deserved no quarter.

In Bengal which holds the largest concentration of Anglo-Indians
in the Country, a body of independents set themselves up against
the Association's 4 candidates. I did a lightning tour also of
Bengal. In March the results of the Provincial Assembly elections
were announced. Every seat in every Legislature was captured by
the candidates set up by the All-India Body. For the first lime in
its history the Community presented complete, unique cohesion.

For the Community these developments proved to be pro-
vidential, as my interviews with Gandhiji and more especially with
Sardar Patel, a few months later, will show.

As part or the steps towards constitutional changes, the British
Parliamentary Delegation came out to India in December, 1945.

I met the delegation formally in the Viceroy's House on the 7th
December, 1945. On the Uth December I invited the leader of
the Delegation, Mr. Richards, and Mr. Woodrow Wyatt, M.P.,
who was also a member of the London Committee of the Associa-
tion, to lunch. After lunch I placed before the delegation in some
considerable detail the history of the Community, its War record
and its political and economic position. I underlined the need
for the British Administration at least to accept the recommenda-
tions of the Sapru Committee which had, in turn, been accepted
By the major parties in India including the Congress Party.

Speech Against Discrimination t

Among the several speeches I made in the House during the

Budget Session, that delivered by me on the 25th March, 1946, on

170 T1IE STOUT OF TJtE AXCtO-ISDIAS covwvsrrr

the Finance Dill recaptures, to some extent, the position of the
Community at that time, the odd* that we were fighting against
and also the discrimination that continued to inspire the policies or
the Administration.

“Mr. Trank Anthony (Nominated Anglo-Indian) Mr. President,
Sir, m the few minutes at my disposal, 1 propose to make a plea on
behalf of the smaller minorities in India, more particularly on behalf
of the Anglo-Indian Community in view of the momentous dis-
cussion* which are now going on. There maybe a tendency at a
time like this for the two main protagonists, the two huge commu-
nities in India, to occupy and to monopolise completely the politi-
cal arena. 1 would appeal to them and to those responsible for
conducting the discussions not completely to overlook the right*
of the smaller minorities in India."

“Speaking for my small but important Community, let me make
it very clear that 1 heartily endorse the sentiments expressed by
Pandit Malaviya. I hope, more than that I pray, that these dis-
cussions will result in India being given her rightful place among
the comity of free and great nations."

Encouragement Of Renegadism

“On be hair of my Community, I wish to make an emphatic
protest. Discrimination is not so definite or obvious as in the days
of Valentia, but it is as real, if more insidious, today."

"For instance, my Community is, today, a community severat
hundred thousand strong. But if you look at the official census
figures of 1911, you will see that we have been listed as 140,422.
What is the reason for this official estimate or a Community which,
at a conserva live estimate, is closer to hatfa million? It is the result
of a deliberate official policy of emasculating my Community. In
1931, 15 years ago, the Census Commissioner said that the Anglo-
Indians were about 200,000 strong. Fifteen years since then,
suddenly, a community which was accepted by him as being a virile
and prolific community has instead of increasing been reduced by
39 to 40 per cent. The truth is that Anglo-Indians are being en-
couraged deliberately to practise renegadism. Anglo-Indians are
being encouraged to return themselves on the European electoral
rolls. I have no quarrel with my European friends. I wish them
well and I do hope that they will continue to play a great part in the

171

future India. Hu. I wish to point out that thi, .'“'S’*™ ^ £
suited in celling the number of European, and bnng.ng them_.n_
flated representation in the different Provincial Legi
have agrievance again,, the European Anooauon. Theydel,-
berately eneourage people whom they know not o be Europea
to join the European Association. It ., an avowed pohey.

Mr C P. Lawson : "Will the llon'hle Member quote chapter
and verse in support of hi, statement and prove that “ “

Mr. Frank Anthony: “I wilt give you one instance. 1 AM refcr
to the Punjab. Aeeording to the official eemus (igureof 1911, .hero
were about GOOD Anglo-Indian, of whom about 3,000 WOT : adult
literate, and should hate been on the elee,or,lmU,. o,madrf
thi, you find 503 on the electoral mil,: and of thn number 300
appear aim on the European, electoral roll,.

Mr. C.P. Lawson : “Who did it’1' during

Mr. Frank Anthony : “You did it. koueneouragrdpeople dunng

the war. I ,va, addnusing the European ’ '

The Administration ha, encouraged thn del.bera y. ^

to my, during the war. I protested over and “PJ" ° "
military auU.ori.ie, that their recru.tmg office* “

couraged and even compelled Anglo-Indant r.o regu.er
a, European,. I can cite earn after ease. When a lad would g
a recruiting officer and my, -I am an Anghwlndan the rocrumng
officer would my, ‘Go back. Think. over ..and come bark tomo
and enrol yourself a, aEuropean.’ He wen. bark and he rn^I
hewastecrui.ed a, a European. I my you have dehbemtely eumrou
lated my Community. You do it in order to .nDa e youreleemral
roll, in oMer to get inflated representabon m the Legulature.

Mr. C.P. Lawson : "That is nonsense. .

Mr. Frank Anthony : “Itbabroiutely true. You have doneit over

and over again and it is part of your official pohey Th e™ “
use in hying to resist my tugumen, by mymg that thu n nomense
I can quote chapter and verse in support of my statement.

Mr. P. T. Griffiths : “On a point of information. . f

Mr. Firi.U.ony: “I am not giving way. At the hegmm^f
the war them were differential scale, of pay lod.an
ed Officer, were given one scale : Urn stalled f wm

recruited in India got a different an a ig Anglo-Indian,

the result? Because of these different.al emolument, Anglo-lnrna

172 THE STORT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

were encouraged to make false declarations. I gave not one but
scores of instances to the military authorities. One brother, because
he was not prepared to deny his parentage and his Community, got
the scales of the Indian Officer. The other, the renegade, the cheat
and the liar, because he made a false declaration, was getting the
higher scale of the so-called European. This is all part of your
policy, an insidious policy of preventing a person who has the
courage of his conviction from achieving a position commensurate
with his ability and thereby encouraging renegadism in my Commu-
nity. I can give the House numerous instances where persons have
been members of the Viceroy’s Executive Council, Governors of
Provinces, famous military commanders, who were all Anglo-
Indians, but they would not have been allowed to reach those
positions if they had called themselves Anglo-Indians. They were
made and encouraged to call themselves Europeans.”

An Hon’ble Member: “Define the term ‘Anglo-Indian’.”

Mr. Frank Anthony : “I am glad this question has been put to me.
Even the most highly placed official docs not appear to know the
definition. The Government of India Act of 1935 has defined this
term. My Hon'ble friends of the European Group are under a mis-
apprehension as regards the connotation of this term Anglo-Indian.
A person of European descent in the male line whose parents are
habitual residents of India is an Anglo-Indian. If I may give an
example, my Hon'ble European friends sitting there on the front
benches, according to the definition, if their parents are habitual
residents of India, they may claim to be of the purest European
descent tracing their ancestry from the remotest Kings of England,
but if their parents are habitual residents or India and they were
bom in this country, then they are Anglo-Indians.”

The Hon’ble Sir Archibald Rowland : ‘‘Don’t point at me. I am
a Welshman.”

Mr. Frank Anthony : ‘‘I am not pointing at anyone. If your
parents are habitual residents of this Country and you were born
here, then you are an Anglo-Indian, whether you like it or not. My
Hon blc friends of the European Group want me to quote chapter
and verse. In all the Government official communiques and in all
Government records they deliberately encourage people to call them-
selves Domiciled Europeans. There are not more than about 200
Domiciled Europeans in the whole of India. Yet look at the official

WT GRUt TASK

173

figures. What was done during the war? We Anglo-Indians ate
a small Community. During the last war we won V.Cs but the
recipients were all classified as Europeans. In this war, too, you
denied the Anglo-Indian Community the credit of their achieve-
ments. In this small Community you have drawn a division. You
have lumped the so-ea!ied Domiciled European and the European
together. I maintain that 99 per cent of the so-called Europeans
bom in India and in the Armed Forces are Anglo-Indians. Yet
the Government has tried to filch the credit from us. I am sorry
to have to address the European Group in this way, but they are
morally responsible for it. They aid Government in the continu-
ance of this policy. They have done irreparable injury to my
Community. They have fostered this renegadism in my Commu-
nity. Why do you use this term ‘Domiciled European'? The
other day, one of my Hon'ble friends on the other side put a question
as to how many Indians and how many Europeans there were in a
particular department and the Hon’ble Member in charge of the
department gratuitously said there were so many Indians, so many
Anglo-Indians and so many Europeans. I say an Anglo-Indian
is an Indian by nationality. But the Government maintains this
artificial division between us and the other communities in India.
Further, why do you also continue this term Domiciled European?
It is misnomer. If a Pole settles down in America, docs he call
himself a Domiciled Pole? No, he becomes an American. Simi-
larly when a European settles down in India, he must become an
Indian^ Why does he call himself a Domiciled European?”
Mr. President : “The Hon’ble Member has dealt with this point at
sufficient length. He will take up other points, because his time is
being taken up only by this point.”

Mr. Frank Anthony : “This is the most important point and
that is why I have taken up so much time. I do wish to be allowed
some more time if necessary to elaborate this point. As I was
saying, Sir, why should people from my Community be asked to
classify themselves as Domiciled Europeans? I admit that we
have had renegades in the past. Thank God owing to the policy
pursued by my predecessor-in-office and myself, 99 per cent of
my Community, today, are proud to call themselves Indians. But
as a result of this official policy pursued by the Government and
by the European Group, you tempt some of the Anglo-Indians to

174 the Story op the anglo-indian cosimunity

become renegades. I ask again, why do you continue to use the
term Domiciled European ?”

“There is another aspect which I should like to point out to the
members of the European Group. A Domiciled European is not
a native of India. When you encourage an Anglo-Indian to return
himself as a Domiciled European you deliberately encourage him
to commit economic ‘hara kin*. It is very likely that an Indian
Government will exclude Domiciled Europeans from employment
in this Country, as they are not natives of India. You deliberately
encourage the members of my Community to call themselves Domi-
ciled Europeans without making them realise the implications of
such a step.”

An Hon’ble Member ; “No : No.”

Mr. Frank Anthony: “You have deliberately done it over and
over again.”

Mr. President : “The Hon’ble Member’s time is over."

Mr. Frank Anthony : “I wish to be given ten minutes more,
Sir.”

Mr. President : “The Hon’ble Member will-have to finish in
five minutes.”

Mr. Frank Anthony : “There was this renegade complex in the
past. I do not apologise for it, but these were the reasons. We
have through our schools contributed vitally to the national life
of this Country. I hope this will be appreciated by ail sections of
people in this Country. We have given to India through our schools
a system of education which other schools have nothing to offer
by way of comparison. But I have been a bitter critic of the
psychology in some of these schools. The European has hitherto
largely controlled education in these schools. My Community
has been made to look away from India. But thank God we are
slowly bringing back these schools under the control of Anglo-
Indians. I hope. Sir, my Hon’ble friends of the European Group
will not feel aggrieved at what I have said. It is entirely the result
of their own policy that they have so few friends in India who will
tel! them the truth. I say to the Europeans, in all sincerity, that
we, the Anglo-Indian Community, after all, are able to under-
stand the European better than any other community in India.
Wc understand also the people of India better than any European
could ever hope to do. But it is very difficult for me to make a

UT CMU TASK

175

European appreciate thb. It is because the European has sealed
himself off in a highly insulated social system that he is unable to
get to understand the real feelings and emotions of Indians. A
European may serve in this Country for 30 or 35 years : he may
give the best years of his life, he may put in selfless service to
the cause or Indians in this Country, yet I say that 99 per cent of the
Europeans in this Country, after having put in a long and even bril-
liant career of service, fail completely to understand the psychology
of the people of this Country. There is this psychological void.
You do not understand the peoples of thb Country. If you had
willed it, you could have allowed us to fill that void. But if I
talk to a European about the bitterness of India in the matter of
racial dberimination you do not understand. The reason is not
far to seek. A Britisher in his own country is perhaps the finest
European in the world. But what happens to him the moment he
crosses the Suez Canal, I do not know, I feel that the main causes
of bitterness in thb Country arc social causes. The Europeans
have no social contacts with the people of this Country. The
European women in India unfortunately have done a criminal
disservice to their own people in England."

• Mr. President: "The Hon’ble Member’s time b over.’’

Mr. Frank Anthony: "I would make a final appeal to the
European Group not to regard what I have said in a spirit of
resentment, because I do believe that if only the Europeans would
■offer the hand of friendship to the other peoples in thb Country,
jn return the people of India will extend to the Europeans real
friendship.”

Final Betrayal

On the 10th April, 1946, I interviewed the Cabinet Mission.

. I had taken the precaution of preparing a memorandum setting out
fairly fully the position of the Community and its claims in any
proposed constitutional pattern. On the 12th April, 1946, the
Hindustan Times, the leading nationalist English daily in New
Delhi, wrote the following editorial.

"The awakening of patriotism among Anglo-Indians has been
more recent, but they, too, have nearly fallen into line. The
difficulties of thb small Community are many. In its origin, it
was an alien and almost hostile element, but through the pressure

176 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

of circumstances and wise leadership it has come to feel that it
should throw in its lot with the people or India as a whole. The
All-India Anglo-Indian Association, in the course of their reply
to the questionnaire of the Sapru Committee bitterly complained
of the false position in which the Anglo-Indians had been placed
through wrong education and step-motherly treatment. 'All
manner of absurd prejudiceshave been current in the socio-economic
structure of Indian life. The European has affected and canalised
an attitude of superiority to Indian and Anglo-Indian alike. The
Anglo-Indian has been guilty of affecting an attitude of aloofness
to his Indian brother. By way of retaliation, our fellow-Indians
have regarded us with mistrust and unfriendliness’. The memo-
randum concluded with the words, *VVe cannot be blamed for the
fact that our mother-tongue is English and our culture is a culture
derived from the West. The history taught us in our schools has
been British history. But, today, the Anglo-Indian Community
has awakened to the fact that it is one of India’s communities,
and that the hopes and aspirations of India are also our hopes and
aspirations’.”

“We are glad that Mr. Anthony, their able spokesman, told the
Cabinet Mission that the Community had completely entered the
nationalist fold and would be content with such safeguards as it
could obtain from its countrymen on grounds of reason and
justice."

“It is worthy of notice that Mr. Anthony pleaded for a strong
Centre. As in the case of separate electorates, there is a mistaken
belief that a strong Central Government will benefit the majority
community. The only danger to minorities is from local prejudices
and animosities getting exaggerated importance through passion
and propaganda. Just as under responsible Government the
influence of minorities is considerably lessened by separate electo-
rates, statutory protection to the minorities through fundamental
rights and other means is weakened if the authority to enforce it
in practice is completely decentralised and vested in the units. A
strong Centre, in the legislature and executive on which the
minorities will be duly represented, will be a valuable protection
against the exploitation of communal passions by local vested
interests. The case for the widest provincial autonomy rests on
the need for providing the maximum possible expression to linguistic

vrr cnm task

177

and cultural groups, and in India these groups cut across religious
and communal frontiers.”

‘The Statesman’, a widely read and influential English daily,
one of the few then British-owned, on the llth April, wrote the
following editorial.

“That the Anglo-Indian Community had entered the Nationalist
fold and did not seek privileges or preferential treatment, but would
work with other small minorities for the recognition of certain
rights, was one of the points stressed in a memorandum submitted
by Mr. Frank Anthony, Fresident of the All-India Anglo-Indian
Association, to the British Cabinet delegation today.”

“It is understood that the memorandum presented by Mr.
Anthony began by outlining the history of the Anglo-Indian
Community, which is of Indian nationality and has throughout
contributed largely to the national life of India. It then urged
that the smaller minorities, including Anglo-Indians, should be
given adequate opportunity of stating their case in the Constituent
Assembly where they should have not less than a specified number
of seatj. In any interim arrangement at the Centre, there should
he a composite Executive Council on which they should be re-
presented. These points are also part of the Indian Christian case."

“The Anglo-Indian memorandum went on to urge that there
was a danger not only of the principle of weigh tage for minorities
being misapplied but also of this misapplication being extended.
Wcightage was intended to protect smaller minorities’ interests,
but ir it was given to huge communities, smaller minorities might
be squeezed out and the principle perverted.”

“It was also stated that a comparatively small community like
the Anglo-Indian scattered in various provinces likely to be under
Congress or Muslim League control, could not be expected to take
sides actively on the question of the division or unity of India. As
a nationalist community they had no sectarian leanings but desired
to see India a great Country. Anglo-Indians felt, however, that
the best interests of the Country would be served by political unity
with as strong a Centre as possible. Before any decision was taken
on a division of India, it should be submitted to a plebiscite of adult
inhabitants or the areas concerned.”

“The memorandum expressed the belief that the future Govern-
ment or Governments of India would welcome the Anglo-Indian:

178 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COiDfUNITY

Community on account of its proved qualities which included
discipline and civic stability. After referring to Anglo-Indians’
services to the Country in the armed forces and the great depart-
ments the memorandum added, ‘We shall give to the future
administration the same loyalty and steadfastness that we have
exhibited in the past.’ It was pointed out that Anglo-Indians in
the police force had already shown during 1937-39 that they would
serve popular Ministries with their customary efficiency and
loyalty.”

I immediately reported back to my Governing Body my impres-
sions of my interview with the Cabinet Mission.

In my report to my Governing Body I pointed out my fears with
regard to the attitude of the Cabinet Mission. I had spent more
than an hour and a half in discussions with the Cabinet Mission
and had also gone through my memorandum with them. I found
Lord Alexander a well-meaning person but one who appeared to
have no conception of the Indian scene and still less of the real
position of the Anglo-Indian Community. So far As Lord Pethick
Lawrence was concerned, he was certainly well-meaning towards
Indian aspirations, but had no real knowledge either of the history
or the services of the Community. Perhaps, inevitably, the person
whom I found to be the most informed was Sir Stafford Cripps.
He asked me many questions which were indicative Of a keenly
analytical, legal mind. The trend of his questions showed perhaps
a logical but also a mechanical approach to the position. He under-
lined the numerical smallness of the Community and -emphasised
that giving representation in the Constituent Assembly would mean
giving unprecedented and almost fantastic weightage. I pointed
out, however, that Our case was not posited on any mathematical
or mechanical formula : our position represented an amalgam of
historical and political facts which had, only recently, been accept*
ed by the Sapru Committee, whose recommendations had been
endorsed by the largest party in the Country, namely, the Cong-
ress Party. **

I did not hide from my Governing Body, however, my anxiety
as to the results of my talks. I drew attention to the fact that
Cripps had a bad record so far as the Community was concerned.
In 1942 the Cripps* formula had completely ignored the Community
and had given it ik> semblance of a place in fhe”proposed Const! -

irr cum task

179

tuent Assembly. The Cripps formula or 1942 gave the Community
no opportunity even to present its case to the framers of the
Constitution. The Cripps proposals in 1942 had been described
by Sir Henry Gidney, the then accredited leader of the Anglo-
Indians, as a cynical betrayal of the Community. I, however,
felt that my request for minimum representation, that is, at least
one seat in the Constituent Assembly to enable the Community
to state its case before India’s constitution-making body would be
accepted, particularly as the Sapru Conciliation Committee had
recommended that the Community should be granted at least 2
seals in such a body.

• In one respect the representatives of the Labour Government
started with certain advantages. Unlike members of the Conser-
vative Party, they had no association with British rule in India
and, therefore, no background of any preconceived notions or
what may even be described as political inhibitions. For a Com-
munity like the Anglo-Indians, however, this advantage could
easily turn into a calamitous disaster. As I mentioned to my
Governing Body, I had pleaded our case before people who might
bes described, without any offence, as ‘political parvenus’. They
had no real background association with conditions in India and
the special position and difficulties of the minorities and more
especially of the Anglo-Indians.

On the 16th May the Cabinet Mission’s plan was announced.
No' place was accorded to the Community in the proposed Consti-
ttiint Assembly. An Advisory Committee, however, was proposed
in which the Community would receive representation, but the
quantum of such representation was not defined.

Letter To Viceroy

On the 30th May I addressed a letter to the Viceroy, Lord
Wavell.

Inter alia, I said,

“There arc certain features of the Cabinet Mission’s recommend-
ations which are not clear so Far as they affect my Community. I
shall, therefore, be most grateful if these points could be clarified
as there is certain understandable apprehension on the part of my
Community about the exact implications of these items.”

•“I had sincerely hoped that a minimum of representation for the

180 THE STOUT OF THE ANGLO-IKDHS COMUUNITT

smaller minorities, in the Constituent Assembly, would be pres-
cribed by the Cabinet Mission. Tor instance, in the proposed
house of about 200 members for British India, I feel certain that
none of the Indian leaders would have objected to at least 2 or
even 3 scats being granted to my Community.”

“Further, it is not clear as to what the constitution, functions
and powers of the proposed Advisory Committee will be. From
the statement of Sir Stafford Cripps it would appear that this
Advisory Committee is to be set up with the specific purpose of
securing effective representation of the interests of the smaller
minorities particularly of the Indian Christians and Anglo-Indians."

“I shall be grateful for a clarification as to how this effectiveness
is to be secured to the recommendations of this proposed Advisory
Committee."

“What guarantee is there that the Advisory Committee must be
brought into existence? Further, what representation, to be
considered adequate, is to be granted to my Community on this
Advisory Committee?”

“Lastly, in what way is this representation to be made, that is,
what is the procedure to be adopted for securing the representation
of my Community on the Committee?”

I received a reply on the 8th June, 19-16. Among other things
the Viceroy said,

“The constitution functions and powers of the proposed Advisory
Committee were left to be determined by the Constituent Assembly.
The Cabinet Mission certainly expect, however, that the Committee
will be a powerful and influential body. It will be for the Consti-
tuent Assembly to accept or reject the recommendations of the
Committee, but clearly a Committee of this sort will carry a great
deal or weight, and its report will attract publicity all over the
world.”

Quite frankly, the proposals came as a shock to me. I realised
that the Advisory Committee, as its name suggested, could only
be a recommending body. There would be no Anglo-Indian in the
Constituent Assembly to urge the acceptance of the recommend-
ations which the Advisory Committee may make in favour of the
Community. The Cabinet Mission proposals left the Community
without even a single advocate of its cause in the Constituent
Assembly. I knew that even with a representative our position

JJT GRIM TASK 181

would be inordinately difficult in the Constituent Assembly.
There would be blank walls of prejudice, if not of hostility, to
break through in the Constituent Assembly. Without a powerful
advocate in that forum, there was Jittle, if any, hope of the Com'
munny receiving any kind of recognition much leu of representation
in the future political set-up.

Meetings JI7 th India's Leaders

I then decided to meet Gandhiji, Jawaharla! Nehru and Sardar
Patel. I met Gandhiji on Friday, the 10th June. At that time
he was staying in what was known as the ‘Bhangi* (Sweeper) Colony.
He gave me a long and patient hearing. This was the first time
that I had the occasion to meet Gandhiji. Since my assumption of
office, most of the political leaders had been in prison. I gave him
a brief survey or the position and needs of the Community. He
was frank with me and said that but for the policies that I had
pursued during the past 4 yean, there would have been little
hope of tbe Anglo-Indian Community receiving any consideration
from tbe leaden of Indian opinion.

Gandhiji asked me why the Community wanted recognition as
a separate entity: it was an Indian community and Christian, and
he felt that it could take its place as part of the Indian Christian
Community. I explained to Gandhiji, at some length, that this
would mean the destruction of the Community. The Anglo-
Indians, in fact, are the only real racial-cum-linguistic minority
in India. Over a period of 300 years we had evolved into a
distinctive, homogeneous entity with our own way of life, our
culture and our language, Engtish. I pointed out that the
Anglo-Indians would regard any de-recognition of our position
as a distinctive minority as a blow at our very existence, which
could not be acceptable to the Community.

I told Gandhiji that apart from the historical and political factors
that combined to make the Anglo-Indians a distinctive and dis-
tinctly recognised community, this position also had statutory
sanction. Apart from the definition of the Community specifically
embodied in the Government or India Act of 1935, I said that the
Indian Succession Act of 1925 had defined the ‘Indian Christian*
as a native of India of unmixed Asiatic descent and who professed
any form of the Christian religion. This statutory definition of

182

THE STORT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITf

‘Indian Christian’ did not include the Anglo-Indian.

More than once, Gidney had been challenged by hostile members
in the Central Legislature. He was asked why he claimed separate
identity from the Indian Christians. Once Gidney was asked, “Are
you not an Indian?” Gidney replied “Yes”. He was then asked “Are
you not a Christian?” Again Gidney said “Yes". To the asser-
tion “Then you are an Indian Christian,” while rather indignandy
repudiating the suggestion, the usually quick-witted Gidney for
once had no rational reply. Not being a lawyer, he was perhaps
unable to elucidate both the constitutional and the statutory
position.

Gandhiji then asked me what representation I felt would be
adequate. I had not come prepared to meet such a question
specifically. I, however, mentioned that I felt that since the
Sapru Committee had recommended 2 seats, 3 seats would be
adequate. Gandhiji said that so far as he was concerned, he would
be prepared to recommend 3 seats for the Community in the
Constituent Assembly.

I met Jawaharlal Nehru on the 1 1th June. This was also my
first mceung wtth Nehru. Quite frankly, I had wondrrrd what
his attitude would be. In hit Autobiograhy, Nehru had made
some unflattering references to the arrogance or the Anglo-Indians
and the,, overbearing attitude towards other Indian communities.
I wondered whether he would be conditioned by that thinking.
Actually, I found Nehru very charming. I put the position of the
Community ,o him much more briefly than when I had met
Gandhiji. I found ,ha, Nehru was not concerned with details.
He asked certam questions which were not unduly pertinent to the
constitutional or political position „f the Community. I remember
distinctly his a,l„„g me whether hi, relative’s children were
Anglo-Indians. As it happened, the relative in question, B.K.
Nehru who was later our Ambassador in Washington and is
mi„7 y,?%GOV':m° r °f *”*“■ had bm> » contemporary of
, - a.. C ”ner c mple, London. I mentioned that I knew

"1 TV ." h' >"d ™™d * European woman,

under the definition of she ,e™ ’Anglo-Indian’ the children would
“ A”S1°-,ndi*n> ■ I said ,ha, biologically they might be Anglo-

SSrtMSL"* ,h' ddini,i“

MT GRIM TASK

183

I then met Sardac Patel. Thit, alto. ™ my Sett meeting«itl.
the Sardar. In the popular mind he had been tnveste "»

pSS£|siS2

also the special economic nerds of the Community. Y ,

non-committal, monosyllabic grunts he did not .nt^rup ^
wondered how much he had taken in. T y JT

rii'rKSj smeu

irss ^ s r hi;

problem- within thc Jho^/^5 f Jc asked me how many votes
many seats I wanted. I sa.d 3. 3 candidates to the

in my opinion would be required was that, on an

Constituent Assembly. 1 ^ said that my ^ cach Provincial

average, it would require »*»“* ,*«. Constituent Assembly.

Assembly to return one representative to , h d 4

I made it clear, however, that except for

.c»u, »t could not, on our own’ me how many
tative to the ConsUtuent Assembly. Hc ., How

seats we had in all the Provincial As* J “cording

mony of thrne Hc link incredulous .hot

to my direction. I said all 12. H . in every Legis-

I could command the vote of every ng o- {

iature, but I assured him that he would be
since we had 12 seats in direction,

prepared, on my assurance of their 8 J ^ constituent
to recommend 3 scats for the Co ty have to vote

Assembly. He said that the Anglo-lndrans « d suto wbctt-

in support ornon-Atiglo-lndiaitCooEmMCa^ Out from

no Anglo-Indian representat.ve could be return , ^ ,he.

three Provincial Assemblies he svou ™"'C'A^^Inliialu were;
necessary number of Congress sotes.

184 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

returned to the Constituent Assembly.

I followed up my interviews by writing fairly comprehensive
letters both to Gandhiji and the Sardar. The position with regard
to the Constituent Assembly had been clarified. In my talks with
them I had not laid particular emphasis on the need for represen-
tation in the Executive Council, the Indian counterpart of the
British Cabinet. In my letters I did place this emphasis.

Congress Recommends Anglo-Indian For Interim Government

In the meantime active steps had been taken to form an Interim
Government. I was anxious that the Community should find a
place in the Interim Government. I realised that in this matter
I could get no assistance either from the Viceroy or the British
Administration. The Simla Conference and the Cabinet Mission’s
proposals had illustrated that abundantly. With the seal that
had been placed on our position by the Sapru Committee we had
an excellent case for representation in the Interim Government.
I felt strongly that with an Anglo-Indian in the Central Cabinet
the chances of the Community finding a place of recognition in the
future Constitution would be vastly enhanced. I also felt that
once the principle of representation of the Community in the
Government was accepted, it would grow into a convention and
would give the Community an established place in the highest
•councils of the Nation. I also realised that, here again, I was up
against the die-hard attitude of the British officials who surrounded
the Viceroy. Further, I had some misgivings as to the personal
attitude of Wavell. I had on more than one occasion crossed
swords with him when he was the Commander-in-Chief and I was
a member of the National Defence Council. Unfortunately, I
had also been obliged to criticise Lady Wavell’s handling, when
she was acting head of the Corps, of the policies in the Women
Auxiliary Corps which had created so much resentment among
the Anglo-Indian members. I took the precaution, therefore, of
writing to the Viceroy and informing him that in pleading the case
for the inclusion of the Community in the Interim Government I
sought nothing for myself. All I wanted was the principle accepted
of giving the Community representation in the Interim Government.

I said that the Governing Body of the Association would recommend
an Anglo-Indian, if necessary other than myself, for a place in the

ifT CRXU TASK.

Cabinet. 1 then "tot' •» Gandhiji and tl.e^Sarfar In

I mentioned that I “J, P,^44r, laid that Hthe Congieo

I saw the Sardar once again. ■ . ^^mend me.

recommended an Anglo-Indian, e> personal

Candhiji lent me a long letter tnneh of «h.ch ^

character giving advice to lh' , „,,h regard to

policies that I had punned. The follem ing ct J^dGcant-

5he representation in the In.enm Gmcmmen.nnangru ^
•The Sapnt Committee'. It the Conttituent

please temember that thu n an tn ^ a j^jrjous thing.

Assembly were to ignore you then thc Congress

But thi. must not happen. A. matter o been

could hate had if nay. vhich it ha. not. yen ttould

in the Interim Government too. .ctt_. dated the

the Sardar sent me the follotving reply to my letter oa

18th June.

Dear Friend, , \Ve tried our

1 hate tceeited your letter of the I “dud;ng the Anglo-
best to accommodate all the mino . ^ional National

Indian Community, in the formation o League took an

Government. Unfortuna.rly, Mr. Jamah and hn Uagn
attitude from the He

tation except that of the Sikh and narity basis,

insisted on the limitation of 12 seats, o " We pressed

he claimed 5 and agreed to allow 5 to t c ^ accommodate

for increasing the number so as to ena Women.”

representation for the Anglo-Indians, arsis Depressed

"Talso pressed foe mom “

Classes. But the League nould not agree I ^ number

™ 8"*t diBienhy Umt ««. nomi Jed by the Viceroy

increased to 14, in which a Fais herewith a press-cutting

•without our knowledge. I am Community’,

from which you will see our *tn™ see that justice

Whenever in future any occasion 's ill arise, so far as

is done to the Anglo-Indians. You can be sure ot tna
the Congress is concerned.

Yours sincerely,
Vallabhbhai Patel

186

THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Frank Anthony, Esq., MLA, Barrister-at-Law, ,

President-in-Chief,

The Anglo-Indian Association,

New Delhi.

The press-cutting which the Sardar enclosed was from the
Hindustan Times. It was as follows.

“Hindustan Times,

New Delhi,

Sunday, 10th June.

Majority Of Congress Nominees Accepted By Mission

"The statement of the Cabinet Delegation and the Viceroy
regarding the Interim Government has been well received by
political quarters. The main reasons for this attitude are :

“There is no Congress-League parity.

“The Muslim League are 5 out of 14 instead of 5 out of 12 as
demanded by Mr. Jinnah.

“The names of Sardar Baldev Singh and Dr. John Mathai
recommended by the Congress have been accepted.”

“There is a specific pledge that the composition of the Interim
Government will not be treated as a precedent for the solution of
any other communal question,”

“Out of 14 names, 11 are those recommended by the Congress”.

“The changes made are Sir N.P. Engineer, Sardar Abdur Rab
Nishtar and Mr. H.K. Mahtab. It is said that the Congress re-
commended Mr. Frank Anthony of the Anglo-Indian Community,
since the Parsi Community has had representation in the Executive
Council. The working Committee had also proposed that Dr.
Zakir Hussain should represent Independent Muslims. It was
proposed by the Working Committee that Mr. Sarat Chandra Bose,
leader of the Congress Party in the Assembly, should be in the
Cabinet.”

Mala Fide

Not satisfied with the calculated exclusion of the Anglo-Indian
Community from representation in the Constituent Assembly, s
Viceroy Wavell, with almost malicious deliberation, resisted at
every step the inclusion of a representative of the Community in

e iceroy s Executive Council. The enormity of this crowning

disservice ha, ,o be measured .gains. .be fact

Vas fighting for it. very em.ence-an uUrn-rn.cr^op c mmon.y
seeking to find , place among .be hundreds of milh^ of India >
other communities. In spite of the odium that »» «n*« i»J be
British had attracted towards us, I had succeeded, Pg

4 yean, in largely effacing .lust odium. WMta -^apru
Committee recommendations, I had secured^ - (tie

India specific recognition of the Community * p acc
important, politically recognised minorities '"““f

Government’s mm plan originally was to have ™

Viceroy’, Eaectstive Council or Interim Cab, n«
seat was to be filled either by an Indian Christian or S

Indian. This mean, that if the number was
Anglo-Indian was bound to liave been select ■ . ,3S

die number was raised ro 14 the Anglo-Ind.an Communt.y
singled out by the Viceroy for exclusion. p to thc

In the list of nominees submitted by the 5^”* Gommunity.
Viceroy there was a represema.ive of the Anglo-Indian Ot—
While the Viceroy aecep.cd all .be other nommem
Party, be went out r,r hi. way to ignore the Anglodnm ^
and instead selected Sir N.P, Engineer. g community,
possessed no representative capacity even m his sm Attorney.
itePatsU. He was a servant of the Crown hemg the
General. Perhaps BrilUh officialdom felt that Engtnee PP
men, wa, an ad^uate ’quid pm quo’ for his P~f
Indian National Army personnel. Even then Community

their utmost ,o secure a place for the Anglo-Indian
They approached .he Viceroy ro increme J- —

14 to 15 as they did not wish to insist on N.P. tug

so as to suggS any kind of hostility to the Parsn. Once aga

the Viceroy, almost with deliberate malice, re us . oossible

The Congress leaders pointed out to him that there
justification for adhering to thc Viceroy * ormu a
tatives of the Congress, 5 of the Muslim tap
minorities as announced by the Viceroy on t e formula

pointed out .hat there was no objrc. m adhering to the Bn. ^
since the Muslim League had, at that rime, no agre that

Interim Government. It was also made c ea Congress

should die League join .he Interim Government, .he Congres

THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

nominees would resign and a fresh Cabinet formed. But all argu-
ments with the Viceroy failed. His only purpose seemed the
continuing, deliberate exclusion of the Community from the Central
Cabinet. And that the seeming animus of the Viceroy was directed
not against me, but against the Community, was clear from the
context of what actually happened. As mentioned earlier, I had
written to the Viceroy making it clear that any Anglo-Indian and not
myself could be included in the Interim Government provided he
had the approval and the confidence of the Governing Body of the
All-India Anglo-Indian Association.

The British seemed to resent that we had achieved so much on our
own. They seemed to resent that our fellow-Indians were prepared
to give us what the British had never deigned to give us throughout
British Indian history.

I convened an Extraordinary General Meeting of the Association
on the 22nd June, 1946, to consider the gratuitous disservice done to
the Community by the Cabinet Mission’s proposals concerning the
Constituent Assembly and the exclusion of the Community from the
Interim Government. Vehement speeches were made by the younger
elements, urging direct action against the Government in every
possible way. I, however, counselled moderation in spite of my
appreciation of the justification for the indignation and bitterness.
A resolution was then unanimously adopted expressing the
Community’s incredulity and bitterness at the criminal disservice
done to the Anglo-Indians, when we were fighting for our exis-
tence, by the Cabinet Mission and the Viceroy. - It was also resolved
to call upon the Community to resign from the Auxiliary Force.

The bitter and widespread resentment of the Community against
these successive acts of cynical and conscienceless betrayal first
by the Cabinet Mission and then by the Viceroy was demonstrated
by the way in which the members of the Community in every
part of the Country, at the call of the Association, submitted their
resignations from the Auxiliary Force. This was no light or easy
decision. For generations the Anglo-Indians had an almost
traditional loyalty to the Government. In the Auxiliary Force
they had represented India’s Second Line of Defence. In fact,
for the Anglo-Indians on the Railways membership of the Auxiliary
Force was made part of their contract of employment. When
the Community, through the Association, decided to resign, the

MT GRIM TASK

109

Railway Admini.tra.ion in.mcdia.ely took up a ^

Anglo-Indian railway-men were threatened w. ■ »u » d,„ m»

They were .old .lu. .heir ra,gna..on from .te .W»rV ^
meant a breach of contract. I pointed ou auxiliary yorcc

that .hi. tins nothing of the tort, that under the Auxd ’cyJ ^
Ac. if an Anglo-Indian had complet'd d ie “» m

mached the age of 45J “ha. the compub.on

I further pointed out to the Railway llo a condition

on Anglo-Indian, to join the Auai ty ^ Anglo-Indian,
precedent to their employment, v> • other

Wng Indian national, could no. be ..ogled ou. h™ »”.h= °“r,
Indian national, for compultory service. E.cjy P
and cover,, wa., however, brought tobear lT^ ^^liicd ihal^the
oflicer. on Anglrelndian radwnyn.cn. They h a day-,

unditturbed running ofthe Indian tnulwaynw^ ^ aUo perhaps
purchase without Anglo-Indian support- ■> v officials,

a penonal clement in dte attitude of European railway Me
Many of them were oilmen in the opport-

not view with equanimity the sudden te f thc Adminis-

unities to play at soldiering. The sheer c>rn Wilcox Army

nation wi underlined by the fact that whde the W.lco*
Reorganisation Committee had recomme » Govern-

.ha, The - Auailiary Feme .hould be Voided

sStgss^^- -

“™eS wanton disregard of dte inrermu of the

India, when both the Cabinet M.w.on and the Viceroy^ . ^
ted the position which the Communi y Q-.^mcnt insisted

Indian public opinion, yet the Viceroy m ^ wQuld j^ve been

on Anglo-Indians continuing m railways but called

used at any time not only to break *nk« on the radways

out to suppreM any V*** “ ££ di.played by

to .hoot down their fcllow-Ind: an.. ^ Admini.-

the Community at dm mac um e madc .J th„ any attempt
rSp.rttf’.teTdmtai.tmaon to vietimhe the Anglo-Indian.

190

THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

for resigning from the Auxiliary Force would be suitably answered
by the Community, the Government decided to accept the resig-
nations of members of the Community and to make membership
of the Auxiliary Force voluntary. This order was issued in August,
1946.

The apparently calculated cynicism of the Cabinet Mission towards
the Anglo-Indians was highlighted by the insidious way in which
they sought to give the Europeans fantastic wcightage in the
Constituent Assembly. While the Anglo-Indian Community had
been denied even a single scat, the Cabinet Mission’s proposals
would have resulted in the Europeans, because of their
artificially large representation in the Bengal Legislature, being
able to return between 6 and 8 representatives to the Constituent
Assembly.

I saw through this device and exposed it in the press.
1 also mentioned it in my talks with Sardar Patel whom I met
frequently. When this device was brought to their notice, the
Indian leaders reacted strongly and insisted that the Europeans
should not only have no seat in the Constituent Assembly, but
should not even be allowed to exercise their votes to elect repre-
sentatives from the Provincial Assemblies to the Constituent
Assembly.

I am almost certain that if the Cabinet Mission had acted in an
°Pen'llanded> fair manner prescribing specific representation for
all the minorities and had also granted about 2 seats to the
Europeans, there would have been not a single dissenting voice
n ®ut was re£arded as sheer political jobbery for
about 20,000 Europeans in the whole of India to be granted,
'n a l°fuou* way> between 6 and 8 seats in the Constituent
sem y The result of this attempted political nepotism was
gratuitously to antagonise the Indian leaders and ensure the com-
p ete exclusion of the Europeans from the Constituent Assembly.

Changed Attitude Of Indian Leaders

The rapid change in the attitude of the Indian leaders, at this
demonstrated by the address to
»e mTT? Chi'™™w °r Bombay, Bala S.heb Khar,
“ f ,h' 0“at ™d "spaced leaden of the Congees. Party.
Addressing the Annual General Meeting of the Bombay Branch

MT CH1M TASK

191

of the All -India Anglo-Indian Association in July, 1946, he said,
“One of the striking features of your Community lire and its activi-
ties is its great cohesion. No other Community has such a well-

knit organisation to see to or represent its interests. It is no won er,

therefore, that the Association has succeeded in getting all the
Assembly and Council seals in the Country filled by its candidates.

I should lite to congratulate you on thlt and assure you 'hat ™
cooperation of your representatives will be needed, and wi ^
much appreciated in the Assembly which will frame Free In 1a s
Constitution.” . .

Continuing Bala Saheb Kher said, “You have some special
talents. You have been outstanding in certain fields ofaervice.
These qualities will always stand you in good stead. There is
much need for your courage, your sense of duty, your managing
ability, your cheerful outlook, your mechanical aptitude. Yher^
is much room for the employment of your great organising ability.

Critical Phase

- The delicate and often dangerous position in which the Com-
munity was placed at this fluid but decisive period in Indian
history was illustrated by the tight rein that I was required to keep
on the policies which some of our MLAs, perhaps unwilling
pursued.

• The Anglo-Indians in Bengal and those who represented the
Community in the Bengal Legislature were not entirely to blame.
They were, in a sense, the victims of local circumstances. Euro-
pean politics not only in Bengal but in India had been dotninat
by the Clive Street mentality, that is, the mentality of the English
business tycoons. Because of this reactionary mentality and their
complete ignorance of the psychology of the Indians, the Europeans,
in the penultimate stage, threw away their opportunities with bot
hands. Personally, I would like to have seen the Europeans get
some sort bf representation in the Constituent Assembly in order

to place their very real case before that body. If really experienc-
ed European politicians, such as Sir Frederick James, had contro
the policy of the European Association and not the reactionary,
politically short-sighted European businessmen, the attitude o
Indian opinion towards the Europeans would, almost certai^ y,
have been quite different. Seemingly bereft of political imagma-

192 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

tion, the British businessmen-politicians continued to live and move
in their isolated world of reactionary illusion. The British repre-
sentatives in the Legislature were suspected of having a secret alli-
ance with the Muslim League.

Even after I had succeeded in securing representation for the
Community in the Constituent Assembly, the conditions in the
Country continued to be critical and of a highly volatile character.
The political set-up already highly complicated was made even
more difficult and complex by the increasing tension between the
two major political parties. The Anglo-Indian representatives had
to walk with a constant wariness on which depended the very exist-
ence of the Community. There was always the danger that our
representatives in some of the Legislatures might commit them-
selves to policies, determined by narrow provincial and parochial
considerations, and which would have calamitous All-India re-
percussions on the Community. The position of the Anglo-Indian
representaUves in the Punjab and Bengal was particularly difficult.
While in Bengal the Muslim League had a working majority, the
opposition was powerful and vocal. In the Punjab, the corner-
stone of the Pakistan claim, the Muslim League, although the
largest single party, was unable to form the Government. Through
speeches and articles in our journal I kept before our MLAs the
vital need not to be stampeded by any temporary or local issues or
to do anything which would antagonise the largest party, the
Congress. I pointed out that the Congress Party was in a majority
in 9 out of the II provinces. Three-fourths of the Community,
I underlined, were resident in the Congress provinces. Above
all, I emphasised the fact that we are an All-India Community not
only in the sense that we arc scattered throughout the Country, but
because 80% of the life and economy of the Community was tied
up with and dependent on the Central Administration. With its
overwhelming majority in the Constituent Assembly the Congress
could, if our provincial representatives gratuitously antagonised this
party, deprive the Community of its economic life-line in the Central
Services and also destroy our whole educational system. It was
only by dint of keeping a constantly tight rein on some of our pro-
vincial MLAs that they were prevented, because they were unable
to see the picture whole, from acting in a manner that might have
gravely compromised if not destroyed the position of the Comma-

MT CRJSt TASK

193

nity. Although the Anglo-Indian MLA* in Bengal had been re-
turned on the Association ticket and were loyal to the Association,
a quite misguided parochial assessment of the political situation
made them believe that Bengal, including Calcutta, would fall into
Pakistan. I was equally emphatic that Calcutta and a large part
of West Bengal would never l>e included in Pakistan. Because of
this misguided assessment, and from a desire not to antagonise the
Muslim League, our MLAs, on a vote of no confidence which had
been tabled by the powerful Congress Parly in Bengal, voted with
the Muslim League Government. Immediately a bitter cry of
condemnation went up from the Indian nationalist dailies. Thus
the 'Hindustan Times' of New Delhi, which was then perliaps the
most influential daily in the Country, published a scathing indict-
ment of the action of the Anglo-Indian MLAs in Bengal. The
Amrita Bazar Patrika’, the most influential nationalist English daily
in Bengal, in an editorial in the month of June insisted that not only
the Europeans but the Anglo-Indians also should have no vote for
or a scat in the Constituent Assembly.

In the same way, the Anglo-Indian MLA in the Punjab pursued
a course which promised to antagonise both the Congress and the
Muslim League. Although the Anglo-Indian MLAs had been
returned because of the Association’s support and were enjoined to
pursue an independent policy this MLA accepted the position of
Private Parliamentary Secretary to the Chief Minister or the Punjab
(Khizar Hayat Khan) who belonged neither to the Congress nor
the Muslim League party.

Sardar Patel phoned me and protested against what he regarded
as the opportunism of our M.L.A. in the Punjab. To undo the
damage, I convened an extraordinary meeting of the Governing
Body of the Association, to which our representative in the Punjab
was summoned. At my request, Sardar Baldev Singh, who later
became the Defence Minuter, attended the meeting and explained
the critical position of the minorities in the Punjab. After hearing
our Punjab M.L.A., the Governing Body decided to expel him from
the Association.

Realising that these actions of our MLAs might very well not
only endanger but destroy the whole position that I had built up,
I wrote a very strong page in our journal (The Anglo-Indian Re-
view) for their future guidance. I pointed out that our MLAs

194 the story op the Anglo-Indian cojemuntty

owed a supreme responsibility to the Community throughout the
Country and that in the critical context in which we were moving,
we were bound to observe policies that were balanced in terms
of the good or the whole Community.

Be it said to the credit of the Anglo-Indian M.L.As in Bengal
that they resisted all attempts by the Muslim League Ministry to
seduce them politically. OlTersofa Ministership and other blandish-
ments were rejected because of their allegiance to the larger in-
terests of the Community as defined by me.

Those were, indeed, grimly critical days. During that fateful
period I had to tread a political razor’s edge. One false step would
have meant not only political decapitation for the Community,
but the destruction of its schools and economy.

CHAPTER IX

THE MIRACLE OF OUR
CONSTITUTIONAL
SAFEGUARDS

IN accordance with the assurance given me by the Congress
leaders, the Congress Party assisted in the election of 2 out of
the 3 Anglo-Indian representatives to the Constituent Assembly.
The number of votes required to ensure the return of one candidate
from the Bengal State Legislature to the Constituent Assembly was
4. As it happened, there "ere 4 Anglo-Indian representatives in
the Bengal Legislature. I did not require any Congress support
for ray return, as the 4 Anglo-Indian representatives voted
for me.

It is an interesting sidelight that votes "-ere fetching fantastic
prices. It was known that certain candidates to the Constituent
Assembly "-ere prepared to pay at least Rs. 30,000/- for a vote from
a Provincial Assembly representative. It was also alleged that on
the morning of the vo ting in Bengal for the Constituent Assembly
at least one vote had been bought for Rs. 30,000/. It was fortunate
that the Anglo-Indian Community's representatives who were re-
turned on the Association ticket were persons of unimpeachable
integrity. The other 2 Anglo-Indian representatives were re-
turned from the Madras and what was then known as the Central Pro-
vinces Legislatures. Since the Community had only 1 representative
in each of these Legislatures, the Congress Party gave these 2 re-
presentatives the necessary first votes from their party members in
those two Legislatures to enable the other 2 Anglo-Indians to
be returned to the Constitutent Assembly.

The Constituent Assembly

In October, 1946, 1 was selected as one of India’s principal dele-
gates to represent the Country in the first delegation from Indepen-

196 THE STOUT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN' COMMUNITY

dent India to the United Nations. The leader or the delegation
was Mrs. Vijayalakshmi Pandit. I returned to India before the
rest of the team as the work of the Constituent Assembly was to start
on the 6th December, 19 16, and I was deeply anxious for the fate
of the Community.

On the opening day the Constituent Assembly did me the honour
of unanimously electing me as Deputy Chairman.

One of the most important non-oflicial committees to deal with
the work of the Constituent Assembly seas formed shortly after-
wards. It was known as the Advisory Committee of the Congress
Party. This Committee was to adsise the Congress Tarty on all
matters arising in or which had to go before the Constituent
Assembly. It was a sort of steering committee. Although I was
not a member of the Congress Party, I was invited to join it.
Throughout the framing of the Constitution the membership
of this Committee enabled me to express, in what was virtually
a decision-making body of the majority party, my views on many
vital matters which came up, later, for decision before the
Constituent Assembly. On this Committee were Pandit Nehru,
Maulana Azad, Sardar Patel, Pandit Pant, Acharya Kripalani,
Khan Abdul Ghafar Khan, Mrs. Sarojini Xatdu, Dr. Rajendra
Prasad, Mr. Rajagopalachari, Mr. S.C. Dose, Mr. Raft Ahmed
Kidwai, Dr. Jayakar, Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukberjee, Mr. Jagjivan
Ram and four or five others.

The Final Political Stage

On the 20th February, 1947, Prime Minister Attlee announced
in the House of Commons that the transfer of power to India would
be made not later than June, 1940. If anything, the position of
the minorities and, in a particular way, of the Anglo-Indians had
become even more difficult and delicate. Because of the already
acute and growing tension between the Congress and the Muslim
League, the position of the minorities was anything but enviable.
The tendency on the part of the major parties was one of almost
blind intolerance. There was a tendency to think in terms of black
and white. A party or a group or leader w as either for or against.
No allowance was made for independent or objective thinking on
the part of the minorities.

- In this atmosphere, surcharged with communal suspicion and

THE MIRACLE Or OUR COKSTmmON’AL SAFEGUARDS 197

bitterness, I once again sounded a warning of the disastrous con-
sequences to the Community if any of our M.L.As. allowed their
conduct to be determined by parochial considerations.

Lori Afountbatten — Last Viceroy

Shortly after he assumed office as Viceroy of India, I sent Lord
Mountbatten the following letter:

“Your Excellency,

I address you on behalf of the Anglo-Indian Community. I met
Your Excellency when I was a Member of the Viceroy’s Defence
Council. My reason for addressing Your Excellency is to request
that, in this final stage of transfer, nothing will be done by the
British authorities which may injure the interests of my Community.
Few Europeans are aware of the real history of my Community
and of the vital part we have played in the development of India's
strategic services and in the maintenance of the stability of the
Administration.

Our numerical smallness makes our position in the political
field extremely difficult. Our services to the British Administra-
tion have added to our difficulties. We were regarded by other
communities as the standard-bearers of British Imperialism. We
had earned the right to expect that in the final stage the British
authorities would not lose sight of the position of my Community.
We did not ask for or expect any favours.

The Cabinet Mission did a serious disservice to my Community
by excluding us completely from the Constituent Assembly. Fortu-
nately, this disservice was remedied by the Congress Party. An
equally serious disservice was done to my Community by Lord
Wavell when he ignored the recommendation of the major politi-
cal party that my Community should be granted a seat in the
Interim Government. My Community had hoped that the British
might have helped us to strengthen our position. Instead, we were
shocked when so far from rendering us any assistance Your Excell-
ency’s predecessor struck us a gratuitous blow by deliberately ig-
noring the recommendation of the major political party. The
Community, is, today, straining every nerve to see that its rights are
recognised. We sincerely hope that the Administration will do
nothing, as was done in the recent past, to hamper or injure us in
our present struggle for our very existence.

198

THE STORY OF

ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Allow me to wish Your Excellency a successful and happy tenure
of office.

With my kind regards,

Yours sincerely,

Sd/- Frank Anthony.”

H.E. Rear Admiral,

The Right Hon’ble the Viscount
Mountbatten of Burma, K.G.,G.M.S.I.,

GCVO, KGB, DSO, ADC,

Viceroy’s House, New Delhi
The Viceroy sent me the following reply.

The Viceroy’s House,
New Delhi.

29th March, 1947.

“Dear Mr. Anthony,

Thank you for your letter and good wishes.

I think that the subject matter of your letter is so important that
I should like to discuss it with you in person and have asked my
Secretary to arrange an interview.

Yours sincerely,

Sd/- Mountbatten of Burma.”

Frank Anthony, Esq., MLA,

President-in-Chief,

The Anglo-Indian Association,

Hindustan Times Building,

New Delhi.

I met Lord Mountbatten on the 7th April. I gave him as
fully as possible the background with regard to the Community
and my efforts to secure it a place of recognition in the New India.

I do not know to what extent Mountbatten understood the real
position of the Community. He was concerned with coining to
some arrangement with the major political parties. In any case,
there was little, if anything, that he could now do since the machi-
nery of the Constituent Assembly had already been established and
the process of beating out a constitution was committed to that
Assembly with which the Viceroy did not interfere.

•nre vnuACii or our covrrrnrnosAt. sait guards 190

About Lord Mountbaiten’s personality, however, I formed a
pleasant impression. He had a charm and naturalness which, I
knew, would present a striking contrast to the attitude of rigid
protocol that infected most of the former Viceroys. \Nilh him
disappeared the usual laboured procedure of heralding a person into
the presence of some demi-god, the demi-god having already taken
up an appropriate posture of pseudo-deification. Lord Mount-
batten, however, met me at the door of his office and greeted me
with a warm, friendly handshake. As I neared his table, he took
up a chair and brought it for me to sit in. Had a die-liard British
civilian been present, lie would have died of some kind of official
apoplexy at Mountbatten’* complete informality and, according
to sundried officialdom’s standards, very unViceroy-like behaviour.

I realised, then, that whether Mountbatten possessed the necessary
political education or experience would not matter, as he had with
him many Advisers with a considerable political background. 1
thought to myself that with his charm and informality he would
immediately break down the barriers of reserve and even resent-
ment that generations of British priggishness and artificial codes of
racial snobbery had erected. Above all, Mountbatten could afford
this informality. The British civilians were, at best, middle class
representatives. Mountbatten represented the bluest of the blue
blood from Britain. Whatever he did could not be stigmatised
even by the British wives as declasse. In fact, whether it was de-
liberately conceived or not, one of the master-strokes or British
diplomacy was to send out a person who was a British Maha
Brahmin (Great Brahmin) to deal with the Brahmin representatives
of India. Mountbatten*! freedom from artificial social inhibitions
was worth cohorts of political experts in breaking through the walls
of Indian sensitiveness and resentment reared, over decades, by the
self-styled aristocracy of British officialdom. At this critical stage,
a Viceroy who yielded to the deadening hand of crusted officialdom,
who dragged his feet in deference to the mumbo jumbo of a perverse
social code, might easily have failed where Mountbatten succeeded.

Edwina, Lady Mountbatten

About a fortnight later I met Lady Mountbatten. I expected to

be one of several invitees. When I arrived, however, I found that

I was the only person invited to have tea with her. Few people

200

THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

could have resisted Lady Mountbatten’s complete naturalness and
unaffected charm. She evinced a deep and intelligent interest in
the women of the Community. She mentioned that her long as-
sociation with the Nursing Services had given her a special interest
in Anglo-Indian women who at that time represented the over-
whelming majority of the nurses of India. She remarked on this
phenomenal position of Anglo-Indian women and said that during
her inspection, both private and official of several hospitals, she
was struck by the fact that practically every nurse was an Anglo-
Indian. She spoke highly of the excellence of the Anglo-Indian
nurses. In spite of the fact that, by and large, Indian hospitals
were hopelessly under-staffed, they could, in her opinion, compare
with the highest standards obtaining in the West.

Lady Mountbatten was interested in my analysis of the social
system. I mentioned to her that in my view more bitterness had
been created in India by an artificial, stupid social system the
greatest architects of which were the British women in India, than
by anything else. She appeared not unimpressed by what I re-
garded as the genesis of this social system. I explained to her that
before the opening of the Suez Canal in 1835, comparatively very
few British women came out to India and that, in fact, almost up
to the end of the 19th century even British wives were usually
not allowed to accompany their husbands. At that time 80 to
90 per cent of the British officials, both civilian and military,

married Anglo-Indians and, in my view, they had done very well.
The Anglo-Indian women were among the most beautiful in the
world. I mentioned to her that Dupleix, the French political
genius, had married an Anglo-Indian and so also had Warren
Hastings. She was interested in my account of Catherine Worlee,
the Anglo-Indian beauty who first married Grant, a member of the
Viceroy’s Council and, later, proceeding to Europe, married Taley-
rand, Napoleon’s Foreign Minister, and as Princess Taleyrand
was an acclaimed international beauty of her time. My analysis
was that when the unattached British women who came out to
*! *a’ W lck rePresentcd an increasingly attractive marriage mart,
with the avowed purpose of finding suitable husbands, they ran into
l r a i °r C°.mpetition represented by the often very much
rTie;, ,0' n^!an womcn. Self-preservation, the most power-
iul of all motives, made them evolve a social code which elimin-

THE MIRACLE or OUR COXSTITUnOS \L SAFEGUARDS 201

afed this uneven competition. A social taboo was erected. This
was enforced, progressively, with all the refinements of which only
the feline species is capable. Lady Mounlbaiten appeared not only
amused but interested. I do not know whether she was convinced.
Cut she was provoked into a mildly sarcastic reference to the in-
hibitions of the British women in India. She mentioned that on
her way to Delhi, she had visited a hospital in Karachi. The
European Matron of the hospital almost dropped dead when Lady
Mountbatten insisted on shaking hands with the domestic staff.
Such a thing was unheard of in the hide-bound code of protocol.
Lady Mountbatten was, however, happy especially when she was
told, later on, that many of the stafT had said that they would avoid
washing their hands for as long as possible so that they could retain
the honour of the handshake with the Vicereine of India. She also
mentioned how utterly horrified some of the wives of the senior
British officials in Delhi were when they first saw her call the
sweeper into her lounge to attend to some necessary chores and also
talked to him.

My first impressions of the Mountbattens were vindicated by
later developments. Much or Indian resentment and suspicion
dissolved under the impact of the Mountbatten charm and friendli-
ness. In the }ears that they were to spend in India, Lady Mount-
batten found a special niche in the affections and esteem of peoples
of all classes. That she was generally referred to as Edwina was the
measure of her charm and popularity. It would not be inappro-
priate to refer to her as the Greatest Ambassadress of Goodwill
that Britain had ever sent to India.

Partition

By accepting the Viceroy’s plan, as announced on the 3rd June,
1947, the Congress Party and the Muslim League accepted the
Partition of India. Commenting on this, I addressed the Commu-
nity through the President-in-chief’s page of the Anglo-Indian
Review of July, 1947.

- “The division of India has come. British India will be divided
up into India and Pakistan. As I had anticipated, the Muslim
League has got very much less than it was given by the Cabinet
Mission's statement. Instead of the control or the whole of Bengal
and Assam, the League flag will now only fly over Eastern Bengal

202

THE STORY OP THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

and Sylhet. In the North-West area, also, instead of the whole
of the Punjab, only the western area has been included in Pakistan”.
Commenting on the implications for the Community, I wrote :
‘‘Fortunately, the Community has been saved from vivisection.
As it is, only about 5,000 Anglo-Indians in the Punjab, 2000 in Sind
and another 1,000 in East Bengal will fall into Pakistan." Con-
tinuing I said, “All the resistance to our quotas in the services has
invariably come in the Central Assembly from the Muslim Commu-
nity. Educationally and economically the Muslims are, on an
average, more backward than the Anglo-Indians, and have been
largely dependent on Government service. They have always
looked with longing eyes on the Anglo-Indian quotas. The fiercest
attack that Sir Henry Gidney had to face was from the Muslim re-
presentatives in the Central Assembly in 1932. Subsequently, the
Hassan Report asked for the reduction, if not the abolition, of
the Anglo-Indian quotas. The Post and Telegraph Department,
today, is illustrative of Pakistan in action. Unabashed, brazen and
fanatical communalism has led to the pitchforking, over the heads
of others, of unqualified Muslims in the Post and Telegraph De-
partment. Fortunately, with the reformation of the Central
Government this process will now be stopped.” Continuing I
said, “With division political issues have clarified. At least 95%
of the Community will be in the Indian Union. We shall now
have to deal with only one effective party, namely, the Congress.
The nationalist policies of the Association, criticized by some morons
and would-be politicians in the Community, have saved us from
extinction. With the seats in the Constituent Assembly granted
to us by the Congress we are fighting to secure the future of the
Community. Further, we shall have a strong Centre. With
partition the Cabinet Mission’s plan for a weak Centre is dead. The
Congress Party and the Constituent Assembly arc evolving details
that will give to India a strong centre. Our organisation, high-
ly integrated, will be in a position, even better than before, to pro-
tect the interests of the Community throughout the Country.” I
concluded on this note, “Never before have we faced a more test-
ing time in our history. Fortunately, wherever I have gone, signs
are abundant that the Community has at last awakened to the stark
realities that face us. Monster meetings and a rapid influx of
membership are indicative of the realisation, late though ft may he,

THE MIRACLE OP OUR COSSTOttmONAL SAFEGUARDS 203

that this is the last chance Anglo-Indians have of uniting under the
banner of the only organisation to which they owe everything and
on which their future will depend. I realise intensely that the task
we arc facing is a titanic one. Political forces will tend to squeeze
minorities into a difficult position. We shall have to fight, with
all the resources at our command, in order to secure what we regard
as our legitimate interests and in order to ensure what we regard
as a minimum guarantee of our culture, our language, our way of
life and a reasonable degree of economic standards. I can only
hope, and pray, that my task will be crowned with success. On
that result depends the future of the Community, and, equally, the
future of every Anglo-Indian in the Country.’*

Framing Of The Constitution

One of the first tasks which faced me was to get adequate repre-
sentation for the Community in the Advisory Committee on Mino-
rities’ Rights which was to be set up under paragraph 20 of the Cabi-
net Mission’s formula. The Advisory Committee was to deal with
fundamental rights and the rights of the minorities and the tribals.
All manner of conflicting interests had to be accommodated.
There was strong opposition by the representatives of certain
minorities, and particularly the Indian Christians, to the Anglo-
Indians receiving more than one seat on this important body. The
Indian Christian spokesmen argued that while the Indian Christians,
who were over 6 million in number, had been accorded only 4
seats in the Advisory Committee, it would be grossly unfair to
give the Anglo-Indians, who according to the official census were
140,000 in number, more than one seat. I flatly refused to accept
this proposal and underlined the fact that, according to me, the
official explanation by Sir Stafford Cripps made it clear that the
Advisory Committee had been set up with the specific purpose of
giving the minorities, and particularly the smaller minorities, an
opportunity of securing necessary guarantees in the Constitution.
After a long discussion it was agreed to give us 2 seats in the
Advisory Committee. This also I declined to accept. Ultimately
it was agreed to give us 3 seats. The Sikh representatives also
fought strenuously for the maximum of representation in this Ad-
visory Committee, but since the Indian Christians were satisfied
with 4 seats, the Sikhs, numerically somewhat smaller than the

204

THE STORY OP THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Indian Christians, had ultimately to accept the same number.

The 3 representatives for this Advisory Committee were
selected by the Governing Body of the All-India Anglo-Indian
Association.

In all, 72 persons were appointed to this body.

A Minorities’ Sub-Committee of the Advisory Committee was
also set up consisting of about 20 members. I was also a member
of this Sub-Committee. Matters referring to the Minorities and
Fundamental Rights went first to this Minorities’ Sub-Committee.

Memorandum To The Constituent Assembly

In April, 1947, I submitted a carefully prepared Memorandum
to the Constituent Assembly on the Anglo-Indian Community.
It was a printed brochure of 18 pages. Among other things it
dealt with the history of the Community, misconceptions and
misunderstandings, our contribution to India’s development,
fundamental rights, education and instruction in our mother-
tongue, English, and our contribution to the future of India.

The Constituent Assembly started its work in December, 1946,
but it was in August, 1947, that the real fight for the existence of
the Community began. Addressing the Community through
‘The Review’ I said : “We are in the throes of the most critical
period in our history. It is a challenge to the character and moral
stamina of every Anglo-Indian.” Before August the Constituent
Assembly had already adopted a draft model Constitution. Accor-
ding to that model Constitution we had set out certain basic deroo-
cractic principles. We had accepted the principle that so far as
representation in the Central Legislature was concerned, it would be
on the basis of one seat for approximately one million persons, and
so ar as representation in the State Legislatures was concerned we
had accepted the principle that there would be one seat in respect
of approximately one hundred thousand persons. The Constitution
was posited on adult franchise and these basic democratic principles.
In the face of that model Constitution, because of our ultra-micro-
scopic size, the case of the Community appeared to be not onty
seemingly impossible but utterly hopeless. The Constitution was
being framed on the basis of the 1941 Census. According to that
- Cn^!1S wc ^ 1}0t have a sufficient number in a single State to
justify even a single seat. According to the 1941 Census the

nre initACix or ocr cosrrmm os a l s irtowtoi

205

largest Anglo-Indian population was in 5Vcst Bengal, namely,
20,000: in Madras it was 10,000, in Bombay 14,000, m the t' P-

13.000, in Bihar 5,000 and in what was then known as the C 1*

4.000. It \sill thus be seen that on the basis of our model Consti-
tution we were not entitled to any representation anyv. here.

In The Minorities Committee

Sardar Patel was the Chairman of the Advisory Committee
on Minority Rights, w hlch was a limb, so to speak, or the Cons-
tituent Assembly, and also of the Minorities Sub-Committee of
the Advisory Committee. As mentioned earlier, I was a member
of both the Advisory Committee and the Sub-Committee. The
communities were divided into three groups : the 'A* Group con-
sisted of the two smallest communities, the Anglo-Indians and
Farsees who, according to the 1941 Census, had about the same
strength, and would not be entitled to any political representation.
The *B’ Group consisted of the Sikhs and the Indian Christians,
each Community being about 5 to 6 million in strength. The
*C’ Group consisted of the Muslimsand die Scheduled Castes, each
Community being between 40 and 50 million in strength. The
Minorities Sub-Committee started first ssith the case of the Anglo-
Indians. Immediately I was opposed by Sidhwa one of the two
Parsee representatives. He said that he would oppose any Anglo-
Indian representation as a nationalist Parsec, whatever that may
have meant. He further said that if the Anglo-Indians were given
representation, it would not only mean fantastic weightage but
it would encourage the Parsees also to seek similar representation.
The fight was long, grim and bitter. The case of no other minority
occupied so much time. Every section of the Sub-Committee was
opposed to giving the Community any representation, because
they said it could not be justified either by principle or logic. For
two days I argued and re-argued, and then K.M. Munshi, a
leading member of the Drafting Committee and one of the principal
spokesman of the Congress Party, made me an offer of 2 scats
in the Centre, ] in Bengal, 1 in Madras and also 1 in Bomba)'.
He pointed out that even this offer was ultra-generous, as it meant
giving us 2000 per cent weightage in the Centre, 300% weightage
m Bengal, 500% weightage in Madras and even more in Bombay. As
against this he pointed out that the Indian Christians with a popul-

206 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

ation of over 40,000 in the C.P. were not claiming a single seat.
I, however, expressed my inability to accept this offer. I remember
being called upon by Sardar Patel to reply to the debate, in the
Minorities Sub-Committee, at 4 o’clock in the evening. He
told me that a vote would be taken by 6 p.m. I know that some-
times some Anglo-Indians think that I am inclined to speak for
an inordinately long period on Anglo-Indian affairs. It was a
good thing on that occasion that I had this capacity. Rapidly I
arranged my points. I knew that there was no hope in the
Minorities Sub-Committee. I knew also that I had to beat the
clock. At 6 p.m. I was still arguing the case for the Community.
That night I pleaded with Sardar Patel to allow the Anglo-Indian
case not to be -decided by the Minorities Sub-Committee, but to
allow it at least to go to the Advisory Committee. The next day
when I resumed my speech, I asked for the case to be remitted to
the larger Committee. Sardar Patel supported my request and
the matter was referred to the Advisory Committee.

How The Nominations Were Secured

In the Advisory Committee the discussion on the Anglo-Indian
case started on the 28th August. I do not mind mentioning that
the bitterest opposition to our case came from the Indian Christian
representatives led by Dr H.C. Mukherjee, the de facto leader of
the Indian Christians. He asked how they could give fantastic
weightage to Anglo-Indians : it would mean, he said, offending the
very democratic basis of the Constitution. I stated my case briefly,
because I knew that my reply would have to be detailed, carefully
planned in order to meet the attacks from every section of the
House. As a politician and a lawyer, I knew that I had to leave
some room for bargaining. Therefore, I proposed my resolution
that the Anglo-Indians be given 3 seats in the Centre, 3 in Bengal,
2 in Madras, 2 in Bombay, 1 in the U.P. and 1 in the C.P.
My claim was tom to shreds by every section of the House. It
was dubbed as fantastic. It was pointed out that the Sikhs with
a population of 23,435 in the U.P. did not claim a single seat; yet
the Anglo-Indians with a population of 4,000 in the Central Provinces
were claiming 1 seat. It was also pointed out that the Indian
Christians had given up all claim to representation in the U.P. where
they were 1,31,327 and they were also not claiming any represen-

THE MHtACiE OP CVH COXSTTIVTIOHAI SAIZGVAXDS 207

tatton in Bengal. Mr. Munshi then repeated hi* ofTer or 2
teats »n the Centre, 1 in Bengal, 1 in Madras and 1 in
Bombay. Once again I expressed my inability to accept it. My
old friend, Pandit Pant, then proposed the formula that while
there could be no specific reservations for Anglo-Indians and
Parsees because they were too small in number, but where they'
failed to secure representation in the Legislature, the President
or the Governor shall have power to nominate their representatives.
At this stage Sardar Patel intervened: he suggested that only the
Anglo-Indians should be given special representation by nomi-
nation. His suggestion was accepted by the Advisory Committee.
Thus emerged the present provisions contained in Articles 331 and
333 of the Constitution. They were differently numbered in the
draft Constitution.

Our Qjtotas And Educational Grants

But there were yet the service quotas and the educational safe*
guards to be considered. Speaking for the Parsees, Sir Ilomi Mody
said that they did not want any reservations in the services, but
if the Anglo-Indians were given reservations then they would also
claim a similar concession. The Sikh representatives fought long
and hard for reservations which they had hitherto. The Muslims
asked for reservations on the basis of their numbers. Dr. Ambedkar
put forward certain specific demands for the Scheduled Castes.
The Muslims’ case for reservations in the services was put to the
House and voted down. I was then asked to state my case. I
was called upon to speak at 5 p.m. I pleaded not only for reser-
vation in the services, but alio lor our education grants- This
lime also I would have been able to beat the clock, but there was
general, unanimous opposition to the Anglo-Indian case. The
feeling was that we had already been treated ultra-generously
by being given special representation. At 5.45 p.m. someone
moved a closure and my resolution for service quotas and
the continuance of education grants was put to the vote. Every
member voted against my resolution. The 3 Anglo-Indians were
in complete isolation. I confess, without shame, that immedi-
ately after the vote I broke down and wept, for I saw all my work
on behalf of the Community crashing around roe. My colleagues
were not only frustrated but gave up hope. One of my ablest

208 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

colleagues was Stanley Prater a man of considerable experience
and ability who had represented the Community for 17 years in
the Bombay Legislature. He asked me to advise the Community
to leave the Country, because he saw no hope of survival. I refused
to accept this advice : I told my colleagues that this was not only a
counsel of despair but of suicide for the Community: there would
always be tens of thousands of Anglo-Indians who would not or
could not leave the Country. At 10 o’clock that night I phoned Sardar
Patel. He expressed deep sympathy for me, but said that nothing
could be done as the decision was by a unanimous vote of the
Advisory Committee. I not only pleaded with him but insisted on
seeing him. He then asked me to see him at 5 o’clock the next
morning. For more than an hour I walked with him in his
garden. Perhaps I pleaded the case for the Anglo-Indian Com-
munity with greater passionateness than ever before and with an
earnestness born of desperation, because I realised that if the decision
stood, then everything I had sought to achieve on behalf of the
the Community would come to nothing. All my attempts over
several years to find a place of recognition for the Community
would mean nothing. I also knew the Sardar well. I knew that
he could never be intimidated or coerced, but I made it clear to
him that if the decision stood, then the Anglo-Indian representatives
would have no alternative but to leave the Advisory Committee,
as we could not be a party to a decision which spelt our destruction.
Fortunately, the Community and the Anglo-Indian representatives
spoke with one voice. Unlike every other community, wc were
the only community which was completely united. Sardar Patel
was as usual his undemonstrative, monosyllabic, sphinx-like self.
All that he emitted was in the nature of monosyllabic grunts. My
colleagues said that I should expect nothing. But I was not with-
out hope, because I had worked, often very closely, with this
‘Iron Man’ of India. But even I was not quite prepared for what
followed the next morning. The next morning as he arrived in the
Advisory Committee he announced to the House that he had pro-
mised to reconsider the whole Anglo-Indian case because of certain
new facts that I had placed before him. He said that he had given
me his word and that he knew the Advisory Committee would
honour his word. He, therefore, proposed that the case of the
Community should be considered by a special Sub-Committee.

THE MIRACLE OF OUR CONSTITUTIONAL SAFEGUARDS 203

He asked me what I had to say in the matter. I immediately mov-
ed a resolution to the following effect, "Owing to the complete
dependence of the economy of the Anglo-Indian Community on
their position in certain sendees and their existing educational
facilities a sub-committee consisting of the following members,
report on these matters,

‘Tandit Pant, K.M. Murohi, Mrs. Hansa Mehta, Mr. Prater
and myself.*'

The Education Grants

For several weeks this Sub-Committee sat and considered our
case. I did not ltave very much trouble with regard to the quotas.
The proposal, as I made it, was accepted and later embodied in
Article 336 of the Constitution. But I had much more difficulty
with the educational grants. K.M. Munshi suggested a formula
by which the gap between the percentage of the approved expendi-
ture paid by the Government to Anglo-Indian schools and the per-
centage of the approved expenditure to similar schools of other
communities should be done away within a period of a few yean.
I expressed my inability to accept this. I pointed out that there
was no definite interpretation of the term ‘approved.* The
Government approved expenditure in respect of boarding in Anglo-
Indian Schools, whereas this was not an approved item in the non-
Anglo-Indians schools. The formula based on the term ‘approved’
would have led to the wholesale immediate reduction of our grants.
Ultimately, I proposed that the present Central and Provincial
grams to Anglo-Indian education may be reduced by 10% at inter-
vals of3J years provided that the amount in no case would be below
the per capita grant to similar schools maintained by other commu-
nities and that the matter should be reviewed at the end of 10
years. The non-Anglo-Indian members of the Sub-Committee
insisted on cutting down the period from 3J to 3 years. This pro-
posal was then accepted by the Sub-Committee and went back to
the Advisory Committee on Minority Rights.

The proposal with regard to our quotas went through without
much opposition in the Advisory Committee on Minorities’ Rights.
But when the formula with regard to our educational grants came
up for discussion, I was suddenly faced with strong and general
opposition. -M.S. Aney, formerly a member of the Central

210

THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Government and Leader of the House, objected to the word
‘review’. He felt that all the inequalities and privileges should
automatically cease at the end of ten years. This opposition rais-
ed a hornets’ nest. Prof. K.T. Shah, who was known for his anti-
Christian sentiments, wanted our special grants to cease immediately.
He made a bitter denunciation of missionary schools. He asked
whether Government was going to subsidise institutions which cover-
tly, and sometimes overtly, were nothing but agencies for conversion.
He made a powerful appeal to the sentiments of some or the members
who very near to the surface were always bitterly anti-missionary
and certainly anti-conversion. And on this issue not only the caste
Hindus, but the Scheduled Castes are agreed. To this I replied
that I was not pleading for missionary institutions : that it was only
an accident that some of them were Anglo-Indian schools. I was
pleading for the Community and the Community is not a commu-
nity interested in conversion, because we are Christians by birth
and origin and not by conversion. I could feel the sense of the
House steadily rising against me. Once again Dr. H.C. Mukhetjee,
the Indian Christian leader, got up. Even at that time he was rather
old. He was then about 75 years of age and yet his memory reach-
ing back 60 years was still bitter. He said that when he was a boy,
he had been refused admission into an Anglo-Indian school. In
answer to this, my reply was that I had been the bitterest opponent
or the racial and anti-Indian complexes in some Anglo-Indian
schools. But I realised that if a vote was taken, our grants would
6°'. So .8°* UP and said that I was prepared to accept the pro-
V“lon 'vf“ thl; "ord ‘review’ removed, but that I would ask for
t e wo may to be retained. Sardar Patel, without putting it to
* c M,d *hat he took it that since I had made this concession
aua "°Uld aCCCpt ‘hc Provision without the word ‘review’,
and he declared the provision to be unanimously adopted. My
resolution, as amended, later appeared as Article 337 of the Con-

Resioralion Of Quotas

Although the Advisory Committee had accepted my proposal to
conunuc the quotas that the Community enjoyed in the Railways,
7 |clTa^S and thc Cu5tom3- ‘he Constitution had not
been finalised. The Government of India Act and with it thc

TlfC SEIRACLE OP OVR COSSTTTtmOSAL SAfECtMKDS 21 1

safeguards for the Community had been rescinded by the India
Independence Act which had been pawed by the British Parliament
in 1947. Consequently our quotas were no longer being given to us.
I addressed Sardar Patel pointing out that the Government had
accepted the principle of the continuance of the former quotas and
that even a temporary lapse would adversely affect the economy of
the Community. On the 29th March, 1947, I was informed by
the Home Minister, Sardar Patel, that the Government had decided
to restore the reservations in favour of the Anglo-Indians in the Rail-
way, Posts & Telegraph and Customs Departments.

A Tribute

Stanley Prater, M.L.A., O.B.E., J.P., C.M.Z.S., was one of the
ablest representatives that the Community has ever produced. He
represented the Community for 17 yean in the Legislature of the
then Bombay State. In the Constituent Assembly he was my
principal lieutenant. More than anyone else, he was aware of the
hard, almost impossible, road that had been travened in order to
secure the provisional acceptance of the guarantees for the Commu-
nity.

Welcoming me at a meeting of the Community in Bombay,
Prater said, ‘'Before I say anything else, I wish to welcome our
President-in-Chief to Bombay and to say how happy we are to have
him with us this evening.”

“Mr. Anthony comes to us fresh with the laurels of his work in
the Constituent Assembly. What that svork svas and what it im-
plies to the Community, Mr. Anthony will tell you presently. I,
who was associated with him in the task, can tell you something
about which he will not speak. The more I worked with him
through those difficult days, the more I came to realise how deep
was his devotion to the Community; how unyielding was his purpose
and determination; how tireless his labours in our cause. In all
its long and chequered history never has the Community faced so
grave a crisis — a crisis involving its very existence. No Anglo-
Indian leader has ever had the odds so heavily cast against him.
Yet Mr. Anthony won through. His far-sighted policy, his genius
and ability have won for the Community a breathing space — a
vital necessary period in which it can adjust itself to the radically
changed conditions in the India of today.”

212

THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

“Sir, from the bottom of our hearts we thank you for all you have
done. May God bless and prosper your work."

It is a sad thought that before the Constitution was finalised,
Prater persuaded himself that there were mounting signs of Hindu
revivalism and implacable resistance to the provisional safeguards
for the minorities. In the belief that I was bound to fail in the final
run, he resigned from the Constituent Assembly and migrated to
the U.K. Although over twenty years my senior, while he worked
alongside of me Prater gave me not only highly informed co-
operation but unswerving loyalty.

Prater was a typical Anglo-Indian. On hearing in the U.K. of
Gandhijis murder, he wrote me a deeply moving letter. In his
words, he wrote that letter with tears not only in his eyes but in his
heart.

I had occasion to meet Prater on my subsequent visits to the U.K.
He was never happy in the U.K. : in fact, psychologically he was
deeply unhappy. He had achieved an outstanding position in
his own profession as the world-famous curator of the Bombay
Museum. Before he decided to leave India, I had secured for him
the offer of the Headship of the Government of India Museum in
New Delhi. In the U.K. he could find neither recognition nor
respect for his abilities. He had to accept a post as a humble clerk
in some office. For a year before he died, he suffered from a form
of melancholia and would not talk to anyone. I believe he died as
a broken-hearted exile.

An Interlude — Mehr Ckand Khanna
Towards the end of November, 1947, I was asked by the Prime
Minister Jawaharlal Nehru whether I would proceed to Peshawar
11\ defend Mehr Chand Khanna, the ex-Finance Minister

of the N.YV.F.P. No Hindu lawyer dared go to Peshawar and
perhaps no lawyer belonging to any other community. At first
I thought the Prime Minister wished to engage me in my pro-
fessional capacity. When I met him, I quoted what I regarded
would be a reasonable fee. The Prime Minister, however, told
me, quite frankly, that he was asking me to do this as a personal
favour. When he put it to me in that way, I accepted his request.
A special chartered plane was placed at my disposal. The only
occupants were myself, BM. Haul, an official in the External

Tire MIRACLE OP OV R COSSTTTVTIOSAL SAFEGUARDS

213

Aflain Ministry and Jater our Ambassador in Sweden and my
servant. When we arrived in Peshawar, we were met by Pakistani
officials who drove us to the leading hotel. I was provided with an
armed escort After a bath and breakfast I asked Kaul to contact
the Governor, Sir George Cunningham. I spoke to the Governor
and asked for an interview which he promptly gave me. At the
interview I pointed out to the Governor that I felt that the charges
against Khanna were of a trumpery character. Khanna was be-
ing prosecuted under the Arms Act for the possession, without a
licence, of a cartridge refiller. I emphasised the fact that the charge
svould be farcical but for the fact that the sentence which Khanna
was facing was seven years’ rigorous imprisonment. I also pointed
out that Pakistan had only recently introduced an Arms Act.
Under the Indian Arms Act, although the provisions requiring a
licence for guns were rigorous, there was no provision which re-
quired a licence for a cartridge refiller. To apply such a require*
ment in the N.W.F. Province was, in my opinion, to pull the politi-
cal long bow unduly. I pointed out to Cunningham that in the
N AV.F. Province not only cartridge refillcrs but arms of all kinds were
openly carried and without any licence. He confessed to me that
there was little he could do and that Khanna’s arrest and impend-
ing prosecution were nothing short of a political vendetta on the part
of the Chief Minister, Abdul Qayum Khan. I pointed out to him
that he was supposed to be the trustee of minority interests and that
at least in this case he should exercise his trust on behalf of Khanna
who was a member of the minority Hindu Community. Cunnin-
gham, however, regretfully expressed his inability to do anything.

I then asked Kaul to contact Qayum Khan. I had known
Qayum Khan for several years, when he and I were both members
of the Central Legislature. He was, at one time, the Deputy
Leader of the Congress Party in the Central Legislature. That was
before the Muslim League had reached a peak of political power.
Qayum Khan ultimately went over to the Muslim League. Like
many converts, political and religious, he exhibited greater fanati-
cism than those of the original faith. My recollections of Qayum
Khan of the former days were pleasant. He was an easy mixer and
a person with a bluff, friendly manner- Kaul, acting as my Secre-
tary, contacted Qayum Khan’s Secretary twice or three times. On
each occasion he gat the same message that the Chief Minister was

214

THE STORT Or THE ANGLO-INDIAN COHIIUNITT

busy. Qayum Khan obviously knew that I had come on behalf
of Mchr Chand Khanna. I then tried to contact Qayum Khan
personally. His P.A. repeated the stereotyped reply. I was then
convinced that Qayum Khan was stalling and that he was deliberate-
ly evading a meeting with me.

I drove straight to the Secretariat and went to the Chief Minis-
ter’s room. I was stopped outside by Government minions who
asked whether I had an appointment. I told them that 1 did not,
but that I was a very old friend of the Chief Minister and had come
to see him on an urgent matter. I sent in my card. 1 was wonder-
ing whether Qayum Khan would find an excuse for avoiding an
interview with me. In a way I was surprised when he literally
burst out of his office and came forward to meet me in his typical
warm-hearted manner.

Inside his office he was all hospitality and began to recall the
days when we were colleagues in the Central Legislature. I found
him as likeable as ever. I then came straight to the question of
Mehr Chand’s arrest. He asked me not to discuss it. I told him
tliat I had been specially deputed not only by the Prime Minister
but by Sardar Patel to do my utmost to get Mehr Chand Khanna
released. Qayum Khan was nothing if he svas not forthright. He
told me that he had no intention of releasing Khanna. In fact,
he intended that he should get the maximum sentence. With all
the seriousness I could command I then told Qayum Khan precise-
ly what I been told by the Sardar, that if Mehr Chand Khanna was
not released the Sardar would be obliged to treat in a similar
manner leading members of the Muslim League who were in India.

strenuously pleaded with Qayum Khan not to add further bitter-
ness to an already deeply embittered position. I pointed out to
him that this was a game at which both sides could play; there were
many more ostages to be found among the millions of Muslims in
ndia. I could sec that the threat of Sardar Patel had dearly
• ei®. e .'T't . Q.ayum Khan. He then insisted that I should have
c wit m. Jocularly I expressed the hope that there would
he no poison administered with my lunch. After lunch he asked
“CC°™pany him on a sh°« tour that he was undertaking. I
asked him the nature of it. He was quite frank. He said that he
was organising the tribesmen to go into Kashmir; that he regarded
the Kashmir problem as a personal fight between himself and

HIE MIRACLE OF OUR COVSTTTimONAL SAFEGUARDS 215

Jawaharlal Nehru, he being a Kashmiri Muslim and Nehru a
Kashmiri Hindu. Naturally, I declined the invitation.

1 had already seen Mehr Chand Khanna immediately on my
arrival to get the facts from him. He was extremely dubious about
ever getting out of Peshawar. He emphasized that the charge
against him was entirely trumpery; he did not even know how many
guns he possessed, but he had licences for all of them. After my
lunch with Qxyutn Khan I went back to see Mehr Chand who was
locked up in the Peshawar JaiJ. I remember standing in the door-
way of his cell talking to him when he suddenly pulled me down on
to his bed. He said that standing in the doorway I offered a provoca-
tive target to some trigger-happy tribesman. I told him about my
interview with Qayum Khan and expressed my belief that he would
be released. The same day I left Peshawar.

Immediately after my arrival, 1 drove to the Prime Minister's
residence and told hun precisely what had happened. I then
drove to see Sardar Patel and gave him a first-hand account. Short-
ly afterwards Mehr Chand Khanna was released. I have little
doubt that the Sardar’s promise of reciprocity of treatment had a
salutary effect. Mehr Chand later became the Minister for Re-
habilitation and Refugee Relief in the Central Cabinet. He has
always been deeply appreciative of my role in securing his release.
He was primarily responsible when he was a Minister in the Union
Cabinet for getting me the land on which the Frank Anthony
Public School, New Delhi, standi. One of the four Houses in the
school is named after him — Khanna House.

Mahatma Gandhi's Assassination

I had secured provisional acceptance of certain guarantees under
conditions which represented nothing short of a miracle. On the
30th January, 1948, Mahatma Gandhi was assassinated. I realised
immediately the consequence of that senseless crime. There was a
tremendous revulsion or feeling against any form of separate re-
presentation to the minorities. Unfortunately, the Sikh leader-
ship was at that time particularly militant. Certain of the pro-
minent Sikh leaders were demanding a separate Sikh State. This
gave a perfect handle to the coram una Lists from the majority com-
munity to demand, under the guise of nationalism, the withdrawal
of all minority safeguards. The whole question of the minorities

216 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

was thrown back into the melting pot, at any rate so far as re-
presentation was concerned. Although the draft Constitution had
given representation to the minorities on the basis of reservation
of seats in a system of joint electorates, the whole question was
reopened.

Every other minority except the Anglo-Indians was divided in its
approach and in its policies. I approached Jawaharlal Nehru and
Sardar Patel and told them that so far as we were concerned, we
could not accept a position which meant resiling from what had
already been granted to us provisionally and after a great deal of
careful and detailed consideration. The matter was raised before
the Advisory Committee on Minority Rights and it was decided that
all representation for the minorities should be abolished. Before
the resolution withdrawing representation to the minorities was put
to the vote, I got up and sought a clarification from both Pandit
Nehru and Sardar Patel. Both Jawaharlal Nehru and the Sardar
made it clear that this resolution would not afTect the provisions
accepted on behalf of the Anglo-Indians for their representation was
specially granted to them by nomination.

Many newspapers, however, reported that the resolution adopted
abolishing the reserved scats for all the communities except the
Scheduled Castes involved the abolition of the provisions on behalf
of the Anglo-Indian Community. These wrong reports led to near
confusion and dismay in the Community. I was inundated by
messages of indignation from Anglo-Indians. I immediately issued a
statement clarifying the position, pointing out that the Anglo-Indian
provisions had not been affected as we had been singled out for
exceptional constitutional safeguards.

16th June — 1949

The 16 th of June, 1949, marked a red-letter day in the history of
the Community. On that day the Constituent Assembly finally
adopted Articles 297 and 298 as they were then known. These
were later numbered as Articles 336 and 337, giving the Commu-
nity quotas in the services and guarantees in respect of education.
But until the actual adoption by the Constituent Assembly of these
Articles I could not be certain of the position. About 20 leading
members of the Constituent Assembly, mostly from the Congress

arty, had given notice of amendments ranging from complete

Tilt MIRACLE or OCR CONSTUVnONAL lAtEOUARDS 21?

abolition to at least a serious whittling down or these provisions.
Fortunately, I was a member of the Consultative Committee of the
Constituent Assembly, which was a Select inner Committee, con-
sisting of a limited number of leaders. I also canvassed the members
or the Drafting Committee and certain of the other front-rank
leaden of the Congress Party. /Vs a result of this behind-the-scenes
activity I was able to persuade all the members who had given notice
of their amendments, to withdraw them. On die morning of the
16th June the Articles were formally moved by Dr. Ambcdkar:
the 20 odd members withdrew their amendments. I intervened
to make a short speech. I thanked the members of the House for
their generosity and understanding.

25lh August — 1949

On the 25th August, 1919, the Constituent Assembly finally
adopted the two remaining provisions relating to the Anglo-Indians
namely, Articles 293 and 295 (now renumbered as Articles 33 1 and
333) referring to the nomination of Anglo-Indians to the House of
the People and the Provincial Legislatures.

A Further Safeguard

Just before the adoption of the Constitution on the 26th November,
1949, in its finalised form I was able to get an addition to the
guarantees on behalf of the Anglo-Indian Community’. The 4
provisions already adopted only referred to what was formerly
known as British India. There were no guarantees for Anglo-
Indians in the former Princely States. It was fortunate for the
Country, and especially fortunate for us, that before the third reading
stage of the Constitution the Princely States decided to integrate and
to surrender their powers to frame their constitutions to the Consti-
tuent Assembly. Once again, I approached my friends in the
Drafting Committee to make two amendments. In one Article I
had the words ‘Raj Pramukh of the State’ added. This was the
Article providing for nomination to the State Legislatures. Up
till then the only word used was ‘Governor*. By adding the
words *Raj Pramukh’ the Anglo-Indians of Mysore, Hyderabad
and Travancore-Cochin would get representation.

The position facing the Community in the different Princely
States was indicated by the attitude of the Mysore Constituent

218

THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Assembly. In the Mysore State, which includes Bangalore, there
was a comparatively large concentration of Anglo-Indians. Yet
the Mysore Constituent Assembly, before integration, had decided
not to give the Anglo-Indians any guarantees in respect of em-
ployment or education and also not to give the Community any
kind of political representation. I also got another amendment
put into the provision with regard to educational grants. Up till
then this provision only referred to the ‘Part A’ States, that is, to
those States which formed part of British India. I had the expre-
ssion, ‘Part B’ added to this amendment, so that the Anglo-Indian
schools in the former States of Hyderabad, Mysore and Travancore-
Cochin would continue to get grants.

7 tie Lesson OJ Unity

The supreme lesson of those critical days was the lesson of our
survival because of our unity through the Association. Every other
community failed, because the spokesmen of every other community
spoke with divided voices. The Parsee representatives, Sidhwa
and Homi Mody, opposed each other. The Indian Christians, in
my view, never counted for anything at any time. They asked for
nothing and they got nothing. All that they seemed to be interested
in was to see that the Anglo-Indians got nothing. The Sikhs were
divided : the Scheduled Castes were divided : the Muslims were
divided. We survived in a unique way because, and only because,
we were completely united. The 3 Anglo-Indian representatives
were all nominees of the All-India Anglo-Indian Association :
my two colleagues worked with me loyally : they allowed me to speak
on behalf of the Community and they supported every word and
action or mine. What we lacked in numbers wc made up for in
cohesion. ^ The ‘Christian Democrat’, a well-known Indian
Christian journal, commenting on the safeguards that I had been
able to secure, said, “Union is strength. It is also something more.
Union is— above all things— union, and now more than ever at
any other time, we (Indian Christians) run the risk of succumbing
to the poison contained in the saying that if we do not hang together,
we shall hang separately. And, what is more, it is true. If proof
was needed of the necessity, nay the effectiveness, of a single autho-
ritative body to represent as well as to advocate individual claims,
the achievements of the Association that represents the microscopic

219

■ntc mi rac ix or ocr coNrmrnovAL *ateovardi

community of Anglo-Indian* need only be quoted. Here "'e have
an Association tliat would have suited our purpose admirably. It is
well organised, welt conducted and well run. It is moreover an all-
India organisation and has, within the limitations of its present
scope and objectives, secured for its members as "ell as for the
members of its community, advantages unparalleled in the history
of like Associations in India. Unfortunately, the provision of it*
constitution, and the name by which it is known, exclude all other*
but the Anglo-Indians and the Domiciled Europeans from its list of
membership.’*

Representation In legislatures Extended
Article 334 of the Constitution is a composite provision prescribing
the period for which the special representation by nomination for
the Anglo-Indians and the special reservations or scats for the
Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes would continue. Under
the original Article the special representation to these groups would
cease to have effect on the expiration of 10 years from the commence-
ment of the Constitution. The Constitution having come into
efTect in 1950, this meant that our special representation would
cease in I960. Because of the then forthcoming mid-term elections
in Kerala, the question of amending this Article became urgent. If
an amendment was acceptable to Government, it had to be passed
not only by the end of 1959 but as early as possible, as under Article
368 of the Constitution any amendment which affects representa-
tion or the States in Parliament has to be ratified by the Legislatures
of not less than one-half of the States before the amending bill is
presented to the President for his assent,

I discussed the whole question of the extension of our safeguards
with Pantji, the Home Minister, in 1959. I counted Pantji as one
of my real friends. Our relations were most cordial. Seldom,
if ever, did he refuse me any reasonable request. Unfortunately,
because of developments on the language front our relations became
strained. Pantji was the Chairman of the Joint Committee elected
in 1958 by both Houses of Parliament, under Article 334(4) of the
Constitution. It was known as the Parliamentary Language
Committee. In another chapter I have referred to the fact that to
the report of the Committee I wrote the only minute of dissent.
All the other members, including the members from the South such

220

THE STORT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COJIMUOTIY

as Sir Ramaswami Mudaliar, had signed the report which had
accepted, in effect, the effacing of English From the official language
pattern of the Country by 1965. This was a period of deep anxiety
for me. Pantji had asked me, more than once, to sec him in an
effort to get me to withdraw my minute of dissent and to join the
others in signing the report. Much as I respected Pantji, I in-
formed him that it would be impossible for me to do so. For him
it would have been a unique achievement to secure a unanimous

report from members representing all the States and the major
linguistic groups. I knew that by standing out and by resisting
every pressure to sign the report, I would perhaps be creating
bitter political hostility. I knew that within a short time I would
have to approach the leaden, especially Nehru and Pant, if I
wanted the continuance of our Constitutional safeguards which were
due to expire in 1960. I knew also that by holding out on the
language issue I would be putting in jeopardy the continuance of
our safeguards. All these factors had to be carefully weighed by
me before I decided to stand out, alone, on the language issue.

I concluded that it would be pointless to get the continuance of
our representation in the Legislature, the continuance of our quotas
hi the Services and the continuance of our educational grants, if
be banished from the official language pattern by
1965. The effacing of English would mean the destruction of our
schools, in which context any educational grants would be not only
meaningless but a mocking irony. Representation in the Legisla-
ture would be meaningless because there would be nothing to
represent. Without our language, without our schools, it would
be only a question of time before the Community was destroyed as
a recognised or recognisable entity. Apart fium the position of the
Community, I have always believed that if English is removed as a
lmk language in higher education all semblance of national integra-
bon wiU disappear. In that event India will represent merely a
geographical description. I, therefore, stood out alone on the
J* « ‘his context that I had to approach
both Nehru and Pant for the extension or our safeguards.

1 7* n'VCr har*K>ured any kind of personal animus. At the
exrent tt/xf* v** n0* interested in any particular minority

coZ^r r', * ** •weeP&W. I wiU not say amorphous,

concept of secular democracy he felt that such safeguards tended

221

THE UIKACLE Of OCR CONSTTIVTIOSM. SAfEGl.' ARDS

to perpetuate sectarianism. He did not have the time or periapt
the inclination to study the special needs and difficulties of a comma*
nity like the Anglo-Indians.

During my meetings with Pantji, l senses! a certain bitterness.

I could not resist the conclusion that he had not forgotten or for-
given my lone resistance in the Parliamentary language Committee
and my solitary minute of dissent, lie made it clear that he at
least would not be prepared to recommend the continuance of our
Constitutional safeguards : as Home Minister be would have to
pilot an amending bill.

I then submitted notes to the Cabinet with regard to the extension
of our safeguards. I proposed to the Government certain amend-
ments to Article 33G which dealt with our quotas. 1 asked that
instead of the word ‘shall* the word ‘may* be substituted, so that
at an interval of two yean there may be a reduction of 10%. It
would thus be within the discretion of the Central Government
whether to reduce our service quotas or not. I pointed out that
there was still large-scale unemployment in the Community. I
also mentioned that the continuance of Article 336 would merely
mean giving to the Community the quotas which, in fact, we
should have got during the past ten yean. I referred to the fact
that there had been a considerable gap between the reservations
and the vacancies filled. I also underlined the notable sen-ices that
the Community had rendered in building the great national assets
of the Railways, the Telegraphs and the Customs during the diffi-
cult pioneering dap. I pointed out that the Community had
developed certain special aptitudes for these services over a long
period. Above all, I stressed that the recruitment of memben of
the Community would give to these sendees continuing stability
and ballast.

In my note with regard to the continuance of educational grants
I pointed out that our schools, under the guidance of the Inter-
State Board for Anglo-Indian Education, had taken their place in
the vanguard of the general educational pattern of the Country.
Anglo-Indian schools were the first to subscribe to the three-language
formula. Above all, I underlined the fact that without our
indigent grants a large number of less fortunate Anglo-Indian
children would be without education.

Pantji was, however, not disposed to accept any of my pleas

222 am story or the anglo-indian community

with regard to the continuance of our safeguards in respect of the
services and education. He, however, gave me the assurance that
if it was decided to continue the special safeguards for representation
of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, the Anglo-
Indian provisions with regard to nomination to Parliament and the
State Legislatures would also be continued.

I kept in close touch with the Congress Parliamentary Committee
which was appointed to go into the question of the continuance of
the special representation for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes. On several occasions, I met the Cliairman and other
members of the Committee. The Congress Parliamentary Com-
mittee recommended the extension of the period of the safeguards
for only 5 years. Strong pressure was, however, brought to bear
to extend the period by 10 yean which was accepted.

In my further discussions with Pantji, he asked me to accept
certain modifications to the Anglo-Indian safeguards so that the
number of the nominations to the State Legislatures would be
fixed. The reason he gave was that the Central Government wanted
to ensure that no State Government from mala fide motives could
nominate a large number of Anglo-Indians in order merely to
maintain itself in power. 1 saw nothing unreasonable in this and
agreed.

The Constitution (Eighth Amendment) Bill, 1959, was introduced
by Pantji in the Lok Sabha, It contained three clauses: the first
was merely the enacting clause and the long title : the second clause
sought to make an amendment in Article 333 to the effect that not
more than two members of the Anglo-Indian Community would be
nominated in the case of West Bengal and in the case of any other
State one member of the Community: the third clause sought to
substitute the period “20 years” for “10 years” : this was because
the 10-year period expired in I960 and the 20-ycar period would
mean that the special representation would carry on till 1970.

Under the proviso to Article 334, the period would, in fact,
terminate in 1972 as the sitting members nominated in 1967 w’ould
continue for the full legislative term of 5 years.

When the amending bill came before Parliament there was not
inconsiderable opposition to the continuance of the provisions
for the Anglo-Indians. From the Congress Party, Thakur Das
-Bhargava, a senior member, opposed the continuance of the Anglo-

THE MIRACLE OF OUR CONSTITUTIONAL SAFEGUARDS 223

Indian nominations. Another leading member of the P.S.P.,

S. N. Dwivedy, also joined in this opposition. Hiren Mukherji, a
leader of the Communist group, who as a person I like very much
indeed, also opposed the provision for Anglo-Indian nominations.
Hiren Mukherji made the criticism that the Community had not
yet adjusted itself and did not deserve the continuance of this
special safeguard. Replying to him, I said that whatever the
Community’s failings, which we had in common with the
other communities, it had made and continued to make a contribu-
tion to the progress of the Country out or all proportion to its siic.
I referred among other things to the outstanding and indeed
decisive role of the Anglo-Indian lighter pilots in the Kashmir
campaign. I mentioned that the need for the continuance of
representation was to watch over, especially, the educational in-
terests of the Community.

The Communists sought, through an amendment introduced by

T. C.N. Menon, to amend Article 333 so that the nominations
would not rest with the Governor, but would be made in pursuance
of the recommendations of the leader of the majority party or that
of the biggest single party in the State Legislature.

Speaking in the House, I strongly opposed the Communist
amendment. I pointed out that the provisions were given to the
Anglo-Indian Community and were not meant for the benefit of
any political party in power. I mentioned that in Kerala, where
there was a Communist Government enjoying an extremely preca-
rious majority, they deliberately ignored the needs of the Community
and the representative character of the person recommended for
nomination. I mentioned that I had secured the original provision
in the Constitution placing nomination in the hands of the Governor,
because the Governor was supposed to exercise this power as part of
his discretionary powers : he was supposed to ensure that the person
or persons nominated represent the Anglo-Indian Community and
not the party in power or any political group.

Pantji also declined to accept the Communist amendment.
When the voting was taken there were not sufficient members
present in the House to secure the required majority. Article 368
of the Constitution requires a Constitution amending bill to be
passed in each House of Parliament by a majority of the total
membership of that House and by a majority of not less than two-

224

nrc stout or nns Anglo-Indian communist

thirds of the members of that House present and voting. The
Speaker pcwtponed the voting to the following day.

The Communists, after hurried consultations with S.N. Dwivedy,
suddenly decided to oppose Clause 2 sshich referred to Anglo-
Indian representation in the State Legislatures. Trom their audible
deliberations it was clear that they were under the impression that
if they opposed Clause 2 and the requisite majority was not forth-
coming, the Anglo-Indian Community would get no representation
in the Slate Legislatures. The voting was taken. Because of the
opposition by the Communists and others Clause 2 was defeated as
there svas not a sufficient number in the House to carry the Govern-
ment proposal. In an attempt to explain assay their motis-es,
T.CN. Men on rose in the House and said that the Communists
were not in fact opposed to the Anglo-Indian nominations to the
State legislatures, but they were opposed to it in its present form,
because they warned the nominations to lie in the hands of the
ruling party and not ssith the Gosrmor. Quite obviously, T.C.N.
Menon and lus felloss -Communists had not understood the signifi-
cance of their opposing Clause 2. AH that Clause 2 sought svas to
limit the number of nominations of Anglo-Indians to two in West
Bengal and one in the other States. When it came to Clause 3,
which svas a general clause, namely, that for the word “10” in
Article 331 of the Constitution, the word “20" shall be substituted,
the Communists dare not oppose it because this affected not only
the Anglo-Indians but the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled
Tribes. All the parties pay competing lip-service to the needs of
the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Their solicitude is
not uninfluenced by the voting strength of the Scheduled Castes
and Scheduled Tribes who, today, number about MO million.
With the passage of Clause 3, the Anglo-Indian nominations were
automatically extended.

The net result was that while the Communists intended to throw
out the Anglo-Indian nominations to the State Legislatures, by
voting against Clause 2 they, in fact, restored the Anglo-Indian
nominations to their original form, namely, that the Governor will
nominate to a State Legislature, and the number is not fixed but
rests in his discretion.

There were many members in the House who were also under
the same impression as the Communists and sought to commiserate

THE MIRACLE O T OCR CONSTmJTJOXAL SAFEGUARDS 225

with tnc on the loss of the Anglo-Indian nominations to the State
Legislatures.

I promptly explained to them that not only was there no loss,
but the Communists, without intending it, had given the Anglo-
Indians the continuation of their nominations in the State Legis-
latures without any limitation. When I explained the significance
of their actions to the Communist members in Parliament, their
chagrin was obvious.

If the Communists had not joined to defeat the Government
proposal contained in Clause 2, the Anglo-Indians would only
have got 2 seats at the most in West Bengal. But because Clause
2 was defeated, the anginal position was restored and the Commu-
nity has continued to have 4 members nominated by the Governor
to the West Bengal Legislature.

With regard to this matter of nominations, I am bound to pay
tribute to the democratic sense of the CongTess Party. In this
respect they have compared favourably with the British authorities
who, despite their many shortcomings, had a basic sense of demo-
cratic decency. Although some British members of the Viceroy’s
Executive Council hated my political guts because of my constant
criticism of their policies of discrimination, they recognised the
uniquely representative character of the AU-India Anglo-Indian
Association ; they recognised the fact that I was the undisputed
leader of the Community. The Congress Government at the Centre
has unhesitatingly accepted this position and nominated 2
representatives of the Community to Parliament on the recommen-
dation of the All-India Anglo-Indian Association. Both of us sit
in the Opposition and, for many years, I have sat in the front rank
of the Opposition.

The Communists, however, have never been worried by demo-
cratic niceties. In Kerala the Communist Government once nomi-
nated a person who was an avowed Feringi. In West Bengal, the
Communist-dominated Government, with Ajoy h lukherjee as a front,
deliberately and, indeed, dishonestly, side-tracked the Association in
1967. In West Bengal, the AU-India Anglo-Indian Association is parti-
cularly powerful : in fact, there is no other Anglo-Indian Association
in West Bengal. The Communist-dominated Government resorted
to a device which b typical of Communist techniques : they insbted
on the Anglo-Indian nominees signing a bond of allegiance to the

226 THE STOET OP THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

ruling party. This was something unheard of in the history of
our nominations. After having secured the bond, they nominated
persons who, except for one, represented no one but themselves.
Two of them were members of the All-India Anglo-Indian Associa-
tion. They were promptly expelled by the Association for having
accepted nomination against the Association’s nominees. The way
in which the Communists have stultified and, indeed, prostituted
our solemn Constitutional guarantees is an ominous portent of
what the smaller minorities may expect from their totalitarian and
unprincipled methods.

The Governors, who made the nominations on the dictation of
the Communist and Communist-dominated Governments, cannot
also escape their share of blame. When I had these provisions put
info the Constitution I had deliberately asked that the responsibility
should vest in the Governor who would exercise this power as
part of lus discretionary powers. A responsible Governor would
then be able to ensure that the Angto-Indian nominees are really
representative of the Community and not pawns or stooges in a game
of unprincipled power-politics.

By abdicating their discretion and becoming rubber-stamping
agencies, some Governors also have to be blamed for the stultifica-
tion of the guarantee by Communist-dominated State Governments.

On two occasions at least, once in Kerala and more recently in
Uttar Pradesh, the Governors did not allow the Communists or
some motley political combination to stultify the Anglo-Indian
guarantees. They exercised their discretion to nominate the
person recommended by the All-India Angto-Indian Association,
which is the only body representative of the Community throughout
the Country.

CHAPTER X

THE SPORTSMEN AND THE
SPORTSWOMEN OF INDIA

Builders Of Key Services

IN spite of its numerical smallness the Anglo-Indian Community
bestrode the sporting world or India like a Colossus. For many
decades the Community maintained a towering superiority in the
field of sport.

Hockey is the national game par excellence. As recently as
May, I960, A.F.S. Talyarkhan, the internationally famous sports
commentator, wrote in The Times of India: “India’s hockey grew
thanks to the greatest hockey-playing entity the world will ever
know, the small Anglo-Indian Community of the Country. Not
only this, but the stands all over India were largely patronised
by members of the same Community, whole families turning out
to cheer their favourites. Nor was this in any way communal
frenzy, for the simple reason that most of the stupendous pioneering
clubs, composed of Anglo-Indians, were the great nurseries of the
world's hockey : the famous railway centres were nothing but Anglo-
Indian, and even new hockey clubs and private teams could
never have come up but for the guidance, the talent and the enthu-
siasm of this microscopic Community. This was one great reason
why a tournament like the Aga Khan in Bombay was such a world-
famous attraction and much the same applied to Calcutta's Beighton
Cup event — the clubs, the players community- wise and the
supporters.”

No one has cared to maintain a record but here are some available
facts.

The Calcutta Hockey League, one of the premier tournaments
of India, was, in the 20 years between 1905 and 1924, won on 17
occasions by Angio-fndian teams.

The Aga Khan tournament of Bombay, perhaps the queen of

228 THE STORT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

all-India tournaments, was lifted year after year by an Anglo-
Indian eleven. Teams drawn from other communities from every
part of the Country were brushed aside. This was in spite of the
fact that the Anglo-Indian team was formed from a restricted field,
either a school, a railway workshop or a mofussil area consisting of
barely 500 to 1000 Anglo-Indians.

Not infrequently the final was played between two Anglo-Indian
teams as in 1926 when the Customs of Bombay met the Christ
Church School Old Boys, Jubbulpore. These two teams won the
Aga Khan trophy year after year. Again in 1927 the Aga Khan
final was an all-Anglo-Indian affair: Christ Church Old Boys,
Jubbulpore, beat the BB & Cl Railway team from Ajmer by the
only goal secured in the match.

A team drawn from 40 or 50 apprentices of the Ajmer workshop
generally swept everything before it. Year after year this eleven,
consisting of little more than schoolboys, wrested the All-India
Scindia Gold Cup, one of the most coveted trophies of India’s hockey
world.

The Calcutta Customs hockey team had an enviable record of
beating on the way the best hockey teams that the Country could
produce. In spite of the fact that World War I saw the mass
enrolment of Anglo-Indians in the different departments of the
Armed Forces, the Anglo-Indians continued to sweep everything
before them in the world of Indian hockey. The Bengal Nagpur
Railway hockey team, the Port Commissioners, Calcutta, carried
all before them, the Winter League, the 1st and 2nd Division Leagues
and the Beighton Cup which, like the Aga Khan trophy of Bombay,
was regarded as the blue ribbon of Indian hockey.

In 1926 some one conceived the idea of sending an Indian Army
hockey team to New Zealand. That team was carefully selected
from 50 battalions of India’s fighting men and 500 British
officers. After being carefully trained, they played a few test
matches in India. One of the tests was played against a scratch
team of Anglo-Indians from the North-Western Railway. The
railway team was recruited from the local Anglo-Indian railway-
men. The result was a thorough trouncing for the carefully selected
and equally carefully trained Indian Army hockey team.

In 1927, the Telegraph Club, Agra, which team consisted entirely
of Anglo-Indians, won three successive hockey tournaments at

THE SPORTSMEN AND THE SPORTSWOitEN OF INDIA 229

Agra, Bharatpur and the Scindia Gold Cup, Gwalior, all in the space
of one month. The final of the Scindia Gold Cup was played
between two Anglo-Indian teams— the Telegraph Team and the
Jubbulpore Gymkhana, G.I.P. Railway.

In the South, Anglo-Indian teams swept everything before them.
The Anglo-Indian Sports Club was the first civilian team to win
the M.C.C. tournament. It was the leading team in the South in
the Twenties. The M. & S. M. Railway team, consisting entirely
of Anglo-Indians, was outstanding. In later years the supremacy
of Anglo-Indians in hockey in the South remained undisputed, the
Telegraph Recreation Club, another Anglo-Indian team, winning
all the major hockey tournaments.

In 1928, India sent a hockey team to take part in the World
Olympics. It covered itself and the Country with unprecedented
sports glory. They’ swept everything before them scoring 29 goals
against their opponents, and without a single goal being scored
against themselves. Of the II playing members, 8 were Anglo-
Indians. Of the 3 spares, 2 were Anglo-Indians. The Manager
of the team was also an Anglo-Indian, A.B. Rosser. The team, as
finally chosen was,

Goal — Allen (Bengal)

Backs — Michael Rocque (C.P.) and Hammond (U.P.)

Half-backs — Kehr Singh (Punjab), Penniger (Punjab) and Cullen
(U.P.)

Forwards — Gateley (Punjab), Feroze (Punjab), Dhyan Chand
(U.P.), Marthins (U.P.) and Seaman (U.P.)

The general utility players were Shaukat Ali (Bengal) and Rex
Norris (C.P.)

The reserves were Boodrie (Punjab), Lai Shah (Punjab) and
Deefholts (Bengal)

Jaipal Singh, at present a member of Parliament, joined the team
as Captain; he was an Oxford Blue in the U.K. He did not play
in many of the matches and Penniger, the Vice-Captain, had to
stand in most of the time.

About their performances in their preliminary matches, a famous
British sports commentator wrote, “Hockey, as played in India,
came as a revelation to the hockey enthusiasts in England. Lovers
of this great amateur game had no idea that hockey could attain
such a high standard of proficiency and science. The Indian players

230 THE STOUT OP THE ANGLO-INDIAN COSOICNITT

have been likened to the professional soccer players. They have a
wonderful knowledge of position play: they are fleet-footed and
expert exponents of the first time and through pass. They are
most unselfish in their methods; have a wonderful eye; their stick-
work is deft and polished and they are great believers in stopping
the ball with the hand to make sure of the next movement.”

A commentator of international repute said after the game
against the Hockey Association XI, at Folkestone, “The play of
these Indians is the creme dc creme of what first class hockey
should be. One and all were impressed with the tackleback.
Nothing like it has ever been witnessed in England.”

On their return the conquering heroes were given a tumultuous
welcome. From the Viceroy downwards they were sent messages
and telegrams of congratulations. On behalf of the Community
Gidney sent the following message, “On behalf of the Anglo-Indian
Community I welcome you home and congratulate you on world-
famed achievement. We are particularly pleased and proud
that 9 Anglo-Indians with their Indian colleagues won the
final in Olympic tournament. We art doing our utmost to refund
excess expenditure.” The Governor or Bombay sent the following
letter to Pennigcr, who was the acting Captain :

“Dear Mr. Pennigcr,

I am extremely sorry that I shall not be in Bombay myself, and
consequently unable to take part in any of the welcome to you and
the members of your team, but I am sending this letter by Captain
Scymour-Williams who will represent me.

I desire to offer you a very sincere welcome back to India and
also to offer you my whole-hearted congratulations on the great
success which your team has attained in Europe. I think I am
justified in saying that this success is without precedent and, while
you and every member of your team must naturally feel pleased,
there is, at the same time, no one in India or who has any connection
with India, who docs not feci proud of your achievements.

Yours sincerely,
Sd /- Leslie Wilson.”

It is no exaggeration to say that the Anglo-Indian Community
could have produced at least 6 equally good teams. Before they
left India, the all-conqueiing 1928 Olympic team played a scratch
team of Anglo-Indians in Bombay and was beaten. They played

THE srOXTJUEN AND TME SPOKTSWOUZS OP INDIA 231

a return match with thij scratch team after their triumphal return.
This time they beat the scratch team, but sports commentators
drew attention to the fact that the scratch team had no opportunity
of practising before they played the return match. The names of
the members of this scratch team are worth recording :

Ogden (Captain), Massey, Mackenzie, Brovin, Abreo, Smith,
Milne, Muller, Long, Willis. It was mentioned that Potts of the
Customs might also play.

Over the years the number of Anglo-Indians in the Indian
Olympic team has progressively decreased. The 1932 team had
7 Anglo-Indians; Allen, Tapsell, Hammond, Brovin, Penniger,
Carr and Sullivan. In 1936 there were 6 Anglo-Indians; Allen,
Tapsell, Cullen, Emmet, Michie, Gallibardy. In 1948 there were
4 including Claudius and Jansen. Patrick Jansen won his spurs
in hockey in the Calcutta Port Commissioners, another Anglo-
Indian hockey team which became a legend 5n the Indian hockey
world. Playing as inside-left Jansen achieved the position of being
the top scorer of the side. In 1948, India retained the title of
hockey champions of the world.

In 1952 there were 2 Anglo-Indians and in 1956 and 1960 only one,
Leslie Claudius. Claudius has also been described as one of the grea-
test half-backs the world has ever seen. Actually Claudius’ first love
was football. He was introduced almost by accident to hockey by
the great Dickie Girr. Claudius was selected by Carr to play in
the 'A* team for the Bcighton Cup in 1 946. Those were days of the al-
most fabulous Anglo-Indian figures of Carr, Tapsell, Gallibardy and
Gerry Glaeken to whose help and guidance Claudius owed much.

Some of those great and unequalled Anglo-Indian hockey players
deserve special mention. Rex Karris of Jubbulpore, the gnarled
weather-beaten veteran, is still going strong. From 1954 to 1956
he was the national coach to Holland. In 1960 he went in the same
capacity to Italy. The latest reports show that Rex Norris, one of
the world's greatest hockey coaches, is at present training the
Mexican team for the Olympic Games to be held in October, 1968.

Among India’s finest sportsmen and sportswomen were the sons
and daughters of Rex Norris. I shall refer to them in their
appropriate places. Rex Norris was perhaps the greatest
centre-half of world hockey: Penniger had an almost equal reputa-
tion: Allen was described as the world’s greatest goal-keeper.

232 THE STORT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNTTT

Michael Roeque and Hammond as among the greatest full-backs.

With the exodus of some of the best sporting talent in the Commu-
nity, India’s loss has been the gain of the countries to which Anglo-
Indians have emigrated. In future it will be interesting to scrutinise
the Commonwealth hockey teams, especially from Australia,
New Zealand and the U.K. More and more Anglo-Indians will be
found in them, accounting for the new-found hockey prowess of these
Commonwealth teams. Thus in the quarter-finals of the Rome
Olympics in 1960, India beat Australia by a solitary goal. The two
opposing captains who met for the toss were both Anglo-Indians:
Leslie Claudius of Calcutta, captain of the Indian team, and Kevin
Carlton, a St. Joseph’s (Naini Tal) boy, the Australian captain.

Recent reports show that Eric Pearce, of the famous hockey-
playing family, may carry the Australian flag this year (1968) at the
Olympic Games in Mexico. Eric Pearce will be representing Austra-
lia at the Olympics for the fourth time. His other brothers Gordon
and Julian have also been selected to represent Australia in Mexico.
The Pearce brothers hold the world record for the number of
members of a family selected to represent a country at the Olym-
pic Games. Since 1956 there have always been at least 2 Pearce
brothers representing Australia at the Olympic Games. There
are 5 brothers in the Pearce family and each has represented
Australia at least 3 times. In 1958, the 5 brothers were in
the same State side (Western Australia), thus making up practical-
ly half the team. An Australian paper has mentioned that It is
strange that despite their excellent record in Australian and inter-
naUonal hockey not once has a Pearce been asked to captain an
Australian side. The Pearce family came from Jubbulporc. Their
father was, in his time, a hockey enthusiast in India. The family
migrated to Australia in 1947.

Boxing

Boxing was introduced in India by the British Army. Anglo-
Indian Schools took to this sport early in their existence, and Anglo-

ndians dominated the Indian boxing scene year after year. Anglo-
Indian boxing champions from the Auxiliary Force over and over
again beat the best men from British regiments. There have been
many well-known Anglo-Indian boxers. Reference may be made
to a few.

Tilt SPORTSMEN AND THE SPORTSWOMEN OF INDIA

233

Edgar Brighte of Bombay was for many yean the champion
Lightweight boxer of India. Milton Kubes • cnt3j

standing master and exponent of boxing. o " * ,jUJ

boxer £dd bo found .o .and up to h.m. Wur.nrmo «f < » >

,l,e intrralsng f.ght in Bombay, in IMS, I between Kuhn (10 «■ °

N and Gunner Melvin (12 ,t. 4 1b. ) of .be R.F.A. IngM

Heavyweight champion of W Ridable op-

mg to rive away so much weight, Kubes Dcai
ponen. on points. For theer blood and thunder veteran, reea.l
the epic light between Milton Kubea and Hid D
Kid D’Silva was in hit time the idol of the boxing fa
He was one or the mm. scientific boxers that Ind.a , to , ever ^ pro;
duced. HU thin, almost emaciated, appearance be
canny powers of endurance and capaaty to punch. On one
occasion he sow sent to Australia where he held h» own agamst *e
be,, Australian boxers. He was drseribed .n Austral, ^ Th
Hindoo Giraffe with ihe puneh of a Mule/' Duncan . "“di;

Seereury for many yean of ,he Jlsansi branch of, he All Inoa
Anglo-Indian Asnscislion, was ,he U'daiovtight eh | P_ ,
1934-1937. He was also the undefeated All-Ii ndi *

Ugh, Heavyweight champion horn and

exhibition bout, he knocked out th • Year>

Air Force Middleweight champion. I" IJ Ihe

although giving away considerable weig » second

British fSmy USh! Heavyweigh, champ, on m the second

10 Arthur Snares was a boxing legend in -he gM? andJorUn.
At the early age of fourlrcn he ss-on the cove mD;onship at

Cup’ for the South Indian Bantamweight Championship M
Madras. Evtn before hU coming of age he <ough P . /

scoring victories over grea, boxen of Amtt.

Weight champion of Western India and arry ^1

In L coune of hi, earece he had spectacular «

Riven, Dixie Kidd, Sesunan Nobby Hall Gunner Mrlv », M'h»
Kubes, Duncan Chatterton and Johnny James to m
He evin beat the great Gunboat Jaeh, Use Amencan Negro who
made India his home: according to many C?PCI£ - h J ld

should have annexed the Middleweight championship of th

had he remained and fought in America.

234

THE STORY OP THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

At the top of his career Suares embarked on foreign tours to
Ceylon, Burma, Malaya and Singapore. He fought many lead-
ing international boxen including Frank Malino, Tiger Freeman,
Seaman Youngman, Champion of the Burma Fleet, Bill Brady, and
the most outstanding Ignatio Fernandez who was then rated as
world class.

Suares turned down a contract for boxing in the U.S.A. and re-
turned home. On the declaration or World War II Suares en-
listed in the R.A.M.C., where he continued his boxing career
generously donating his purses to the War Fund.

While posted with the Middle East Forces at Iraq, Suares acliiev-
ed the impossible of a triple knock-out in one night, earning for hiro-
self the title or Light Heavyweight Champion of the P.I.I. Forces
(Persia, Iraq and Iran).

With the coration of the Wat he joined the Hyderabad State
Array as a boxing nutruclor. When that trait wai ditbanded. he
J“”'“ y1' Artillery Centre at Nasilt Road. After retirement in
e joined his family in Bangalore and spent his time in coach-
rag youngiten tn boxing and athletics. He n extremely proud
0 hit young niece! and nephews whom he personally coached.
Deanna Syme, Mtnette Suares, Arthur Marl Suares, Milford
htenneuy and Lincoln Suatej were among the few who have hit

Dusty Miller was from 1942 the 'Middleweight King' of the
Tl “!P‘« of 'he emigration of » of our best boxes!, the
of ■fv,° t" ^lanS continucd t0 dominate the boxing arena. After a lapse
^n^arS‘hcNorthcrn Jndia Boxing Championship was re-
u ' ^U,ty Miller was matched against Capt. Camp-
vallanti° A Gurkf,a Rifles. Although Campagnac fought
j f an "'j'? et* thirty-°nc pounds more than Miller, the latter
him- Dusty Makr added Northern India
aorship,ohis listing title as Lightweight
todav ;5 I ‘^a™pion of Ceylon. Incidentally, Campagnac

ed the 1 H r- °"V ^“r‘ng t!le Indo-Pakistan conflict he command-
m57 d*? “it1 ra RlWeS-' HIS S^odfather fought a, a civilian in
1857 during the Lucknow siege.

thfMadI^ri^a^*J°JI?^°,rW“,'c" Comm"d captured

Bahadur Thapa of the 8dt GuT^ ^ ““

235

the stmTSMBS IND T«t srovnwour.s or IKDt V
Maurice Monmer won .he Kor.hens Into Lig h.-Ile.^^h.

added to the popularity or this sport- > China-Bunna-lndia

mem staged during World W« I '^f^^utta. The
Championship at the MoruomsSq roucll ,heir oven svay.

coloured American fighter* had th gs ry ^ „ ho won their

The Anglo-Indians were the only *e” I champion-

respective crowns. Dusty Miller punched Ins wa} tothcc
ship of the Middleweight Division. Feather-

Lon Joshua emulated .hi, perfomvance Z" L ™r

.might Division. Joshua's greatest sic, ory ■ known

Roy Anknrah of .ho Gold Coas.. d^or'.h s^ d -i.lo a. a

a, .ho Black Flash, was .1,0 loading con.cndcr Tor .ho

law ..ago. belsvecn Dennis Batons and

Veterans of boxing refer to the fight perhaps the best

Private Lcsvis of .ho South "a1” wilmer and Ralph Jana of
they can recall, and .ha, between Ron V. toer
Ceylou as .1,0 nea, bos. for •««<* J- practically only
In the 1952 Olympiad la, 1 chink. ^ ?ndiin boaera.

Anglo-Indian names in the gala*} r,iher was quoted as

Ron Norris, champion son of a champion father, was q

•world class’. - Madhya Tradesh Lightweight

In 1949, Ron Norris annexed the M V* AU-India

championship. In 1952 he hit ^e headline ^ ^

Championship held in Calcu,“' ‘ Polic7, then the reigning
with Havildar Janardhan of the Bo y crafty, expcrienc-

Westero India Champion. an Indian boxing team

ed Havildar. In February or the sam } ^ ColQmbo champion-
was invited to Ceylon to ta e p Wclterweigllt Championship
ships. In the semi-finals o fjavy. In the finals he beat

Norris beat Parker of the Bntis y3 pcreira, and an-

the Ceylon Welterweight champion O.M.V.U.
nexed the Welterweight title of Ceylon. t thc Country

In the selections for the Indian e between Norris

a, the Helsinki Olympics. 'hc" “ "J v^ In on even mom

end Janardhan . On ,hu <*• «»»£ P^ OVCI Janardhan.

ane'oftheTaelected ,o represent India a. HelsmD.

236 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN C01WUNITT

Capt. Oscar Ward, the Captain of the team, was another well-
known Anghnlndian boxer. Norris was the only member of the
team, however, to have the spotlight focussed on him at Helsinki.
Fighting against Battilla of Canada, he hammered the Canadian
champion into submission in the third round. In the quarter-finals
he was pitted against J„ Johnson. Norris fought a great Sght.
Tie verdict of points was given, however, to the Dane. There was
considerable comment in the pres, against the verdict. On hi.
return to India, Norris metGopal Kri.lien, the Madras Middle-
weight, and scored a spectacular victory by knocking him out in the

Pasha Toi ,”.Calcwu h= P« ™ gloves against Anwar
"J'P'WU representative of Pakistan. Pasha was knock-
ed Out t within tsvo minute, of die firs, round. Norris then represent-
Mr, So ,,, ~ Jap““'' Th' JaP*** were fast Li had

mowtv H a'h^''y '™"y ,h'°“Sh 'lie Indian side

Nor b bmuX h' °PP'“i'i°'' <1*7 "•« .he Anglo-Indians.

Onuki ,h?S 'V° ‘ ""d- ,n h“ encounter he beat
a, he ^ k„ " Nom, then beat Kaji, K.O. Kaji

,saa“»- — ^•'"di“. -

bega“„d,yo,hfwhhn'hT P,0d“Ct ',rS'- Oollep. Calcutta,

name wa, included^ h“ 1,1 “h°oL Ultimately, hi,

paratorv to th- ,-v ■ * , f boxcrs summoned for trials pre-

in the World Olympiad to fehf?” "** “ P"tici'pa“

bout Hourivan !„P , h d ,n *•““*" in 1948. In the final

the fight Houriga„°dPSttibL!!fat'ia 0fB'nSa1, Thr°“«houl
Bhattia for a shmt count dropping

Bhattia oandrm™; . , ™h“ ,h' decision was awarded to

save the judges andfhe rrlr' 7'‘ 'fe.Police had to intervene to
the protests from the „ r jC fr°m beinS manhandled. Despite
* the C Tcirr PUb,ic' Bh*'u“ tnpresented India
his appearance agahfi r ?“ Hourigan made

FeatK^STp" •**' * “iming Ceylon

Air Force where he soon a ”°“"S*n joined the Indian

decisively beat the famous Lai Baha'd' Sf?"” b‘”d“g H'

Rifles who had been the unh . f ‘dur Thapa of the 8th Gurkha
He then annexed die champion since 1945.

All-India Oh^piSS? °f thC Services- In thc
P P at Bombay ^ even beat the well-known

THE STORTEMEN ASO THE OR 237

Havelock Norris, .he Wes, cm India nhampion ood beea™ .he
National Featherweight Champson a. the early age ol

^'Thirties also the Angkwlndians established a donrinao,

’"^Tfat Indian to win a medal in world ts.hle.ta
Pritchard, on Anglo-Indian teacher from Lueknos .
second, five nreten behind j.W.B TewkesboJ of ^

Sees, who won the 200 metres. Urn was eaxr 60 ^

raris, in the second of the modem ser.es of “’^Here

In the 1910 Indian contingent for the Ol)Tnp thc

several Anglo-Indian athletes. They mcloded Ene
sprinter, John Vieken the hurdler, ^."al''^
team and, perhaps the most outstanding, Hcno RtbM
A Bangalore b*. Henry Rebello jumH Mu,

He made his way in the Mysore 01>™P' A2‘^'. As a result

provincial record in the Hop, Step and J P jn thc f{opi

or long and strenuous practice by 19+4 e had incrcascd

Step and Jump and 21 in the longjump- ? hc again won

the distance to -16’ and 21 -9 respectively. clearing

the Hop, Step and Jump event in the Mysore > Indo_Ccylon
He then wen. on to win the even, £

Athletic Meet the same year, clearing 46 ' -1 • nfrfor a while

down at the 47' mark. Hc eventually decided to y M re

and concentrate on sprinting and hurdling. n , _‘« Hc

Olympic Athletic Meet he made a stupendous jump “V * , .

then went on to shatter the Indian recordatthe

Meet the same year with a distance of 50 • . ^

found him a place in the Indian team which pa i P

World Olympiad of 1918. Sportsmen

had their thoughts centred on the India" ^ . - %%j,cn

Henry Rebello for world honours. There was mu J y ^
during the practice jump before the Games e e ..hen the

Motspur Park. This joy turned into despair, howev ’ 1] d

trajenews was received that during the pract.ee he had pull
muscle and would not be able to take part in t e am®‘ . tqon
The Sutton brother, were famous names in Indian spo '

W. Sutton represented India in the Olympic Games at Los g

238

THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

in 1932. He ran neck and neck with Lord Burghley, the famous
British hurdler.

Ken Powell of the Kolar Gold Fields and an all-round sportsman
is one of India’s most famous athletes. In March, 1964, at the
AU-India Open Athletics meet, Powell equalled the National and
Asian record for the 100 metres by clocking 10.6 seconds. Earlier
in May, 1963, at the Mysore State Olympics Powell achieved the
title of the fastest man in India and Asia with a record timing of
21.3 seconds in the 200 metres dash. In November, 1963, Powell
was selected to represent India at the International Athletic meet
at Nairobi (Kenya) to celebrate Kenya’s Independence Day, He
won the 220 yards but lost the 100 yards.

In June, 1964, Powell was selected to represent India at the
Olympic Games at Tokyo for the 200 metres and the relay team for
the 4 X 100 metres. In July, 1964, Ken Powell and Deanna Syme,
an outstanding Anglo-Indian woman athlete of Mysore, toured
West Germany for training-cum-competition along with an Indian
team consisting of 12 members. At Poona in March, 1965, Powell
and Barry Ford, another Anglo-Indian, broke the Indian record
for the 100 metres and set up a new record of 10.4 seconds in the
100 metres and 21 .4 seconds in the 200 metres.

It is interesting to recall that Derek Boosey, also of the Kolar Gold
Fields, covered 49' and 4' in the Hop, Step and Jump bettering
the 15 year old record of Henry Rcbello. By winning the
National Championship in 1960, Boosey equalled the record of his
lather, Leslie Boosey, who had won the National Championship
about 20 years earlier.

Football

Football docs not attract the aarao imereti as hockey in India,
u or many years Anglo-Indian schools have devoted increasing
attention to this sport. Football is played with considerable skill
n enthusiasm in almost every Anglo-Indian school. The Durand
*■ C PrT1Cr roo,baN trophy. In pre-Independence dap
AnllhTrCfmen,,a team5 USUally claimed this trophy, but very often
tm^rn,?aN ‘VCnVVOu!d ‘he final beating on the way
Railwav t*C bCSt BrlUsh re8'mental teams. In 1927, the East Indian
In 1 qoo “nsis‘ln8 °nly of Anglo-Indians, reached the final.
Xn 1929, the Great Indian Peninsular Railway team, consisting

TTIE SPORTSMEN AND TlfE SPORTSWOMEN Or INDIA 239

again only of Anglo-Indians, won the All-India Railway Football
tournament. After this they reached the final of the Durand
tournament; they lost by one goal to a crack British regimental team.

Cricket

Cricket is also not played in India with the same enthusiasm as
hockey. Anglo-Indian schools, however, have turned out some
really good cricketers. After leaving school these Jads have little,
if any, opportunity of developing their sporting talent further.
The prowess attained by the Anglo-Indians can be illustrated by a
provincial cross section of Anglo-Indian achievement. For instance,
in the Central Provinces (now Madhya Pradesh) the Quadrangular
Cricket tournament was, for many years, won by the Anglo-Indians :
the name of the tournament was derived from the fact that four
teams — the Anglo-Indians, Europeans, Hindus and Mohamme-
dans—competed. The European team was usually strong, being
drawn from several British battalions In the Province. In one year,
either 1924 or 1925, the Europeans fielded an exceptionally fine
team. There were four British County bats in the team : yet this
team was beaten in the final by the Anglo Indian eleven. Some of
the latter were bop drawn from Christ Church Bop’ School,
Jubbulpore. In passing, it might be mentioned that this School
claims to hold a world record in cricket. The school team once
played an eleven drawn from a well-known British Regiment —
the Hampshires. Incredible as it may sound, this regimental
eleven was dismissed for an inglorious blob. The eleven members
of the British team were not able to make or sneak a single run.
They were not even fortunate enough to secure a bye. This perhaps
unique achievement can be verified by an inspection of the official
score sheet duly framed and hung up in the school hall.

First Indian World Champion

While writing about the men I would refer last, but not least,
to Wilson Jones. He was the first and, so far, the only Indian to
win an individual World Championship title. He won the Indian
Billiards title in 1950 and held it for three successive yean. He
regained the Indian title in 1954 and retained it for two years. He
was again the Champion in 1957, 1960 and 1961, and held the
Indian Championship title from 1963 till his retirement in 1967.

240

THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COitMUNITT

Wilson Jones represented India in the World Billiards Champion-
J;P‘n i951* I952> W54. 1958, I960, 1962 and 1964 and in the
World Snooker Championship in 1963. He not only reigned
n r1 a—”, “r ’h« Indian BiHiards Champion, he also won the
t row3 t f°r Snooker in ,948> ^952, 1954, 1958 and 1960.
In 1958, he won the coveted crown of the World Billiards Cham-
pion. In December, 1964, at Auckland, New Zealand, Jones

Zer't ?\thiC °f W°rld Bi,Hards Champion, being the only
player to finish the tournament. 1

™* ,he World in 1MB. both the then
President and the Prone Minister were so impressed by his sueeess
that he «, honoured with an audience and earned the privilege

In hlarch f"" °f bi“ *' R-htrapati Bhavan.

Si WJ»n Jnn» « given the Arjuna Award by the

Bhavan fn tfee a " *' * !>'« *• Eashtnspati

Bhavan. In 1965, he was asvarded the Padma Shri.

Sportswomen

UnAu”SireIenS”.hgir'*JT1 " “U kind* °r*P°". specially athletics,
hap, . p fey ld. hQt havc serious competition except, per-
SSeM rm.g,'U, ^ For year, r£st

Anglo-Indian ^,hIetlcs Championships were won by

the game i i h 1^'’’ th' Anglo-Indian girl, dominated
NaS ctT 1 h' AnSlo-lndian men. The Provincial and

5K£r:=

produced An^lr^T f’ JUbbu,Pore> Delhi, the l

respect — unbeatable

nataf^k'lT. “ ,h' UK- » iabo Part in an inter-

Catchick fCanta’ Among the members were Betty

Stcphe'soL “da W‘,Iia™»h. hlary D’Sena and Doreen

vSS J: Wm rmm Also in the team were

N2«ris,sva,aI,oi„ ,LlM6yter°m’i“0,h'' »f K"

\ 56 Yvonne Smith was as good a

Tim SPORTSMEN* AND TJ [E SPORTSWOMEN OP INDIA 241

hockey* player as she was handsome- She captained the Madhya
Pradesh's Women’s Hockey Team from 1947 to 1957 daring which
period the team often swept everything before them in the National
Championships.

The Women’s National Hockey Tournament held in Bhopal
in 1961 was an all-Anglo-Indian affair. The Madras State Team
went down narrowly in the final to the star-studded Mysore State
Team.

Ann Lumsdcn, who typified the athletic and yet beautiful Anglo-
Indian girl, was the first woman hockey player to get the Arjuna
Award: that was in 1962.

The Delhi Olympic meet held in February, 1951, illustrated the
continuing domination of athletics by the Community. In Delhi,
at that time, there was a total population of not more than three
or four thousand Anglo-Indians including the children. At the
Delhi meet the team fielded by The Anglo-Indian Youth* team
of Delhi swept the board, both in the Men’s and Women’s sections.
Ivy Scott won the title of Champion Girl Athlete, Senior Section,
and also Champion Woman Athlete, Open Section. Christine
Maclnnis won the Champion Girl’s Trophy, Junior Section, and
broke the State record for the high jump, open section, with a
jump of 4’-2-5/&*.

The 400 metres relay race was won by the young Anglo-Indian
boys and the girls’ relay team romped home a lap ahead of the
team which found second place.

Ivy Scott won seven Erst places in the meet, a performance which
has never been equalled by a girl or woman in the Capital. She
easily won the 50 metres, 100 metres and long jump events in the
Senior Girls’ Division and by winning the 50 metres, the 100 metres
and long jump events in the Women’s Open Section, she annexed
the championship trophies in both divisions, while her final quarter
in the women's relay was practically a solo affair. She broke the
tape lar ahead of the others and enabled the Anglo-Indian Youth
team to annex the trophy for the third year in succession.

Deanna Syme, another outstanding Anglo-Indian sportswoman,
showed her versatility by shining in the Mysore University both as
a student and as an athlete. She was also a first class hockey
player, being a member of the Mysore State Women’s team in the
Hockey Championships held at Poona in 1958. In the same year

240

THE STORT OF THE ANGLO-IXDIAN COMMUNTTf

Wilson Jones represented India in the World Billiards Champion-
ship in 1951, 1952, 1954, 1958, 1960, 1962 and 1964 and in the
World Snooker Championship in 1963. He not only reigned
for 12 years as the Indian Billiards Champion, he also won the
all-India title for Snooker in 1948, 1952, 1954, 1958 and 1960.
In 1958, he won the coveted crown of the World Billiards Cham-
pion. In December, 1964, at Auckland, New Zealand, Jones
regained the title of World Billiards Champion, being the only
player to finish the tournament.

When Wilson Jones won the World title in 1958, both the then
President and the Prime Minister were so impressed by his success
that he was honoured with an audience and earned the privilege
of playing an exhibition game of billiards at Rashtrapati Bhavan.
In March, 1963, Wilson Jones was given the Arjuna Award by the
President Dr. Radhakrishnan at a function held at Rashtrapati
Bhavan. In 1965, he was awarded the Padma Shri.

Sportswomen

Anglo-Indian girls excel in all kinds of sport, especially athletics.
Until recently they did not have serious competition except, per-
haps, in tennis, from girls of other communities. For years most
of the Women’s Provincial Athletics Championships were won by
Anglo-Indian girls. In hockey the Anglo-Indian girls dominated
the game, as much as the Anglo-Indian men. The Provincial and
National Championships were swept by the Anglo-Indian teams.
Usually, the final was fought between two Anglo-Indian teams.
Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, Jubbulpore, Delhi, the U.P.— all
produced Anglo-Indian girls’ teams that were unbeatable in their
respective areas.

In 1953 a team was sent to the U.K. to take part in an inter-
national hockey tournament. Among the members were Betty
Catchick (Captain), Vanda Williamson, Mary D’Sena and Doreen
Stephenson : all four were from Bengal. Also in the team were
\vonne Smith and her sister, Dorrel Smith, both Jubbulpore girls,
and Philomena Norris, one of the daughters of Rex Norris.

In 1956 another Indian team was sent to take part in an inter-
national hockey tournament in Australia. The Captain, this time,
Yvonne Smith : Wendy Norris, another daughter of Rex
No2T"is> was ak° *n *he 1956 team. Yvonne Smith was as good a

THE SPORTSilEN ASS THE SPORTSWOMEN OF INDIA 24!

hockey player as she was handsome. She captained the Madhya
Pradesh’s Women’s Hockey Team from 1947 to 1957 during which
period the team often swept everything before them in the National
Championships.

The Women’s National Hockey Tournament held in Bhopal
in 1961 was an all-Anglo-Indian affair. The Madras State Team
went down narrowly in the final to the star-studded Mysore State
Team.

Ann Lumsden, who typified the athletic and yet beautiful Anglo-
Indian girl, was the first woman hockey player to get the Arjuna
Award : that was in 1962.

The Delhi Olympic meet held in February, 1951, illustrated the
continuing domination of athletics by the Community. In Delhi,
at that time, there was a total population of not more than three
or four thousand Anglo-Indians including the children. At the
Delhi meet the team fielded by The Anglo-Indian Youth* team
of Delhi swept the board, both in the Men’s and Women’s sections.
Ivy Scott won the title of Champion Girl Athlete, Senior Section,
and also Champion Woman Athlete, Open Section. Christine
Maclnnis won the Champion Girl’s Trophy, Junior Section, and
broke the State record for the high jump, open section, with a
jump of 4 ’-2-5/8'.

The 400 metres relay race was won by the young Anglo-Indian
boys and the girls’ relay team romped home a lap ahead of the
team which found second place.

Ivy Scott won seven first places in the meet, a performance which
has never been equalled by a girl or woman in the Capital. She
easily won the 50 metres, 100 metres and long jump events in the
Senior Girls’ Division and by winning the 50 metres, the 100 metres
and long jump events in the Women’s Open Section, she annexed
the championship trophies in both divisions, while her final quarter
in the women’s relay was practically a solo affair. She broke the
tape far ahead of the others and enabled the Anglo-Indian Youth
team to annex the trophy for the third year in succession.

Deanna Syme, another outstanding Anglo-Indian sportswoman,
showed her versatility by shining in the Mysore University both as
a student and as an athlete. She was also a first class hockey
player, being a member of the Mysore State Women's team in the
Hockey Championships held at Poona in 1938. In the same year

242 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Deanna won the Inter-University Championship at Jubbulpore.
In April, 1961, the Mysore University Sports Committee gave her
a special prize as ‘The Outstanding Athlete’. In the National
Athletics in 1957, Deanna became the long jump champion with a
leap of 17 ft. 4| ins. She retained her title the following year at
Calcutta, lost it in 1959 and regained it in 1960. Deanna Syme
has followed in the footsteps of her aunt, Miss Marjorie Snares,
who won the National championship many years ago.

Betty Davenport, who was for some time the P.T. Instructress
in the Frank Anthony Public School, New Delhi, has been for
several years the undisputed National champion in the Javelin and
the Discus throw.

Christine Forage of Bombay has been described as ‘India’s
Wonder Sports Girl’.

Christine, who was bom on the 27th January, 1946, had by the
age ofl7 piled up a dazzling array of achievements and trophies that
might well have turned the head of many an older sportswoman of
international repute. Breaking into athletics at the age of 12, she
made her debut at the National Gamej in Trivandrum and secured
second place in the high jump, somewhat to the surprise even of
those who knew her. After doing exceedingly well in the Bombay
State Championship, Christine collected 2 gold medals in the
National Championships held at New Delhi in 1960. In 1961,
she created an all-time record in the Maharashtra State Senior
and Junior Games by sweeping the board in 9 events, thus
establishing a record which would be difficult, if not impossible,
to equal. Despite a bad knee she was in a class by herself in the
National Athletic Championships at Jullundur in 1961. She swept
the board in the under-sixteen events, apart from establishing a
whole series of new records. She won 6 gold medals and narrowly
missed the seventh.

In the National Games at Jubbulpore in 1962, she dumbfounded
even the most ardent prophets by taking part in 9 events and
winning a medal in each. She won 6 gold medals, 2 silver
and one bronze.

A tribute to Christine's versatile and yet consistent athletic
genius was the National Award for Physical Efficiency. In a two-
day competition held for the first time in 1962, she collected 3,392
points beating to a complete frazzle all the competitors from 12

THE SPORTSitEN AND THE SPORTSWCWEN OF INDIA 243

States and 3 Union territories. It is significant that no awards
were made to the Seniors as they did not measure up to the mini-
mum standards.

Sportsmen and sportswritrrs acclaim Christine as one of the
rarest combinations or outstanding capacity in track and field events.
She is in a class by herself being equally at home in sprints, hurdles,
the jumps and throws.

What kind of a person is this teenage Anglo-Indian wonder
sportsglrl? Essentially, she is shy and admits to being nervous
before any race. She is completely unspoilt and has the interests
of any average Anglo-Indian teenager, including jazz. Apparently
she prefers Elvis Presley to the top Anglo-Indian pop-singer Cliff
Richards. Apart from (he necessary physical attributes, Christine
has the prerequisites for championship in any walk of life — the
will and the capacity to work hard and to keep to a rigid schedule.
Christine, today, is a star the like of which has not yet shone in the
Indian athletic firmament. Whether she places India on the map
of world athletics will depend on svbethcr those who have anything
to do officially with the promotion of athletic talent in the Country
ensure that she gets the necessary opportunities and the proper
training. In 1962 Christine was invited to Russia for further
training.

Reference to our sporting women would not be complete with-
out mentioning Jenny Sandison. For many years she was the
undisputed queen of All-India tennis. Her talent took her to
Wimbledon. But playing conditions being very different, she
did not do as well as was expected. She, however, had the satisfac-
tion of beating Betty Nuthall, the reigning British champion.

Shikaris

Some of the best-known shikaris in the Country have been Anglo-
Indians. This perhaps was inevitable because the majority of
Anglo-Indians were interested in shikar. Youngsters were brought
up to the use of the shotgun and the rifle from a very early age.
The names of some Anglo-Indian shikaris, who also have books to
their credit, are household wer ds, such as, Jim Corbet t of Naini TaJ,
Anderson of Bangalore, and Powell of Mussoorie. A recent book
written by Pat Stracey entitled, 'Reade, Elephant Hunter' is
worth reading. In his book Stracey describes Lovel Reade as “The

244 nfE stout op the axcumxdian commoxitt

Jim Corbett of Elephants.*’ Straccy point! out that, like Corbett,
Reade was of humble origin. Reade, whose grandfather was a
European, started life as a clerk, was transferred to the Agriculture
Department being first an Inspector and then rose to official status.
Reade shot his first elephant in 1928 at the age or 38 and his last in
1967, at the age 76, Reade had a phenomena! bag of 220 raiding
elephants most of which he shot on foot.

Although an Anglo-Indian, Readr appears to have identified
himself with the Khasis of Assam among whom he is a legendary
figure. Straccy points out that Readc has not achieved the fame of
Corbett because be functioned in a distant, inaccessible part of
India and also, perhaps, because unlike Corbett he did not have
the patronage of persons in high places. Straccy himself is no mean
shikari. He retired as Chief Conservator from the Imperial Forest
Service after 30 years of service. He is one of the highly successful
Straccy brothers to whom I refer in a later cliapier.

I should imagine that over the years there have been hundreds
of Anglo-Indians who have shot more than a dozen tigers apart
from panther, bear, bison, wild buffalo and elephant. Thus an
uncle of mine, Wiltiam Anthony, who retired from the Imperial
Forest Service, although not a fanatieal shikari had 57 tigers to
his credit. He and Col. Leake, a European and Chief Medical
Officer of the then Bengal-Nagpur Railway, t\ ere great shooting com-
panions. Leake was an ardent big-game shikari apart from being
the only living double V.C. — that svas between 1920 and 1930.

I remember a story my uncle told me about Leake and himself.
My uncle was then Conservator at Tlalaghat, a fine shooting district
in the then Central Provinces. The Governor was Sir Montague
Butler. Butler, who was very friendly with my uncle, asked him
to arrange a really good shoot, which was done. A number of
tigers came out in the beats, but apparently the Governor and his
party were indifferent shots. They were able to bag only one
tiger between them. My uncle felt that Leake would like to join
him as the beats bad shown a large number of tigers in that area.
After about a fortnight, he and Leake went over the same area.
Between them they bagged 4 tigers. On that occasion my
unde got a right and left using his trusted .500 bore double-
barrel rifle.

The average Anglo-Indian shikari could always produce some

THE SPORTSMEN AND THE SPORTSWOMEN OF INDIA 245

hair-raising stories of narrow escapes. One, which my unde told
me, is worth repeating.

He and a Gond shikari were walking through the jungle when,
suddenly, a tiger appeared in the bend barely thirty yards away.
One of the pieces of advice that my uncle gave me, when I first
started shooting, was never to fire at a tiger if he was looking at you.
His theory was that even if the tiger was hit with the heaviest of
bullets, in the heart, if he was at a distance of thirty yards, he would
be able to kill the shikari before collapsing. On this occasion he
apparently forgot his own advice : he brought his rifle to his shoulder
and pulled the trigger.

Apparently, Providence was with him. He had a misfire.
Hearing the click, the tiger charged coming to a stop, within a few
feet, snarling and lashing his body with his tail.

My uncle said that his immediate reaction was one of cold terror.
This was partly due to the Gond shikari being immediately behind
him. The Gonds of Madhya Pradesh are fine shikaris and usually
full of pluck. A good tracker, that shikari was, however, notorious
for being extremely fleet-footed at the first sign of danger. My
uncle was terrified that he would bolt, which would have meant
the tiger killing them both. Fortunately, the Gond belied his
reputation. Standing behind my uncle he followed his example
and stared at the tiger. He even went one better : he growled out
the imprecation, “Sala bap ko nahin pehchanta (You so-and-so,
don't you recognise your father]).’’ The tiger snarled, lashed his
sides with his tail and moved away.

Some of us, as youngsters, shot our first big animal at the age of
twelve or thirteen. Many Anglo-Indians started their bag of tigers
in their teens. Shirley Forrester, who comes from an old Central
Provinces family, qualified for the I.C.S. doing his examination in
London. When he appeared for his viva voce interview, among
the questions he was asked was whether he bad done any shooting
since he came from one of the best shikar areas in India. He said,
•Yes’. IVhen pressed as to whether he had shot any tigers, he again
said, “Yes’.

When asked how many— he was still a college student — he said,
‘Eleven’. The examiners roust have thought that the young Anglo-
Indian student was trying to pull the long bow.

Shirley Forrester had, in fact, shot almost all his tigers on foot-

246 THE STOUT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COiDTUNITf

Several years later when he was District Magistrate at Hoshanga-
bad, 2 tigers were apparently swept across the flooded river and
lodged themselves in the nearby public garden or the garden of
the ‘Burra’ Club. When they were spotted, there was generat
consternation and arrangements were started to get a posse of
police to deal with them. As soon as Forrester heard the news, he
went down to the spot and stalking the tigers shot them both.

The best shot that I have ever seen was Tyrrel Hawkins. The
son of a senior railway official who left him a substantial legacy,
Hawkins was able to indulge in his penchant for shooting. He had
a fine armoury including guns made by Holland and Holland.
On one occasion when he visited the U.K., Hawkins was invited
by the management of Holland and Holland to a pheasant shoot
at a well-known ducal estate. At the end of the shoot the other
members of the party were dumbfounded by Hawkins' shooting:
his bag was more than that of all the other guns put together.

Hawkins often formed one of our party at the time when I
used to shoot in the Madhya Pradesh jungles almost every week-end.
Some of us preened ourselves on our shooting, but with Hawkins
about we suffered almost from an inferiority complex. Quite
literally, I never saw him miss whatever the bird, from jungle fowl
and partridge to duck and snipe. And the bird always fell in the
centre of" the pattern and dropped dead.

Hawkins was equally good with the rifle. On one of our shoots
I watched him pull down a running boar at a distance or at least
250 yards. It would have been a good shot if the boar was standing.
As it happened, the boar had broken from the beat and was bolting
through an open space in the fields. Hawkins brought the boar
down using a Springfield with a peep sight. On another occasion
when we were beating for the usual sambhar, cheetal and pig, we
were all on the ground sitting on our respective canvas stools. At
the end of the beat after some of us had fired shots at different
animals, Hawkins suddenly called out telling us to stay put as he
had fixed at a tiger. It was winter, the jungle was dense and it
was not a pleasant thought that a wounded tiger might charge from
any direction. After a while Hawkins called out that everything
was all right. I Ve went up and found a stone-cold tiger. Hawkins
had taken him while he was slinking through some bushes offering
a most difficult shot. Once again using a Springfield, he had

THE SPORTSMEN AND THE SPORTSWOMEN OF INDIA 24?

dropped him dead with a bullet placed at the junction of the neck
and the shoulder. Personally, I would not use a Springfield for
tiger. Although I have shot almost everything from Chinkara
to Himalayan bear and tiger with my .350 Rigby Magnum, when
deliberately going after a tiger I use my .450/400 d.b. hammerless
ejector.

On one occasion Hawkins was driving his car through (he jungle
while I sat beside him. I noticed some jungle fowl on his side and
pointed them out to him. Hawkins, while still driving the car,
loaded his .12 bore and put it out of the car window. Two jungle
fowl rose and flew almost parallel with the car : still driving, using
one hand, Hawkins brought them both down with a right and a left.
It would have been a fine shot with the shikari standing and using
both hands!

I have shot with Kami Singh, the Maharaja of Bikaner, who is
a member of my Group, the Independent Parliamentary Group
in the Lot Sabha. A few yean back my wife and I were the guests
of the Maharaja and the Maharani at an Imperial grouse shoot
in Bikaner. After an overnight stay at the famous l-albagh Palace
we were driven to Gajner, which is 20 odd miles from Bikaner,
to the ‘country’ Palace, so to apeak, of the Maharaja. In the
afternoon we did a short duck shoot over the nearby lake where there
were a few birds. In an hour’s shoot, between six guns, we bagged
about 120 duck. Using a .20 bore Bikaner brought down his
birds without missing a single shot.

Next morning after a bath and breakfast, we drove about two
and a half miles to the butts where the first droves of Imperial
grouse were expected. This was my first Imperial grouse shoot.
For several days in advance the local watchers had been out. They
are so highly skilled in this business that they are able, literally, to
count the number of birds when in flight. It was estimated that
there were about 12,000 grouse in the vicinity. We took up
our positions in our respective butts at about 7 a.m. This was
the famous shooting ground of the former Viceroys of India. To
Gajner went every Viceroy at the invitation of the ruler of
Bikaner for the well-known Imperial grouse shoot.

This was a real Maharaja shoot. The habits of the birds had
been carefully studied. At 7.30 every morning they flighted in
thousands over the butts to a large stream of water. This was the

248 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

part of the flight that we were lined up for. The butts were interest-
ing structures : in this particular line they were of wrought-iron,
circular in shape, and with metal lattice-work around them. Inside
each butt were two swivel stools. We had been in position for
about 20 minutes when Bikaner called out, “Here they come'*.
I was using my 25 inch cylinder barrels and was loaded with No.
6 shot. In the distance I saw a long thin line of what looked like
a wisp of smoke stretching against the skyline. This line gradually
took on a firmer and larger shape and then I realised that it was
the first Eight of Imperial grouse as they came at us.

The Imperial grouse flies at about 60 miles per hour, if not
faster. The first batch flew straight at me. I waited for them to
whizz past and then took a right and a left. My luck was in and
two birds plummetted to the ground. There were five of us in
the first line. Bikaner was shooting away and so also were the
other guns. Then the pace got faster and more furious. Batches
of 20 and 30 kept swooping down in all directions going over to
the drinking spot which was about a mile behind us. In the next
few minutes while my barrels grew hotter my average was not so
hot : in fact, it was becoming progressively colder. We finished in
about forty minutes and then the beaters, who were to pick up the
birds, started coming in all directions. They collected about
100 odd birds. Bikaner was shooting with a .28 bore and yet
his performance was first class. He got the largest number of shots
and also the best average.

We collected to discuss our gains and our losses. I confessed
that I could not understand how my average was not better.
While I regard myself as a very average, indeed, a poor duck shot,
the fast flight of the Imperial grouse was much more in my line of
quick shooting. On a good day I have averaged 7 out of 10 in
snipe and 8 and even 10 out of 10 in partridge. Bikaner felt that-I
was making a mistake by allowing the birds to pass me before taking
the shot. I admitted that this was correct, as I preferred to take
my birds on a side swing. He pointed out that it is difficult to shoot
Imperial grouse in this way as they carry a tremendous amount of
lead and should be taken coming head on.

When we arrived at the next site of butts, I changed to my 28*
choke barrels and took the birds from the front. Instead of carrying
two or three shotguns, I have a . 12 bore with interchangeable sets

THE SPORTSMEN AND THE SPORTSWOMEN OF INDIA 249

of barrels. In the next half an hour to forty-five minutes we did
nothing except to blaze at the oncoming llightj of grouse. I had
shot about 40 birds in tins second venture and was feeling quite
pleased with myself when I suddenly heard a shout from the line
of shikaris. My shikari jerked my hand towards a line of on-
coming birds and shouted "Pintail, Maro!” Bikaner called out to me
and said, “You must get it.” I did not know whether I was going
to get it, but I tried to pick out the pintail who was flying high and
coming straight overhead, raking him with my barrels from back
to front and pressing the trigger as I covered his head, I continued
to swing. In an overhead shot this continuance of the swing,
which is vital, ij fairly easy. There was a howl of delight from the
shikaris as the pintail folded up and fell. One would have thought
that I had bagged a rogue elephant or a predatory man-eating
tigerl Bikaner mentioned that the pintail was a rare trophy as
one pintail In a bag of 1000 Imperial grouse was about the average.
That pintail, stuffed and mounted, is among my trophies.

The beaters brought in altogether over 500 birds. We posed
with only some of the birds as it was felt that in the New India,
with increasing vegetarian sentiments, it would not do to be photo-
graphed with the full bag!

After an excellent lunch we got ready for the Houbara shoot.
The Houbara is also known as the lesser Indian bustard. This
was also my first experience of shooting Houbara. I got into a
convertible Chevrolet driven by one of the A.D.Cs., popularly
known as Jimmy. Two gum were put into each car. Bikaner
had told us that Houbara shooting can lead to accidents as cars
have to travel between 50 and 60 miles an hour, chasing the bird,
and if the gun in the back seat loses his head he could easily shoot
one of the occupants in front. He reminded us that this had
happened on a previous shoot when the gun in a back seat had blown
oft the elbow of the person in front. The other gun in my car was
a Brigadier of the British High Commission. Bikaner told us that
we would be lucky if we could get one or two Houbara per gun.
We set out in our car and the others went in different directions.
After we had gone about three or four miles the shikari, who accom-
panied us, told us to cross into the fields. The terrain was fiat and
covered with shrub jungle. After we had gone about a mile winding
through the shrub jungle, Jimmy spotted a Houbara and speeded

250 TUG STOUT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITT

the car to about 50 miles dodging bushes and trees in the process.
I was interested to see this bird, which was the first time for me.
He is about three or four limes the size of a stone-plover, is grey
flecked, has long legs a long neck and the male bird has a fine ruff.
Incidentally, my attention was not concentrated entirely on the
Houbara. Jimmy, the A.D.C., must have been the world’s prince
of trick driven. As we swirled around bushes and trees in the
direction of the Houbara, which by this time was taking a run in
order to get air-borne, Jimmy swerved around a bush and told me
to shoot, which I did. This kind of snap shooting was like mother’s
milk to me: I had done this type of shooting for years in the old
Central Provinces jungles — of course without the speeding car.
With a right and a left from my .28 inch barrels the Houbara's
airborne career was abruptly ended. I then got into the back seat
and allowed the Brigadier to sit in the front for his shot. In a
little while wc saw another Houbara and the Brigadier did his stufT.
After the Brigadier had missed a couple of shots, Jimmy suggested
that we should not take shots by turn but the pc non quicker on
the draw would take the bird.

Brought up to shoot with instinctive coordination of eye, hand
and gun, I was able to poop off both barrels while the Drigadier was
still bringing his .12 bore to his shoulder. On one occasion in his
desire to catch up on a male bird, Jimmy speeded up to about 70
miles an hour and how we avoided a tree I still do not know. As he
avoided the tree, I took a crack at the Houbara through a bush
while he was taking off. We were pleasantly surprised to sec him
drop dead. It was a beautiful male bird with a lovely ruff.

We tore around in the area, picked up 8 Houbara of which
number I accounted for 6. With Jimmy swerving around on two
wheels, dodging bushes and trees, it was quite a thrill. Jimmy was
fulsome in his tributes to my shooting : I was even more fulsome in
my tributes to his driving! When we got back we found that ours
was easily the best bag. The other cars had between them shot al-
together 5 Houbara. Bikaner told us that ours was a record bag
as even 4 Houbara to one car was regarded as excellent. In-
cidentally, the Houbara is very good to eat.

Bikaner, is India’s ace shot in clay-pigeon and skeet and has
represented the Country for several years at the World Olympics.
In many ways he is an extraordinary shot. Yet I do not think that

251

■nm JTOHT5MEN and nir. sroftTWOUZN of ikou

in a jungle he would bo no effective a, Hawking from “

to a uger .linking through .ho huaho. or a bolung boar a. 550

Wood., a dental .urgeen in Johhulra.ro, ha, over 30 tiger,
to hi, credit. Today, ho run. one of lodta’, preoatre .httar Ihnu.

A, bitd .hot,, too, Anglo-Indian, have predated ,orno .outand
ing abikarit. A young Anglo-Indian pobooman A.tnworth Har
rbon, wa, alway, inoiudod in the Viceroy , duck and tarf *<»“•

A deadly .hot, bo could bo relied upon to onture a record tag- In
Delhi, today, George O'Brien i, ..ill known a, an eaeellen. .httan
and fitherntan. He or.en .hot with Via, anagram and one day he
bagged 4 tiger,. Even, today, although he ha, undetgone .
tctSn eye operation, he .till ,hoo„. U.he John, on of the I.C.S.
told me an Eating ,toey. John, on hinuelf ., no mean >h to,
hating accounted for a number of tiger, and brown H,mala>an
bear. He nvear, by hi, Springfteld and urea "Oth.ng 'he. John.on
mentioned tha, when George O'Drien gee, out for a duck >hoo
nowaday,, he alway, keep, a .hikari .tandtng nea r him « he » an
able to « the bird, in flight. The ,hto, warn, Turn that a ™pl'
of bid, are coming toward, hint, tell, hue i on »h‘eh r.de 'h'y *re.
George O'Drien .hoot, iodine, ively and ,..11 gen . ugh ^ and • 1. I
when, a, Johnnm pun it. a pereon with the beat of eyegh, and
the height or his powers would find it difficult to do so.

Anglo-Indian women and even girls, especial y 'v h

youngster, did thelr .hare or, hoc, ing. A gtrl eounn of mure, . Edtth
Webb, tat barely eighteen when ,he .he. a „gn*n *

met an Anglo-Indian family by the name of tave.

large fa™ near Dehra Dun. Mr,. Carberey. who come, from the
Powell family, has shot many tigers m her time.

Builders Of Key Services

The Railways , _

After the middle of the 19th century, the

with pioneering Britons laid the first railway s cepe They

JSSfiTi

252 Tim stort of the Anglo-Indian cointOHirr

for a period of 4 to 5 years. Because of the inhospitable,
dangerous conditions under which work had to be done in those
pioneering days up to 1920, members of the other communities were
not forthcoming except for the lowest categories. With over a
hundred years’ intimate association with the building and working
of the Railways, Anglo-Indians developed an almost hereditary
aptitude for Railway Sendee.

In 1960, 1 led a deputation to meet Jawaharlal Nehru. We met
him in the large interview room of the External Affairs Ministry.
When I walked in with the deputation Nehru remarked that it was
more an invasion titan a deputation. I had called a special meet-
ing, in New Delhi, of the representatives of the Community and
Anglo-Indian Schools to discuss the continuance of Anglo-Indian
guarantees in respect of education and quotas in the Services
especially the Railways.

During the discussion I pointed out to Jawaharlal that employ-
ment on the Railways had become almost an economic necessity
for the lesser-educated Anglo-Indians. For generations fathers,
sons and grandsons had entered certain departments without hav-
ing to show any high paper qualifications. It was because of their
near-heroic service that the Railways had been built to their present
size and importance. I underlined the fact that with the raising
of the educational qualification even for the lower categories of
posts, the sense of duty, the efficiency in the Railways had rapidly
declined. Graduates and undergraduates, obsessed with their
paper qualifications but with no background of loyalty or family
service to the Railway's, were being increasingly employed. To
Nehru’s amusement I related what I had been told by an Anglo-
Indian mail driver. That driver had taken his son for employ-
ment. The family had served the Railway from generation to
generation for a period of almost a hundred years. But the son was
refused a fireman’s post because he had not completed the High
School or Senior Cambridge. The father complained bitterly to
me that instead a weedy, pigeon-chested youth, who had done his
Intermediate, had been chosen. He put me a rhetorical question :
"What comparison could there be between such a youth and his son,
powerfully built, a boxer and an athlete, from whose veins, if they
were cut, steam engines would emerge!”

Up till about 1920, practically every engine-driver, guard, station

Tire SPORTSMEN AND THE SPORTSWOMEN OF INDIA 253

master and permanent way inspector was an Anglo-Indian or a
Domiciled or Covenanted European. Anglo-Indians, usually of
the fairer variety, reached the positions of Agents, now known as
General Managers, Chief Engineers and General Traffic Managers.
In order to break through the British wall of colour discrimination
they had to masquerade as Europeans or at least as Doroioled
Europeans.

The stability and progress of the Railways depended on the Anglo-
Indians. Strikes were short-lived because of the sense of duty not
only of the Anglo-Indian raitwaymen but of their families. Thus, in
1923, there svas a major strike on the then Eastern Raihray when
even the Anglo-Indian schoolboys came to the rescue of the Ad-
ministration and cleaned railway carriages. In 1927, the
then Ben gal -Nagpur Railway was faced with a serious strike.
Once again, the Anglo-Indian Community kept the wheels moving
and prevented the strike from spreading to the other Railways.
In 1928 there was another strike on the East Indian Railway when
the Anglo-Indian raitwaymen served beyond the call of duty in
order to keep the goods and passenger trains moving.

Up to 1 925, 50% of the superior sen-ice vacancies were filled by
promotion from the subordinate grades. In that year the Rail-
way Board passed the order that only 15% were to be promoted to
the official cadre. The channel of promotion hitherto open to the
Community was thus severely restricted. In 1926 the Anglo-
Indians held 8% of the superior posts, the other communities about
21%, and Europeans about 70%. In the same year, out of a total
of 762,553 railway employees 14,007 were Anglo-Indians. Gidney
was able to get the Anglo-Indian quotas protected by the incorpora-
tion of Section 242 of the Government of India Act of 1935. I was
able to get a similar guarantee put into the Constitution of Inde-
pendent India : that was Article 336 of the Constitution. Under
that Article appointments of members of the Community to posts
in the Railway, Customs, PostalandTelegraphservicesof the Union
were to be made on the same basis as immediately before the 15th
day of August, 1947. During every succeeding period of two years,
the number of posts reserved for members of the Community
svas to be less by 10% : at the end of ten years from the commence-
ment of the Constitution all reservations were to cease. This pro-
vision ensured that in the posts with which the Community had

254 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO INDIAN COMMUNITY

been associated in the past, such as, Fireman rising to the Driver
and beyond that to the oflicial grade; Guard rising to Station
Master and beyond that to the official grade; Assistant Permanent
Way and Permanent Way Inspector rising to Engineer, Assistant,
District and Divisional, the Community had a reservation of ap-
proximately 8%. This guarantee wasted out by 1960.

In their private moments even the most ardent advocates of the
egalitarian principle will admit that with the decline in the em-
ployment of Anglo-Indians, the sense of discipline and service in
this great public utility concern has steadily and even precipitately
fallen. Even today, the Anglo-Indian railwaymen are among the
comparatively few who can be relied to do their duty and, indeed,
more than their duty and not to hold the Country to ransom by
going on strike at the drop of a cap by some irresponsible trade
union or would-be trade union leader.

Indian Telegraph Department

For over 50 years the Anglo-Indians did the major part of the
pioneering work in the building of the Telegraph Department.

Up till 1916 the percentage of the Anglo-Indian employees in
certain categories of the Telegraph Department was 66}%; by
1920 the number had fallen to about 50%; and by 1928 it had come
down to 40%. This percentage was, however, only in certain cadres,
as the Anglo-Indians did not enter the class IV categories. Even
up to 1928 the Community enjoyed a large share of the superior
appointments reserved for promoted subordinates and also a large
share of appointments in the superior traffic services. One of the
best known Directors-General of the Post and Telegraph Depart-
ment, Sir Geoffrey Clark, paid repeated tributes to the Anglo-
Indians. He said that the Telegraph Department of India would
not have been administered efficiently but for the Anglo-Indian
employees. Many Anglo-Indians rose to the highest positions on
the engineering and the traffic side. Carlton Cunningham, who
entered the superior service by competition, was after Independ-
ence the Senior Deputy Director-General of Posts and Telegraphs.

Customs

From its inception in 1915 till 1920, the Preventive Branch of the
Customs Department, in Calcutta for instance, was entirely staffed

THE SPORTSMEN AND TICE SPORTSWOMEN Or INDIA

255

by Anglo-Indians and Domiciled Europeans. The employment
of Anglo-Indians in the Preventive Branch was a tribute to their
special aptitude for the work. They had the special responsibility
of preventing contraband articles from entering and leaving the
Country. There was abo an Appraiser Branch of the Customs.
Up till 1909 this branch was also exclusively staffed by Anglo-
Indians and Domiciled Europeans. Under the guarantee provid-
ed in Section 242 of the Government or India Act of 1935, die re-
servations in favour of Anglo-Indians worked out to about 75% in
the Preventive Branch and 50% in the Appraiser Branch. Section
242 (3) provided that in framing the rules for the regulation of
recruitment to posts in the Customs, Postal and Telegraph services,
the Governor-General or person authorised by him in that behalf
shall have due regard to the past association of the Anglo-Indian
Community with the said services, and particularly to the specific
class, character and numerical percentages of the posts previously
held in the said services by members of the said Community and to
the remuneration attaching to such posts. Article 336 of the Consti-
tution provided that as with the Railway and Postal and Telegraph
services so also with the Customs, the appointment of members of
the Anglo-Indian Community shall be on the same basis as immedi-
ately before the 15th day of August, 1947. As with the Railways,
that special guarantee wasted out in 1960.

The recommendations of the Simon Commission, as it was popu-
larly known, referred to the fact that some time prior to 1916 ap-
pointments to some of the provincial and higher services were made
by nomination of suitable Anglo-Indians and members ofother com-
munities. Anglo-Indians were required to hold a Senior Cam-
bridge examination certificate because, as pointed out by the Simon
Commission, they did not have the same difficulty with regard to
English as it was their mother-tongue. Members of the other com-
munities were required to possess a University degree.

The Commission paid a tribute to the fact that the Community
had helped to build the Roads, Railways, River Transport and the
Telegraph system. The Commission also referred to the fact
that the Anglo-Indians were among the pioneers to develop
such departments as Excise, Salt, Opium, Forests, Surrey',
but from these latter departments they had been practically
eliminated.

256 THE STORT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COilifUNTTf

^°Fot many Auglmludim.,

uumbm, in .1- polio departments or *0 var.ous «»»•

Provinces had a Sergeants’ cadre which was reserved for Anglo
Indians. Many rose to Inspectors Deputy Supmntendcnt. ud

Superintendents, but seldom beyond that. dis_

Anglo-Indian, fanned the baet-bone of the c.v.l poto- The <ln
cipline and impartiality, espee.ally durmg communal trouble, sere
due largely to the Anglo-Indian personnel. Unfortunately, their
un-iee during the civil disobedience and non-coopentfon move-
ment, was often held against the Community. After Independence,
Sough the reserved Cadres disappeared, the A„g mlndian. who
had joined in pre-Independence days reached the highest 0<>5
tions. Many were awarded the coveted police medal for out.tand
ing or courageous service.

JVof In Fact Privileged

Because the Community was given certain reservations in certain
categories of departments such as the Railways, Posts & Tt’c^P

and the Customs, the accusation was often hurled against the

munitythat it was specially privileged. That accusation was cm
strably fallacious. Admittedly, Anglo-Indians were predominate
employed in the pioneering departments but only because mem
of other communities were not prepared to accept the origi
hardships and dangers. The Anglo-Indians were the pioneers
but it is erroneous to suppose that they were handsome ) P* ■
A Telegraphist started on Rs. 27/- a month. He was given
more subject to his liability to serve anywhere in India or Bl^la ‘
he thus had an initial total salary of Rs. 35/- a month. 1C
the pioneering Anglo-Indians accepted these posts, there were no
transport facilities, no medical services and no social amemties-
They had to travel by whatever primitive means of transport were
available. It often took 4 and usually 8 weeks to reach
their destination. Several died of malaria. Tire employees a
often to swim across swollen rivers or negotiate fever-infestc
swamps. Many of them became chronic invalids Tor the rest o
their shortened lives. It was the same story on the Railway*-
The young Anglo-Indian started in a workshop on 4 annas a day.
After a year or two he rose to 6 annas and gradually worked his way

the sportsmen And the stortswouen op India 257

•up to the position of a Driver, Foreman or an Engineer. There is
perhaps not a railway bridge in any part or the Indian Railways
that has not been traversed by the sweat, toil and often blood of the
Anglo-Indian railwayman. The graveyards in the farthest outposts
of Assam and Burma and in the deserts of Sind and Rajputana are
hallowed by the memory of Anglo-Indian lathers, sons, mothers
and daughters. It was only after the roads, transport facilities,
medical and social amenities had become plentiful that the
other communities began to accept and seek employment in these
departments.

The I.M.D. (. B.C .)

The Indian Medical Department (British Cadre) as it was genera-
lly known was the junior medical service doing duty with British
troops : it came into regular existence in about IB90 and was known
as the I.S.M.D. (The Indian Subordinate Medical Department).
In a sense the precursors of the I.M.D. (B.C.) were the Apothecaries
of the British Army. The Apothecary recruits were selected by
officers commanding British regiments from the sons of British
soldiers : they had the option of receiving their pay either in sterling
or in rupees and to retire in England if they to wished. With the
formation of the I.S.M.D., however, a four-year course of training
was introduced and the pay and status was raised. Only Anglo-
Indians or Domiciled Europeans were eligible for the Department.
In 1920 a five-year course was introduced and only those with
the Senior Cambridge or equivalent qualification were admitted as
Military medical pupib. Between the period 1890 and 1920, many
changes for the better took place. The name was changed to I.M.
D. (B.C.) : the suffix B.C. or British Cadre was made to distinguish
it from the I.M.D. (Indian Cadre) to which members of other com-
munities were recruited but who did not have to serve with the
British Army.

Men of outstanding ability were trained in the different colleges,
but they only received the diplomas of D.M.C. (Calcutta), MJ3.C.
(Bombay) and D.M.C. (Madras). 'While these diplomas en-
titled the holders to recognition as qualified medical men in India,
the y were aot recognised in Britain. Because of this the Govern-
ment raised the training period from four to five years and the M.M.
F. (Membership of Medical Faculty of Bengal) was granted in place

258 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

of the old diploma. Although the members were employed pri-
marily for duty with British regiments, a certain percentage was for
some time employed in the various Provincial Civil Medical Ser-
vices as also in the jails and asylums.

The quality of men who entered this Department was often out-
standing. Many of them held their own with the British officers
of the R.A.M.C. and I.M.S. The Department produced some
of India's most eminent medical men. Among the galaxy of bril-
liant members of the Department were Sir Patrick Hehir, K..C.1.E-,
K.C.B., Sir John Tytler, Col. Mulrovvny, Col. Syke3, Col. O’ Gor-
man and many others: they ultimately entered the I.M.S. by com-
petition; Gidney was a distinguished product of the I.M.D. (B.C.).

Col. A.D. Baptist, M.BX., played a notable part in establishing
the high reputation of the School of Tropical Medicine, Calcutta,
and the All-India Institute of Hygiene and Public Health.

Many of the members of this Department, after retirement, were
in the front rank of the profession in different parts of the Country.
Thus my father, Dr. Richard John Anthony, after having been
wounded in World War I was invalided out at a comparatively early
age with a special military pension. He was then barely forty
years of age. He set up practice in JubbuJpore and within a few
years dominated the profession. His clientele was drawn from
members of all communities-Europeans, Hindus and even ladies from
the Muslim zenana and, of course, the Anglo-Indians. With a reputa-
tion as a brilliant physician, with an uncanny skill in diagnosis, he
was sought after for consultation by leading members of the I-M.S.
and R.A.M.C. As a tribute to his eminence in his profession and
the respect he commanded among all communities, the Jubbulpore
Corporation, after his death in 1950, named one of the principal
roads in the Civil Station after him.

- Charles Bamford died in Bangalore, in 1959, at the age of 62,
when he was at the height of his fame as a surgeon and gynaecologist.
As a member of the I.M.D., he saw active service in France during
World War I, Later, Bamford went to the U.K, where he did his
M.R.C.S. and L.R.C.P. He was appointed lecturer in surgery iu
the Salem Medical School and after that R.M.O. at the Bowring
Hospital, Bangalore. During World War II he was appointed
surgical specialist to many of the British hospitals in the Country. •
Paul Van Ross, who joined the I.M.D. in 1935, was commission-

THE SPORTSMEN AND THE SPORTSWOMEN OF INDIA 259

ed in the I.M.S. in 1943. He retired from the Navy in 1948 and
then set up private practice in Bangalore and is, today, in the front
rank of the profession.

The Department consisted of about 500 members. They served
with the British Army in every theatre of war. In World Wars I & II
many of them received the highest awards for gallantry. Some of
them rose to the highest positions. Thus Major P.F. D’Mellow was
appointed, during World War II, to the Indian Medical Sen-ice.
He rose to be the PrincipalMedicalOlliceroftheRoyallndianNavy
(as it was then known). He was decorated with the M.B.E. for zeal
and devotion to duty and was commended for distinguished service
during the Bombay Docks Explosion in 1944. D’Mellow was
the Anglo-Indian representative in the Mysore State Legislature.
He had developed into a competent politician.

Members of the I.M.D. (British Cadre) started as British Warrant
Officers in the regular land forces of the British Army.' They started
as fourth class Assistant Surgeons. For purposes of discipline they
came directly under the Army Act and not under the Indian Army
Act. Gidney fought tenaciously for improvement of the conditions
of his former Service. He pointed to the discrimination between the
salaries of those who were recruited to the Indian Unattached List
and those in the I.M.D. The members or the I.U.L., as they were
known, required no special qualifications and yet their emoluments
were higher. The Warrant Officers of the I.M.D. were given pre-
cedence over every British Warrant Officer and yet received lower
emoluments. The British Military Hospital nurses who took their
orders from the Military Assistant Surgeon of the I.M.D. were in
receipt of twice the salary and emoluments of the 4th class Military
Assistant Surgeon of the I.M.D. As Gidney pointed out, a British
Staff-Sergeant in the Indian Unattached List, which consisted of
such departments as the Indian Army Service Corps, Indian Army
Ordnance Corps, etcetera, and who were promoted from the ranks
and usually had little education, received in salary and allowances
about Rs. 380 per month, more than the salary of an Assistant En-
gineer in the superior Railway services and almost double the salary
©f the 4th class Military Assistant Surgeon in the I.M.D. After
about eight years of service a British Staff-Sergeant in the I.U.L
became a Major with total emoluments ofRs. 1,100 as compared
with Rs. 700 of a Major in the I.M.D. Ultimately, Gidney’s fighting

260 THE STORE OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

was responsible for the removal of much of this discrimination. The
revised scale given to the I.U.L. was, however, only made available
to the I.M.D. on the 1st October, 1927. From the rank of a British
Warrant Officer, the I.M.D. men rose to the ranks of Lieutenant,
Captain and Major. They could not rise beyond the rank of
Major.

Many of them went overseas and secured the highest British quali-
fications. Before Independence members of the I.M.D. were re-
garded by Gidney as the elite of the Community. That was the
time when for an Anglo-Indian to aspire to the rank of Major
was regarded as a pinnacle of achievement. British official policy
saw to it that Anglo-Indians, as Anglo-Indians, could not move be-
yond Upper-Subordinate status in Government service or beyond the
800 rupee per month mark in British firms.

Even while the war was on, I had to fight the twisted complexes
of British officialdom. On the 24th November, 1944, I addressed
General Hance, the Director-General of Indian Medical Services,
about the very unsatisfactory position of the I.M.D. (British Cadre).
I pointed out that no promotion roster had been maintained. Be-
cause of this a man who was a Lieutenant in the I.M.D. before the
war and had been seconded to the I.A.M.C., retired on the pension
of a Lieutenant although he may have reached the rank of a Major
in the I.A.M.C. I further pointed out that if the promotion roster
had been maintained then according to the procedure in the I.M-D-.
such a person would become a Captain in 1 J years and a Major m
another year, retiring on the pension of a Major in the I.M.D.,
which was Rs. 200 more than the pension of a Lieutenant.

In May, 1945, as a result of questions by me in the Central Legis-
lative Assembly (as it was then known) I extracted a disclosure
which came as a bolt from the blue to the Community. The
War Secretary informed me that the authorities had scrapped the
I.M.D. (B.C.) from 1941 and not merely discontinued recruitment to
it. In my letter to the Commander-in-Chief I pointed out that
the Department had been in existence for almost a hundred years
and that it had a long record of proud and distinguished service
with the British Army. As long as the British Army continued
in India there could be no reason why the I.M.D. (B.C-) should
be destroyed. I also pointed out that by being seconded to the
I.A.M.C. the senior members would lose considerably in pay and

Tim SPORTSMEN AND THE CTORTTOOUZK Or DOHA 261

emoluments. Many of them were retiring on a rank and a pension
much lower than that to which their service normally entitled
them.

Ultimately, in 1946, as a result of discussions with and represen*
tations by rne to the Commander-in-Chicf several members of the
I.M.D. who had retired on the pension of Lieutenant were granted
pensions according to the length of their service as Majors and
Captains. The members of the I.M.D. had rendered particularly
distinguished service in World War II, when during the acute
shortage of trained personnel they formed the back-bone of the
Indian Medical Service. But they never got the terms given to
the usually uneducated British members of the I.U.L. This was,
indeed, the last kick. I saw Sardar Patel. I gave him the history
of the I.M.D. (B.C.) I pointed out that not only educationally
but officially they were superior to the I.U.L. While the mustering*
out terms for the I.U.L. were more than generous, those given to
the I.M.D. were not only niggardly but deliberately discriminatory.

Generously, Sardar Patel said that if the British medical and
military authorities recommended equal mustering-out terms, he
would see that the I.M.D. (B.C.) got those terms. But I regret to
say that I could not get the British authorities to do elementary
justice. It would have cost them nothing. I got little comfort
from the fact that a very senior Irish officer in the Medical Directorate
worked almost day and night to help me get justice for the I.M.D,
personnel. When I failed that Irishman remarked that it was
just another instance of typical British ingratitude and perverted
sense of race and colour discrimination!

Incomparable Nurses

Dr. A Lakshmanaswami Mudaliar, Vice-Chancellor of the Madras
University, presiding over a mass meeting addressed by me on the
language issue in October, 1963, at Madras, said that while India
owed much to the Anglo-Indian Community it could never repay
the debt it owed on account of the “Devoted and glorious service”
rendered by the Anglo-Indian nurses. The record of the Anglo-Indian
nurses is perhaps unequalled. 80% of the Nursing Services were,
for decades, drawn from the Anglo-Indian Community which along
with the Parsis is the smallest recognised minority in the Country.
The Indian Statutory Commission of 1928, commonly known as the

262 THE STORE OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Simon Commission, paying a tribute to the Anglo-Indian nurses
said, “They have given of their best in tending to the sick of all
races and have thus done something towards meeting one of the
foremost and most urgent needs in Indian society.

Free from the caste and other inhibitions of the women of other
communities, the girls and women of the Community were res-
ponsible for maintaining, in hospitals, standards comparable with
those of the most advanced countries. The girls who took to nursing
had a sense of vocation. They built up a tradition of selfless service,
indeed, of dedication to their profession. Many of them came from
the finest of homes where they had every comfort and, indeed,
luxury. They were well-educated and refined. The beauty of
some of the Anglo-Indian nurses was proverbial. Many of them
married the most highly placed Europeans. They took to 'the
nursing profession at a time when the emoluments were not only
niggardly but scandalously inadequate. Even, today, the emolu-
ments are grossly inadequate.

Comparisons tend to be odious, but the objective observer will
agree that with the steadily decreasing number of Anglo-Indian
nurses and, indeed, their disappearance from many of the leading
hospitals the standards in these hospitals have declined. Where,
today, there is still an Anglo-Indian matron or even a small stiffen-
ing of Anglo-Indian nurses the standards are usually better than
in hospitals where there is no element of Anglo-Indian nurses.

The dominant role of the Angto-Indian nurses continues to be
indicated by the fact that since Independence the post of Chief Prin-
cipal Matron of the Indian Military Nursing Service has been held
by an Anglo-Indian. Immediately after Independence the Chief
Principal Matron was Col. (Mrs.) Dorothy Howard. The post has
been redesignated and is now known as Matron-in-Chief with the
rank of Brigadier. The present Matron-in-Chief is Brigadier (Miss)
Dulcie Zscherpel. During the Indo-Pakistan conflict the Matron-
in-Chief was Brigadier (Miss) Joyce Staggs.

The Florence Nightingale Medal is awarded every two years to
nurses who have rendered service of exceptional merit. The awards
are made by a special Commission of the International Red Cross
Committee in Geneva. The names of Anglo-Indian nurses have
appeared over and over again among the recipients of this coveted
nursing award. I refer to only a few of the recipients : Col. (Mrs.)

THE SKJRTSireS AND THE SPORTSWOMEN OP INDIA 263

Dorothy Howard, the first Chief Principal Matron after Independ-
ence; Col. (Miss) Dorothy Davis, who succeeded her as Chief
Principal Matron ; Dorothy Davis was the recipient also of the Cross
of Jerusalem and the Royal Red Cross award; Col. (Miss) Florence
St. Claire Watkins, who is at present Command Principal Matron
(Southern Command) : a recipient of the Florence Nightingale
Medal she was also awarded a certificate for outstanding service in
the Middle East during World War II. There were many Anglo-
Indian nurses among the recipients of the Florence Nightingale
Medal in pre-Independence days. I recall the name of Winifred
Grace McKenzie. The award was conferred on her because she
had displayed outstanding devotion to duty at the Indian Military
Hospital in Ferozeporc in 19-15 during an outbreak of Cerebro-
spinal Meningitis.

- Among recipients of the Royal Red Cross award were Col. (Miss)
Olga Mylan and Col. (Miss) Winifred Gardiner. Col. (Miss)
Loucielle Braganza, at present Command Principal Matron
(Western Command) was awarded a certificate from the Comman-
der-in-Chief of the Middle East Forces for outstanding service dur-
ing World War II,

Dr. Lakshmanaswami Mudaliar was, indeed, right when he said
that India owed an irreparable debt to the incomparable Anglo-
Indian nurses.

CHAPTER XI

POST-INDEPENDENCE

BATTLES

The Menace Of Hindi Imperialism

I HAD hoped that after a long, unremitting fight, over a period of
several years, for the existence of the Community, I could have
sat back and rested somewhat on my oars. But for the leader of a
microscopic minority confronted, inevitably perhaps, by all manner
of pressures this was not to be. As we faced or surmounted one
problem, another took its place. I have always been of the view
that without its language, English, and without its schools, the
Community cannot survive, because essentially we are a Community
based on language and a way of life which give us our distinctive-
ness and distinctive recognition. That is why one of the constant
preoccupations of our Association has been not only the preserva-
don of Anglo-Indian education but to strengthen it at every stage.
The Association has kept vigil on developments not only at the
Centre but in every State.

Mysore Recommendation

The attitude of some State Governments against the Anglo-
Indtan Schools and instruction through the medium of English was
exemplified by the recommendation in February, 1953, of the Edu-
cational Reforms Committee appointed by the Mysore Government.
That Committee recommended that the Anglo-Indian Schools
so e allowed only a reasonable period of transition for a change-

over rom English to the regional language as the medium. I prompt-
ly wrote the following letter to the then Chief Minister of Mysore,
No. Ed/53 7th March, 1953.

My dear Hanumanthiah,

_ ! h,oV,VCen l rep°rt in the Deccan Herald dated the 27th Febru-
Reform p'Vlt .rC^arC* t0 rcc°nunendations of the Educational

POST-tN-DETESDESCE BATTLES

2G5

I have received an urgent message from my Community in
Bangalore. It is seriously perturbed by the recommendation that
tbe Anglo-Indian Schools should be allowed a reasonable period of
transition for a change-over from English to the regional language.
1 do not know whether the Committee was aware of the guarantees
contained in Article 30 of the Constitution. Under this guarantee
every minority, whether based on language or religion, has been
given the fundamental right to establish and administer educational
institutions of its choice. When the provision was on the Consti-
tutional anvil, I moved an amendment after the word choice, name-
ly, through the medium of its mother-tongue. No less a person than
Jawaharlal Nehru said that this was redundant as ‘choice’ meant
choice and a minority based on language, such as the Anglo-Indians,
would naturally choose to teach through the medium of its mother-
tongue, which is English.

This position has been accepted by other States. At the same
time, as Chairman of the Inter-State Board for Anglo-Indian Educa-
tion, I am aware of the need for adapting the curriculum in these
schools to changing social, economic and cultural conditions. Be-
cause of that Anglo-Indian Schools are, perhaps, in the vanguard
in this respect among the schools maintained by minority commu-
nities. The standards of teaching of the regional language and
Hindi are being progressively upgraded. But as I hate already said,
the Anglo-Indian Community, which is one of the recognised Indian
minorities and whose mother-tongue is English, has, under Article
30, the permanent and inalienable right to administer educational
institutions of its choice carrying the clear implication of teaching
through the mother-tongue of the Community, namely, English.

I believe that the local MLA, Mr. Thomas, and Mr. Corbett,
the President of the Bangalore Branch of the Association, with a
deputation, will be waiting on you and the Minister for Education
to clarify this position.

With my kind regards.

Yours sincerely,

Sd/- Frank Anthony.”

Shri K. Hanumanthiah,

Chief Minister,

Mysore Government,

Mysore-2

266 THE STORY OP TICE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

As a result of my intervention withHanumanthiah, who hasploved
to be a good and continuing friend of the Community, this pro-
posal was put into cold storage by the Mysore Government. Ulti-
mately, we had to face this issue in Bombay.

Opposition To Linguistic States

At everystage, I opposed strongly, and usually alone, in Parliament
the proposal to reorganise the States on a linguistic basis. In August
1952, speaking in the Lok Sabha, I registered a strong and unquali-
fied protest against the motion for the formation or linguistic States.

I quote some of the more important extracts from my speech.

“Belonging to a linguistic group or sub-group, I can understand
the motive of genuine fear which inspires many of these claims for
linguistic provinces. There is fear and there is good basis for fear
in the minds of linguistic groups. I say this with all respect to my
friends who are seeking to propagate Hindi overnight. Hindi has
been accepted as the official language. I say that it can be the
official language of this Country. But what is happening, Sir?
We see that the intolerance and aggressiveness on the part of Hindi
fanatics are creating a corresponding resistance characterized by
this increasing demand for linguistic provinces. The more the
Hindi fanatics will parade this demand for Hindi being imposed
overnight, equally will this cry for linguistic separatism be accentu-
ated. The other motive, as I see it, is the motive of ill-concealed
communalism. I know that in making this plea for linguistic pro-
vinces, people will not only deny, but indignantly deny, that their
motives are even remotely communal. I say this with all respect,
that many of those who are pleading the case for linguistic provinces,
that spiritually they are akin to the former Muslim Leaguers, and
that the motives which underlie their claims for linguistic provinces
are indistinguishable from the motives of the Muslim Leaguers.
Stripped of verbiage, what are these motives? The motives of many
of those who are claiming linguistic provinces arc to create enclaves,
cultural enclaves, administrative enclaves, and political enclaves,
which the predominant group will make a happy hunting-ground
for the privileges of that particular group. In effect, while the
Pakistan demand was based on a two-nation theory, I submit that

POST-INDEPENDENCE BATTLES 267

the demand for linguistic provinces is based equally on a multi-
nation theory'."

"Indian history has shosvn us that through the centuries parochial,
regional or State loyalties have more often than not outweighted or
overborne national loyalties. I say this with ail seriousness that vse
are still trying to, in the formative stage — try ing to be one nation.
We are not a nation as yet — and we have yet to build, firmly,
the various constituents of nationhood. If, in this incipient
Stage, we accept even in principle linguistic provinces, then
I say tve will revive and inOame regional loyalties to such an
extent that they’ will destroy and consume our nascent national
loyalties.”

“As I was saying, Sir, the first great surrender, the first great re-
treat that the Congress beat was when they accepted, against the
advice of Mahatma Gandhi, that the official language of this
country should be Hindi instead of Hindustani. I say that. . . .
(Time bell rings) that was the first great retreat they beat. Today,
the Congress party is faced with another language challenge. The
Congress has not yet stopped beating a retreat on the language front.
Jfon this particular issue, Sir, the Congress makes another surrender,
then I say it will be releasing into the political arena opposing lingui-
stic armies which will make Pakistan and the Muslim League
theories pale into insignificance. I say that you will not have parti-
tion of the Country into two parts, but you will have partition, but-
chering of the Country, into multiple parts, as great in number as
you will have linguistic provinces. I see my friend (referring to Dr.
Katju the Home Minister) shaking his head. I hope the shaking of
his head does not represent the considered opinion of his party. I
say that the only approach to this problem is the approach irom a
rational linguistic point of view. Jawaharlal Nehru has done well
in tackling communal political bodies. That is an issue with
which he has joined battle, but he has failed today to join battle with
the new communalism, the communal ism represented by this new
phrase — coined by K.M. Munshi — Jinguism. I say it is a new com-
munal Lsn which is hydra-headed. It lias a greater potential for
danger than the old communalism with which Jawaharlal Nehru
has battled in this Country. And the only way in which the Con-
gress party can deal -with it is by applying itself— it is long overdue —
to the problem of language.”

268 THE STORT OP THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMVXTIT

Bitter Opposition To Formation Of Andhra Pradesh

In August, 1953, practically alone I opposed bitterly the bill for
the formation of the Andhra State. Commenting on the debate,
the special representative of The Statesman, New Delhi, dated the
28th August, 1953, wrote, “In a debate which will certainly echo
for a goad many years in India, Mr. Anthony’s speech was a cour-
ageous one, as Mr. P.D. Tandon remarked. In the context of eco-
nomic distress in the country he described the present concern with
linguistic States as an ‘utter perversion of priorities’. The argu-
ment that it represented the fulfilment of a Congress promise he
dismissed with the reply that many other promises remained un-
fulfilled— such as that to separate the judiciary and the executive.
The concession of a linguistic State to Andhra, he said, was a ‘host-
age to disintegration.*'

I reproduce my speech : it recaptures not only my unhappy con-
viction that we were giving irrevocable hostages to disintegration
but also my ominous predictions which as time has shown were
tragically prophetic.

“Shri Frank Anthony : (Nominated Anglo-Indian)

“Mr. Deputy Speaker, I perhaps am going to tnjoy the unique-
ly unenviable position of being the only person to oppose this bill
outright. I know that my attempt is going to be a lone and a for-
lorn one. But I am not without the hope that people like me may
ultimately attract the saner elements in the Country into resistance —
people without any political axe to grind, without any motive of
personal self-aggrandisement — may attract them into an aware-
ness of the unlimited dangers of the policy to which the Home
Minister has committed this Country. May I say this. Sir, that I
was convinced more than ever, after hearing the Home Minister,
that the Government had conceded the Andhra State in a mood of
weakness or vacillation or even in a mood of political opportunism.
(Some Hon. Members. No. No.) I listened to the Home Minister,
for as long as I could; I heard him for 25 minutes. During all
that time what the Home Minuter did was to regale the House
with details as to why the Andhra State should not have been
brought into existence at this particular juncture.

What The Urgtmy Of This Measure

“I would like to ask the Home Minister this. What was the parti-

roST-tN DUESDDJCC BATTLES 260

cular urgency for this measure in the context of the economy of the
Country? Would the Andhras have been exterminated? Would
our economy have disintegrated and fallen to pieces if this malform-
ed, deformed and truncated State had not come into existence on
the 1st of October? (Interruptions) I am sorry, I have not got the
time; if I had, I would reply to every Hon. Member categorically.
Those of us who are outside the arena — I am outside the arena so
to speak and it is an axiom that the onlookers see most of the game —
many of us— feel strongly that Government has been stampeded into
this, beaten a retreat in the face of political blackmail, by fasts,
riots and violence.”

“Another line of argument, and perhaps categorically emphasised,
was that this promise was made by the ruling party about 30 years
ago. We were given the impression that here is a ruling party
which is not only sensitive, but tremulously sensitive to all its
promises, and it is honour bound to implement them. I say, with
all respect, this line of argument struck me as being so much political
cant and hypocrisy. What about other promises, equally vital
promises by the ruling party, promises which affect not a small area
like the Andhra State but the whole Country? What about the
separation of the Executive from the Judiciary? Your motive here,
I am sorry to say, is a political motive; it does not suit you to separate
your power-drunk executive from the judiciary; something which
will give real meaning and significance to Independence. You for-
get about that much more vital and much more sacred promise,
but from political motives you constitute this malformed State. Our
only problem is the economic rehabilitation of the Country and that
alone should have absorbed all our energies.”

“What does Indian history show over and over again? History
has a way of repeating itself. What are the forces and bonds which
have united India? The three bonds which still keep Indians more
or less as a single nation are the unified administration introduced
by the British, secondly the person and personality of Jawaharlat
Nehru, and, thirdly a common medium of expression between the
leaders of the Country. The first two are extremely transient. Al-
ready the mortar of unity of the administrative machinery is crumbl-
ing under the impact of regionalism. A vote-catching competition
is going on among all the political parties for the services to be rc-
gionalised. Unfortunately Jawaharlal Nehru— I am sorry to say

270 THE STORY OF THE ANGTjO-INDIAN COltirUNITY

he is not here — has been unable to resist that.

Then there arc the language fanatics, who without the wisdom
and statesmanship and capacity first to substitute in the place of the
common medium of expression some single national language, are
wiping out English.

Seth Govind Das : Remember the Constitution.

Hostage To Disintegration

Shri Frank Anthony and I regret that you are giving this

hostage to disintegration. What has my hon. friend the Home
Minister said? In his pontifical way he asked Mr. Gopalan to accept
this as a solemn act. Mr. Gopalan has used it to initiate a still
greater process of disintegration. My Hon. friend the leader of the
Communist Party has threatened you in so many words that this is
only the beginning or your trouble. You have gratuitously perpetra-
ted a man-made problem for this Country. Who is it going to
satisfy? Those people who are engaged in an unseemly contro-
versy for the spoils of office. It is going to satisfy the unemployed
element in your legislatures. They see in their own legislature an
opportunity for more lucrative and more permanent employment.
It is going to satisfy the unabashedly communal elements in Andhra,
who think in terms of the loaves and fishes of office. (An Hon.
Member: "No, No.”). My Hon. friend says "No." What is sauce
for the goose must be sauce for the gander. Why, when Mr. Hukum
Singh asked for a Punjabi-speaking State, did somebody raise his
hands in horror. Why, when the Sikhs make that demand do you raise
your hands and say : “This is a communal demand." Why — I am
not pleading anyone's case, I am only arguing by analogy — why
when 16 million Muslims in Uttar Pradesh do not ask for a separate
State but only ask for a small measure of cultural autonomy to teach
their mother-tongue, once again you call it a communal demand.”
“But when your co-religionists ask for a separate State you endow
it with noble and lofty motives. When your co-religionists demand
it, it assumes the refinements of a natural, irrepressible and cultural
urge. That is what is happening.”

“If you really want to serve the linguistic minorities set your face
against linguism. The greatest guarantee for a linguistic minority
is not a linguistic State but a muld-lingual State. Whenever you
place one language in a position of unchallenged supremacy, then

■ > POjr-tNDEPEKDESCE BATTLES 271

the people whose mother-tongue happens to be that language will
oppress and destroy the real linguistic minorities. It is happening
in Uttar Pradesh. It will happen in Andhra and it will happen in
every linguistic State. This means not cultural autonomy for the
linguistic minorities — it means cultural death.”

“One of our poet friends with typical poetic hyperbole referred not
in lyrical but hysterical language to svhat he described as a festival
of culture being ushered in by linguistic States. Fortunately,
neither poets nor madmen arc the best judges of hard-bitten politi-
cal or administrative problems.”

“What was going to happen to the Andhras if they did not have
a linguistic State? * Were they going to be physically exterminated?
This is so much political cant and hypocrisy. Telcgu is one of the
major regional languages. The Telegus have already achieved
cultural autonomy. They have their schools and colleges. This
is not a cultural but a political cry.”

i “Today the Country is bleeding to death. Millions and millions
of people are starving or are near starvation. Every penny we
have we should have spent on food, clothing and housing. Today
you are indulging in cheap political tomfoolery. What is going to
happen? You are going to spend crores of rupees on Andhra.
You will not only drive national unity into the background but into
ultimate oblivion. (Seth Govind Das: “No. No.”). My Hon.
friend says “No. No," but let him face facts. When Andhra comes
in, my Hon. friend will not be able to go to Madras. The Dravida
Kazhagam will drive him out. When you are canalising your emo-
tional feelings into narrow regional tendencies you will drive out all
thoughts of one nation and one language. That is what is going to
happen. I pray to God that I may prove to be a false prophet.”
'• “Mr. Justice Wanchoo has calculated the Andhra State as a deficit
State. He has calculated the deficit as Rs. 5 crores. Today, the
political bandwagon represents a rake’s progress. When all of your
politicians get into the saddle, you will see more and more expendi-
ture,which the British never even dreamt of— all the pomp of imperial
tiroes and the paraphernalia of so-called democracy, the importing
of hordes of Ministers, Deputy Ministers, Parliamentary Secretaries,
hordes of gilt-braided chaprassis. Let your political “nouveau riche”
get going. Let them have all their political sops and your defi cit in
Andhra will not be 5 but 15 crores. There is this utter perversion

272 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

of priorities in this Country. The Finance Minister 'is here: one
of the wickedest acts he perpetrated was to take away the food
subsidies : he made the food of the people dearer just to save 15
crores : yet without batting an eyelid we are prepared to waste as
many crores in starting an unnecessary, deformed State. You are
performing not an act of folly but an act of treason. Fifty years
from now the Home Minister will be indicted by posterity and be
damned. His effigy will be either hanged or burnt. He won’t be
there; he has a facile manner of dismissing a problem by a wave of
the hand; but by oversimplifying it, he won’t be there to exculpate
himself even partially.'’

“1 blame all the parties, the Praja Socialist, the Communist and
others : they are all playing the same game. They know it is a pro-
blem of language — a highly emotional problem. It is like the
Muslim problem of ‘Islam in danger’. It is an irrational pro-
blem. TTiey know that an emotional, irrational problem can be
exploited by political adventurers as a vote-catching device. I am
sorry the Leader of the House is not here. I have got a very great re-
gard for him. I did expect that he at least would have said : “Let
us stop this disintegration and disruption of the Country", but in a
moment of weakness he has agreed to this.”

“Privately, at any rate, all parties will admit that they should not
release these centrifugal forces. But publicly they all engage in vote-
eatching. That is what is happening. You do not have the
strength, you do not have the statesmanship, the courage to say:
“Let the Communists vote-catch as much as they like. Let the Praja
Socialists compete with them. We will, at this stage at any rate,
stop any tendency to encourage centrifugal forces. We will concentr-
ate on one thing, and one thing only, and that is to give our starving
people some food, our naked people some clothes, our homeless
people some shelter.” (Speech Ends)

An interesting sidelight during my speech was that Dr Katju, the
then Home Minister, walked out of the House in protest when
1 said he would be indicted and damned by posterity, his effigy
hanged or burnt for what he was doing.

I received many letters of congratulation. They showed that
there was a strong element in the Country that had not lost vision,
indeed sanity, on basic issues. Unfortunately, the correspondence
also showed that the thinking elements in the Country have more

rOST-TMD'CHNDENCE BATTXTS

273

and more receded into a position of political impotence. Political
power has filtered down increasingly into the hands of the demago*
guts, the opportunists, the little essentially uneducated men, with
their petty, parochial horizons.

Writing to me from the U.P., a well-known personality said,
“Hearty congratulations on your brilliant speech in Parliament in
the course of the debate on the formation of Andhra State. Even
the ranks of Tuscany could scarce forbear to cheer! You were the
one member who was not afraid to face facts."

Fight For Minority Safeguards

Finding that I was practically in a minority of one in Parliament
in my resistance to the suicidal political propulsions to disintegra-
tion, I addressed myself to salvaging some kind of meaningful safe-
guards for the linguistic minorities from the welter of confused think-
ing, the rank opportunism, the mealy-mouthed hypocrisies of even
the top leaders. In fact, I fought a long, grim battle from the
2nd of July, 195G, in the Joint Select Committee on the States Re-
organisation Bill and the Constitution (Ninth Amendment) Bill till
September when the debate in the Lok Sabha concluded.

In the Joint Select Committee I had the majority of the Committee
behind me in my several proposals but at that stage, Govind Ballabh
Pant, the Home Minister, was not prepared to concede any worth-
while guarantees to the linguistic minorities.

I reproduce my minute of dissent as it has a permanent validity
for the linguistic minorities in the Country.

Minute Of Dissent To States Reorganisation BUI

“I append this minute of dissent to the reports of both the States
Reorganisation Bill and the Constitution (Ninth Amendment) Bill
in a mood not only of disappointment but of sadness. I wish to
draw pointed attention to the fact that the States Reorganization
Bill and the Constitution (Ninth Amendment) Bill art both disfigured
by the complete absence of a single guarantee or safeguard for the
linguistic minorities. I use the words ‘guarantee’ or ‘safeguard’
advisedly. A guarantee or safeguard carries the implication of the
recognition of a right which is enforceable. In both the bills there

274 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

is not a single sanction or a single enforceable provision given to the
linguistic minorities.”

Gap Between Promise And Performance

‘‘The Prime Minister, the Home Minister, the Congress Working
Committee, the A.I.C.C. have repeatedly proclaimed, in recent
months, the need for ample and generous guarantees to the linguistic
minorities.”

“The absence of a single guarantee or safeguard on behalf of the
linguistic minorities marks a sad gap between promise and perform-
ance and is a challenge to the conscience of the Government. This
lacuna underlines, I submit with respect, the inability of those in
power or of those belonging to majority groups to understand the
real fears, born of bitter experience, of linguistic minorities. Promises
and paper assurances which have no legal or executive sanction are
poor comfort to those who, in their day-to-day lives, come up against
the stark and cruel realities of discrimination and oppression."

Analysis Of The Two Provisions

“It might be said by Government, in reply.that two provisions haw
been included for the protection of lingustic minorities — the provision
for Zonal Councils contained in Clause 23 of the S.R. Bill and the
provision for Minority education in Clause 21 of the Constitution
{Ninth Amendment) Bill. I do not wish to decry these provisions.
But in the final analysis neither of these provisions is a guarantee ora
safeguard. Even a cursory examination of these provisions shows this.”

“The linguistic minorities are one of the subjects which fall with-
in the purview or Zonal Councils. I am glad that the phraseology
was changed, at my instance, in the Joint Commitee so that any
matter affecting the linguistic minorities will be within the purview
of a Zonal Council. Under the original language only those
matters, concerning linguistic minorities which arose out of the re-
organisation of the States were within the competence of Zonal
Councils. Even with this change, however, what is the effect of
this provision? A Zona! Council shall be an advisory body. There
arc absolutely no legal or executive teeth in this provision. Even if
a linguistic minority right is raised in a Zonal Council the State con-
cerned can refuse to attend the meeting. If it condescends to at-
tend it can treat with undisguised contempt even the unanimous

POST-INDEPENDENCE BATTLES

275

finding of the other member States of the Council. Zonal
l Councils will be helpless to bring an errant State to order or to
prevent the open oppression of a linguistic minority. The provision
that Zonal Councils can consider linguistic minority questions is
thus not a guarantee or safeguard. This provision suffers from the
further defect that only those minorities with political influence will
be able to have matters raised in Zonal Councils. Thus the Bengali
minority in Biliar will be able to agitate its rights, only because the
Bengalis are in a majority in Bengal. The same will apply to the
Bihari minority in Bengal. But a minority without political in-
fluence in any State will have to suffer in silence.”

"Clause 21 of the Constitution (Ninth Amendment) Bill provides
the insertion of a ness- Article 3 50 A to read as follows :

“350A. It shall be the endeavour of every State and of every local
authority within the State to provide adequate facilities
for instruction in the mother-tongue at the primary stage
of education to children belonging to linguistic minority
groups; the President may issue such directions to any
State as he considers necessary or proper for securing the
provision of such facilities.”

This provision is also of an advisory character. All it says is that
it shall be the endeavour of a State to do a certain thing. We are
aware that Article 45 of the Directive Principles of the Constitution
has provided, using identical language, that it shall be the endeav-
our of the State to provide, within a period of 10 years from the
commencement of the Constitution, free and compulsory educa-
tion. The ten years are nearing completion, yet not a single State
has been able to implement this direction of the Constitution. Of
course, this has been due to lack of financial resources. Similarly,
with regard to this new provision, the States are bound to plead that
they just cannot provide primary education in the mother-tongue
to linguistic minorities because they have not got the means.”

"In this provision there is no obligation on the part of a State to
provide primary education. The linguistic minorities might have to
wait several decades, at least, before this •endeavour* becomes a reality.

“Thus the only two provisions, one in the States Reorganisation
Bill and the other in the Constitution Amendment Bill are purely
advisory and not in the nature of a guarantee or safeguard.”

276

THE STORT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMHUNITT

S.R.C. Recommendations

“Yet the States Reorganisation Commission considered the pro-
blem of the linguistic minorities important and serious enough to
devote a whole chapter to it — chapter I of Part IV of the Report en-
titled ‘Safeguards for Linguistic Minorities’ (pages 205-216). The
Commission has, in this chapter, recorded the fact that it received
numerous complaints that linguistic minorities suffered from cul-
tural oppression and economic exploitation. The Commission gave
the examples of arbitrary domiciliary qualifications and language
tests for recruitment to the services adopted by certain States with
the intention of striking at certain minorities.”

“The Commission drew attention to the fact that it was strongly
urged before it that even the safeguards for minorities, embodied
in the Constitution, have proved inadequate and ineffective against
the cultural oppression or linguistic minorities and their economic
exploitation.”

“After giving thought to the matter the Commission categorically
recommended that the Central Government must be responsible
for linguistic minorities. I quote relevant extracts from the Com-
mission’s Report. At page 215 the Commission observes:

“There is no reason, however, why the Governor should
not function as an Agent of the Central Government in
regard to a matter which is of NATIONAL CONCERN.
There is nothing anti-democratic about such an arrange-
ment, because the Central Government will be responsi-
ble to the Union Parliament for functions performed by
the Governor as its agent. It will amount only to super-
vision by the larger democracy over the smaller demo-
cracies in respect of matters of NATIONAL CON-
CERN.” At page 216, the Commission says, definitely,
“The derision of the Central Government should be issued
as a directive from the President.”

“It is thus abundantly clear that the Commission categorically
recommended that the Centre must be responsible lor the linguistic
minorities, that the Centre should be responsible to Parliament in
this matter and that, in the final analysis, directives should be
issued through the President which directives shall be binding on
the States.”

' nxriKDacsocMZ a trixes

277

“In the Select Committee there was a strong feeling that the
Governor would NOT be the appropriate agency through which the
Central Government should act. In my opinion the Governor, as
a Constitutional head, should not be embarrassed by bringing him
into lively conflict with his State Government. It may also be em-
phasised that by malting him the agency in the State to protect
minority interests, he would be constantly approached by minori-
ties with grievances against the State, which would further em-
barrass his position. Further Governors, who have become ac-
customed to acting as constitutional heads, would refrain from taking
appropriate action even in a case of palpable injustice, because they
would be loath to provoke a conflict with the State Ministry. I
know that the Instruments of Instruction issued under the 1935 Act,
for the protection of minorities, to Governors, who were in the habit
of exercising independent and even arbitrary powers, were usually
ignored. The reluctance or Governors, even in the days when they
were disposed to set one community against another, to act, made
the minorities stigmatise these grandiose but still-born Instruments
of Instruction as Instruments of Destruction.*’

“The most serious objection to a Governor acting as the agent of
the Centre, under the machinery contemplated by the S.R. Com-
mission, is that when a Governor refuses to move, the Centre will
not be seized of the matter and will not therefore be able to issue the
necessary directives.”

Statutory Minorities Board

“There was strong support in the Joint Committee for my proposal
for a Statutory Minorities Board, appointed by the President. The
Board might place its report, at such intervals as the President may
direct, before Parliament and after the report is debated by Parlia-
ment the necessary directives would issue. The arguments of the
States Reorganisation Commission that a Statutory Board would
encourage minorities to look beyond their borders is, I submit with
respect, a political cliche which is a hangover from the thinking
in the context of the old religious minorities’ problem. It is an argu-
ment which has no validity as the Commission itself has accepted
the principle of a Central Agency. It is impossible to reconcile
the principle with the argument that a Statutory Minorities Board
will encourage minorities to look beyond their States. If this is a

276 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

S.R.C. Recommendations

“Yet the States Reorganisation Commission considered the pro-
blem of the linguistic minorities important and serious enough to
devote a whole chapter to it — chapter I of Part IV of the Report en-
titled ‘Safeguards for Linguistic Minorities’ (pages 205-216). The
Commission has, in this chapter, recorded the fact that it received
numerous complaints that linguistic minorities suffered from cul-
tural oppression and economic exploitation. The Commission gave
the examples of arbitrary domiciliary qualifications and language
tests for recruitment to the services adopted by certain States with
the intention of striking at certain minorities."

“The Commission drew attention to the fact that it was strongly
urged before it that even the safeguards for minorities, embodied
In the Constitution, have proved inadequate and ineffective against
the cultural oppression of linguistic minorities and their economic
exploitation."

“After giving thought to the matter the Commission categorically
recommended that the Central Government must be responsible
for linguistic minorities. 1 quote relevant extracts from the Com-
mission’s Report. At page 215 the Commission observes:

“There is no reason, however, why the. Governor should
not function as an Agent of the Central Government in
regard to a matter which is of NATIONAL CONCERN.
There is nothing anti-democratic about such an arrange-
ment, because the Central Government will be responsi-
ble to the Union Parliament for functions performed by
the Governor as its agent. It will amount only to super-
vision by the larger democracy over the smaller demo-
cracies in respect of matters of NATIONAL CON-
CERN.” At page 216, the Commission says, definitely,
The decision of the Central Government should be issued
as a directive from the President.”

It is thus abundantly clear that the Commission categorically
recommended that the Centre must be responsible for the linguistic
minorities, that the Centre should be responsible to Parliament in
this matter and that, in the final analysis, directives should be
issued through the President which directives shall be binding on
the States.”

VOSTMX&EFESDEKtX BATTLES

277

“In the Select Committee there was a strong feeling that the
Governor would NOT be the appropriate agency through which the
Central Government should act. In my opinion the Governor, as
a Constitutional head, should not be embarrassed by bringing him
into likely conflict with his State Government. It may also be em-
phasised that by making him the agency in the State to protect
minority interests, he would be constantly approached by minori-
ties with grievances against the State, which would further em-
barrass his position. Further Governors, who have become ac-
customed to acting as constitutional heads, would refrain from taking
appropriate action even in a case of palpable injustice, because they
would be loath to provoke a conflict with the State Ministry. I
know that the Instruments of Instruction issued under the 1935 Act,
for the protection of minorities, to Governors, who were in the habit
of exercising independent and even arbitrary powers, were usually
ignored. The reluctance of Governors, even in the days when they
were disposed to set one community against another, to act, made
the minorities stigmatise these grandiose but still-bom Instruments
of Instruction as Instruments of Destruction."

“The most serious objection to a Governor acting as the agent of
the Centre, under the machinery contemplated by the S.R. Com-
mission, is that when a Governor refuses to move, the Centre will
not be seized of the matter and will not therefore be able to issue the
necessary directives."

Statutory Minorities Board

“There was strong support in the Joint Committee for my proposal
for a Statutory Minorities Board, appointed by the President. The
Board might place its report, at such intervals as the President may
direct, before Parliament and after the report is debated by Parlia-
ment the necessary directives would issue. The arguments of the
States Reorganisation Commission that a Statutory Board would
encourage minorities to look beyond their borders is, I submit with
respect, a political cliche which is a hangover from the thinking
in the context of the old religious minorities* problem. It is an argu-
ment which has no validity as the Commission itself has accepted
the principle of a Central Agency- It is impossible to reconcile
the principle with the argument that a Statutory Minorities Board
will encourage minorities to look beyond their States. If this is a

278 THE STORT OF THE ANGEO-CHDXAH COMUTOITT

valid argument, then the Government should not have remitted
the question of linguistic minorities to Zonal Councils. The pro-
vision in respect of Zonal Councils is almost certain to encourage
linguistic minorities to look bc>ond their borders, in a reactionary
and anti-national way. Thus a section of persons, who are a
minority in one State, such as the Bengalis in Bihar may, under the
Zonal Council scheme, be encouraged to look to the majority in the
adjoining State. In fact, the majority in one State may encourage
the minority in the adjoining State to make all manner of exaggerat-
ed claims and complaints. Thus I can envisage a |>eri od of irre-
dentism as between certain States in a Zonal Council. A Central
Agency will be the most salutary check to this kind of process and
to minorities being encouraged by majorities, across the border, in-
to making extravagant and impossible demands.”

“It has also to be remembered that the Commission made its
recommendations for minority safeguards when it had no concep-
tion of the violent and even vicious turn linguistic passions would
assume in certain areas.”

“I submit, with respect, that the Government cannot run away
from the disagreeable facts of reorganization.”

“In my consistent opposition to linguistic reorganisation of the
States, I had underlined the certainty of the consequences which
have overtaken the Country. Thus Government cannot disclaim
responsibility For the tribal passions and linguistic hatreds which
have been aroused. Not only have so many more linguistic minori-
ties been gratuitously created, but, for a considerable period of
time, in certain areas, they will be reduced to a position of politi-
cal, cultural and economic helotiy. And the Centre alone has the
capacity, as it has the duty, to attempt to qualify these conditions
of helotry by assuming direct responsibility for the linguistic minori-
ties. The Commission has recognised the principle that the
linguistic minorities are of national concern. If the minorities are
of national concern, they must be the concern of the Centre. And
the Centre can only discharge that concern, if it has powers to inter-
vene where necessary.”

“There is no question of encouraging the minorities to look to the
Centre. They have the right to look to the Centre as the ultimate
custodian of their interests. In my opinion the Centre would only
ha ve discharged its duty by accepting, in the present context, a pro-

279

POrr-INDtPENDESCE BA-rnXS

vision Tor a Ministry for Ungsjistic min^'C^ ^

done. The lesser ^provision of a Statutory M, nont.es
also been rejected."

Commissioner For Linguistic Minorities . , „ for

"I regret to say that even ^Tj'/^fpitsid'ent, tvas rejected by
linguistic minorities, appointed y constitutional

Government. 1 had die're'ltuld a Commissioner for

provision according to which pmidcnt, who would place

linguistic minorities, appointed > . the president may

his report before Parliament at such intern* *s the d

direct: after .hi, report it debated ,n '’“'“““n hcof *c tSintnee.

issuesueh directives asi.deemedneceBary^P f„ ^

of Government to provide amp g Commission

minorities, in spite of the recommendation . of Nd*S C
for the setting up of. Central Agency tor
minorities, even this diluted proposal of mme
Commissioner was found unaccepta e. President powers

■•Finally, a. lea,, a simple prov.t.0.. & UnS minorities
to issue direcUves to the Sta‘” 1 ?" ^^rnmisskThad specif.cally
should have been accepted as the S.K- powers to issue

recommended that the President mus This last proposal

direcUves on behalf of the lingursUc nunonties. P^

of mine was, however, also rejccte . ^ ^ s R Commission,

powers to issue directives as recommcn y t . The

then there must be a specific Pronin dca,

whole scheme of our Constitution . . the president

There is no provision in our Constitu ion 9 ^ tj,cre \s in

,o take care that the laws are ^ power to issue

the American Constitution. Article 257 of thc

directives to the State, to ensure underlines the

■Union' is not impeded, Article 339 P> ’ Mf of ,h<,

principle that the President can cue : directives “

Scheduled Caste, and Tribes, since the po™»

mte Sr.o“r^ives have been specify

All that the report, a. it has emerged from the Joint Co^ee,
now envisages is that the good offices of the Go

280 THE STORY OP THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

used on behalf of the linguistic minorities. This is completely dif-
ferent from and, in fact, opposed to the recommendation of theS.R.
Commission. The Commission had recommended a specific safeguard
and the taking of specific powers by the Centre to issue directives
to the States. This can only be done by setting up the machinery
and giving the powers through a specific provision in the Constitu-
tion. There is also a suggestion in the report that the question of
appointing a Minorities Commissioner will be examined. Even if
a Commissioner is appointed, he will be utterly useless to the
minorities, as he will have no statutory position and the Centre will
not be empowered to issue directives to the States on his recom-
mendations."

“I submit, with respect, that I cannot resist the conclusion that
the assurances of the Government to the linguistic minorities, the
recommendations of the S.R. Commission, the strong feeling in the
Joint Committee have all been ignored because of some theory of
State Autonomy. The crux of Government’s opposition to any
real safeguard appears to consist in the thesis that such a safeguard,
with powers to the President to issue directives, will be an encroach-
ment on State Autonomy. I submit, with the greatest of respect, that
this approach is completely fallacious and indefensible. It is ab-
solutely correct that the minorities must learn to look to and live
among the majority in that particular State. But when we re-
cognise that the minorities have all manner of difficulties, that these -
difficulties will be accentuated a hundredfold because of the lingui-
stic passions that have been aroused, we must provide adequate
machinery at the Centre for their ultimate protection."

“In the final analysis, the S.R. Commission itself has recognised
that the minorities are of national concern. They are not exclusive-
ly the concern of the States. The Centre has an inescapable duty
to look after the minorities. The minorities have an inalienable
right to look to the Centre."

“Parliament, also, has an inescapable duty to look after the
minorities. And Parliament is the best qualified democratic
machinery to ensure justice to the minorities. The provincial and
regional prejudices which often bedevil State Legislatures are
usually absent from Parliament. Because Parliament is a cross-
section of the whole country it is in the best position to take an
objective view of minority problems.’*

201

- , rO5t-IN'0crtNDl:SCK BATTlX5

• « surely Parliament -*

trusted to neicue their pottcrt . state uhenthe

Government trill obviouslyonly ° *wmori,f."

Sate b clearly in error and refute, to dojmt.ee to

ApiaHen “'Lttitu.i™ giving a 1^-

“The inclut.on of a provision im,ion3i adminis-

slic minority the right to affiliate uca language of that

tered by it, to a recognised eaamutauon, tn .he ^

minority in any part °r *' 'l ,,.e f„ndamental right, pro-

tuch a provision i, a natural corollary to tne minorities the right
sided in Article 30 (1) of thcComt.lutto.Etv.ng rntnon^ ^ ^
to establish and adm.ntster 'du“u°“t minority languages

I have to point out, with teg ; , io„ a„d discrimination,

are particularly esposed to delibera PI» ^ ^ the |;„ger-

Thus because of the continuing pen IIamposed against

ing resentment against die Eng »h of ^ Anglo.,„dian

English, Sihieh happen, » »« •*“ "L in mme Stales to
Community. Thus there hase r^mmunity, because they

destroy the schools of the Ang ^ n Jn Qlhcr States in-

arc the main purveyor* of the E g are cufTent »

sidious policies to undermine or sd^ ^ ^ who are honest will
“In the same way we know, an Pakistan’s policies has,

• admit, that the justifiable resentment ga Urdu, which

in certain States, transposed itself i against ^
should be nurtured as part of th' " ^ objcct of language

of the Country, has in some States been an j
vendetta.” . , ration even at

“Although Suites tuny not be ab ' ' P1™,amtd thb further pro-

thc primary stage to linguistic mm ■ d manorial institu-

vision, at least to prevent States hum „

tions ivhich a linguistic minority may ^ Utat

“I am grateful for the small merey that
thir pro v£n, which rhejoiu. Conirn.Ueeeon.ider^derrra ,

after examination by .he Central ^ Home

the Home Ministry circular to be _®ued „r ,he
Ministry circular is salutary in rndica g intentions will

Central Government. But this

suffer from the viral defect present m all the Genua

282 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

proposals. They will only constitute advice. As guarantees and
safeguards they are utterly valueless. They will not have a single
sanction either statutory or executive. The Central Government
will be powerless to prevent a State from deliberately flouting its
advice and from deliberately oppressing a linguistic minority.”

"1 submit, with respect, that in rejecting the several proposals
made by me, in rejecting the specific recommendation of the S.R.
Commission that the Centre must take powers to issue directives to
the States on behalf of the linguistic minorities, the Government has
not only not been generous, it has not been just."

Frank Anthony,

Member, Lok Sabha, Div. No. 498

Dated 15-7-1956

My minute of dissent attracted considerable support from leading
newspapers in the Country. It also captured the sympathy of the
leaders of all sections of the Lok Sabha. When the Bill came before
the Lok Sabha, I spoke at every stage and made four speeches.
They contained impassioned pleas for a Constitutional safeguard
for the linguistic minorities, for at least the appointment of a Com-
missioner who would report to Parliament on the position of the
linguistic minorities.

I led a deputation of senior M. Ps. to the Prime Minister. In
fact, I met Jawaharlal Nehru on three occasions. Inch by inch, I
was able to advance the cause of the linguistic minorities. In the
first stages, the Home Minister, Govind Ballabli Pant, agreed to
consider my suggestion for a Commissioner but without any Consti-
tutional provision. Later, in the Lok Sabha, Government agreed
to have a provision in che Constitution. Even here, the Home
Minister was not prepared to give directive powers to the Central
Government.

I pleaded for this final guarantee. The matter was placed be-
fore the Cabinet. I moved a resolution in the House. The Home
Minister was prepared to accept two-thirds of it, but not the last
part giving powers to the Centre to issue directives to the States.

It was as the result of my long, grim fight that Article 350 B was
put into the Constitution. That Article provides for the appointment
by the President of a special officer for the linguistic minorities who
will report to the President and which reports are to be laid before

POST-ISDETCNDESCE BATTLES 283

each House of Parliament and sent to the Government and the States
concerned.

Then in the third reading stage, during an interchange between
Govind Ballabh Pant and myself, he accepted the position that there
t«u no need for a final clause in the Constitutional guarantee as, in
the opinion of the Government, the Centre had inherent powers,
under Article 355 of the Constitution, to issue directives to the
States. I accepted this assurance and wound up by paying a gener-
ous tribute on behalf of the minorities to Jawaharla! Nehru and
Govind Ballabh Pant.

Commenting on the long debate and the ultimate concessions by
Govind Ballabh Pant, the Hindustan Times representative wrote in
the issue of September 5, 1956 : “As was expected, it was Mr. Frank
Anthony’s day. He said all linguistic minorities would be grateful
to the Home Minister for what he proposed to do.”

Arising out of my demands during my several speeches in the
course of the debate, Covind Ballabh Pant laid on the table of the
house a memorandum that recognised as a corollary to the right
contained in Article 30 of the Constitution, which gives the minori-
ties based on language and religion the right to establish and ad-
minister educational institutions of their choice, that all schools and
the colleges using minority languages, where it is not possible to
arrange affiliation in respect of courses of study to universities and
other authorities within a State, should be permitted by the State
Government to affiliate to outside bodies, Grants-in-aid and other
facilities would be given irrespective or such outside affiliation.

Bombay Schools' Case

On the 16th December, 1953, the Bombay Government issued an
order prohibiting the admission of non-Anglo-Indians to Anglo-
Indian schools. I only received the full text of the order on the 19th
December. On the 21st December I sought to raise an adjourn-
ment motion in Parliament on the ground that the Bombay Govern-
ment’s order offended the constitutional guarantees given to the
linguistic minorities. The motion was ruled out of order by the
Speaker on the ground that Education was a State subject. My
resentment against the order was accentuated by the fact that at the
meeting- of the Central Advisory Board of Education in Delhi held
on the 10th November, 1953, I had in a speech underlining the

284 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMAIUNITY

vatue of Anglo-Indian education to the Country, made a general
reference to my fear of the intolerance of certain State Education
authorities. At that time I had no definite information of the inten-
tion of the Bombay Government. It was a coincidence that in my
speech I referred to rumours that the Bombay Government was con-
templating an order of the kind which it ultimately issued.
Maulana Arad, the Minister for Education in the Central Govern-
ment, who was in the chair, intervened when I was speaking and
put a specific question to the Bombay Government Education
Minister. He asked whether there was any basis lor my fear and
whether the Bombay Government was, in fact, contemplating such
an order. The Bombay Education Minister categorically denied
that such an order was under the contemplation of his Government.
Yet barely a month after, namely, on the 16th December the order
was issued. I realised that this form of ‘Prohibition’ on the part of
the Bombay Government meant the certain destruction of Anglo-
Indian Education in the State. An analysis of the figures showed
that about 60% of the pupils in the Bombay Anglo-Indian schools
were non-Anglo-Indians. The proposed embargo would mean the
shutting out of about two-thirds of the pupils and the inevitable
closure of Anglo-Indian schools.

I addressed the Prime Minister pointing out the flagrantly illegal
character of the Bombay Government’s order and seeking his inter-
vention. Unfortunately, Jawaharlal Nehru apparently did not
have the time to apply his mind to the Bombay Government’s palp-
able violation of the Constitution. He replied vaguely stating that
the order must have something to do with the State Government’s
policy, I then saw Maulana Azad. He promised to write to the
Chief Minister of Bombay. But knowing the intransigence of the
Bombay Government, especially of Morarjl Dcsai the then Chief
Minister, I felt that there was no hope of getting it to retrace its
illegal steps.

This was a period of grave anxiety for me. Some office-bearers
of the Association were against making an issue of the Bombay
Government's Order. Some of our office-bearers in Bombay wired
seeking to dissuade me from fighting the Government. They felt
that the State Government might retaliate by victimising the
Community in one form or another. I gave the whole position care-
ful, anxious thought. I realized that this was literally a question

K>ST-rXWTEXDEUCF. BATTLES

285

of life or death for our schools. I realised, also, that if we did not
fight, in any ease it would mean extinction for Anglo-Indian educa-
tion and consequently for the Community. I realised also that if
we fought and lost, the same consequences would follow, but if we
fought and won then we would have achieved a charter of freedom
for our schools. I knew also tliat some oilier Slates, many of which
were not unduly friendly to Anglo-Indian education, were watch-
ing the Bombay scene. Ultimately, I decided to fight. I pro-
ceeded to Bombay and spent a whole month in preparing the case.
Several English-medium schools, which faced the same fate, were
run by members of the Parsee Community. I sought to enlist their
support. But the)' made no secret of the fact that they were too
afraid to fight as they felt that the Bombay Government might
oppress their community. The majority of the Anglo-Indian
Schools in the State were run by the Roman Catholic Orders. Some
of the Orders, especially the Irish Christian Brothers, were prepared
to fight. But the ultimate sanction had to be given by the Cardinat.
I, therefore, met Cardinal Gracias. I was accompanied by Anglo-
Indian State leaders who were Roman Catholics. Unfortunately,
the Cardinal expressed his inability to join the fight. I then turned
to non-Roman Catholic run schools. Fortunately, I was able to
get Barnes School, Deolali, which was run by the Bombay Education
Society, to be the main petitioner. Ultimately, the Anglo-Indians
fought and fought alone.

On the 1 1th, 12th and 13ih February, 1954, our petition came up
for final hearing before Chief Justice M.C. Chagla and Mr. Justice
Dixit. Mr. N. Palkhivala, an outstanding advocate of the Bombay
High Court, and I addresssed the Court on behalf of the Anglo-
Indian Schools. The Advocate-General of Bombay appeared on
behalf of the State. On the 15th February the Bombay bench
delivered its judgment striking down the Bombay Government’s
order as being repugnant to the Constitution.

On the 26th April the Bombay Government made an applica-
tion to the Supreme Court for expediting their appeal which was
set down by the judges for hearing before the vacation at the end
of May. The hearing in the Supreme Court commenced on the
12th May and was heard by a special constitutional bench consist-
ing of Chief Justice Mahajan and four other judges. The Attorney-
General of India appeared on behalf of the Bombay Government.

286 the stout of the anclo-htdias community

Palkhivala and I argued on behalf of the Anglo-Indian schools. On
the 26th May, 1954, the Supreme Court handed down its judgment
which was a landmark in the Constitutional history of India. The
principal ratio laid down by the Supreme Court was in the following
words : “Where, however, a minority like the Anglo-Indian Com-
munity, which is based, inter alia, on religion and language, has the
fundamental right to conserve its language, script and culture, under
Article 29(1) and has the right to establish and administer educa-
tional institutions of their choice under Article 30 (1), surely then
there must be implicit in such fundamental right, the right to im-
part instruction in their own institutions to the children of their own
community in their own language. To hold otherwise will be to
deprive Article 29(1) and Article 30(1) of the greater part of their
content. Such being the fundamental right, the police power of
the State to determine the medium of instruction must yield to this
fundamental right to the extent it is necessary to give effect to it and
cannot be permitted to run counter to it.1’ The Supreme Court
judgment vindicated the right of the Anglo-Indian schools not only
to teach through the mother-tongue of the Community, English,
but to offer instruction through English to any Indian child who
wished to avail himself of it. That judgment remains a charter of
educational freedom not only for the Anglo-Indian schools but for
institutions run by all linguistic minorities in the Country.

The Kerala Education Bill

In 1958 the President of India referred, under Article 143(1) of
the Constitution, to the Supreme Court for their opinion certain
provisions of the Kerala Education Bill, 1957, which had been frame-
ed by the then Communist Government of the State. Mr. D.N.
Pritt, a well-known British Q..C., appeared on behalf of the Kerala
State Government. The Roman Catholic Schools, of which there
is a very large number in the Kerala State, employed leading Indian
counsel. I appeared on behalf of the Anglo-Indian schools of
Kerala as interveners. The case was argued at length and stren-
uously. Ultimately, the Anglo-Indian schools were the only institu-
tions completely to win their case. In effect, the Supreme Court
held that the various clauses of the Bill were of a restrictive character
and offended the rights of the Anglo-Indian Community as
guaranteed under the Constitution. In several provisions the Bill

rOST-INDEPENDENCE HATTIES

287

sought to regiment not only the management but the education
in the schools.

A crucial issue which was rot argued by any of the other institu-
tions but which I canvassed elaborately on behalf of the Anglo-
Indian schools was in respect of Clause 20 of the Bill. According to
that clause, merely as a pre-condition to recognition, the State
Government insisted that no fees should be charged in the primary
school. According to the definition in the Bill, the primary school
■extended to class eight. No Anglo-Indian school could exist if it
■was compelled not to charge any fee in eight out of the ten or eleven
classes. Fortunately, the majority of the Supreme Court judges
accepted my submissions that it would be a travesty of our funda-
mental right to establish and administer educational institutions of
our choice if we were to be denied the right to charge the necessary
fees.

The Gujarat University Case

On the 21st September, 1962, a Constitution Bench of the
Supreme Court consisting or six judges, including the Chief Justice,
by a majority judgment upheld the judgment of the Gujarat High
Court striking down the action of the Gujarat University seeking
to outlaw English. The crucial ratio in the judgment was that
legislation imposing an exclusive medium was likely to result in the
lowering or standards of higher education which fell within item 66
of the Union List and outside the power of the State Legislature or
the University. Item 66 relates to the ‘Coordination and deter-
mination of standards in the institutions for higher education or
research and scientific and technical institutions’.

Mr. Nani Palkhivala argued on behalf of the main petitioner and I
on behalf of the All-India Anglo-Indian Education Society which had
intervened in the Supreme Court. There were also other interveners.

What was involved was not merely the question of the medium of
instruction in the Gujarat University but, in effect, the whole posi-
tion of the link language in the language pa ttern of higher education
throughout the Country. The Gujarat University had outlawed
English. Had the Gujarat University and the State Government
succeeded in their appeal in the Supreme Court, there can be no
doubt that their example would have been followed by a succession
of States and Universities. The consequences would have been

288 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

disastrous not only for the standards of University education but
for the larger cause of educational and emotional integration in the
Country.

For the Anglo-Indian and English-medium schools the consequ-
ences would have been fatal. Without opportunities for Univer-
sity and higher education through the medium of English, inevi-
tably no one would go to English-medium schools. '

Apart from the legal issues involved, a general submission made
by me to the Supreme Court was that in the context of a bewilder-
ing multiplicity of regional languages and the hopelessly disparate
stages of their development, the link language, English, is a necessary
instrument of co-ordination. In this welter of competing regional
languages, utterly disparate in their content and development, to
give the right to Universities to outlaw English would be to destroy
the only life-line of unity in the field of higher education. Other
vital aspects of co-ordination such as the interchange of teachers,
the migration of students, would be utterly impossible if the different
Universities constituted themselves into watertight linguistic en-
claves. I submitted that in this context a developed link language
is indispensable for the maintenance and co-ordination of stand-
ards at the University stage.

Commenting on the judgment, I wrote, “All those interested not
only in the maintenance of standards of higher education but in the
unity of the Country must acclaim this judgment as perhaps the
greatest single blow struck for preventing a decline into disintegra-
tion. I believe, sincerely, that to carve up University education
into watertight linguistic enclaves is deliberately to pursue the in-
evitable disintegration of the Country. This judgment will receive
the hearty approval and acclaim of thinking educationists and those
capable of taking an objective view of the larger interests of the
Country. There can be no doubt that the regional language will
be used, increasingly, even at the University stage, but there can
also be no doubt that a regional language, however highly developed,
cannot, except from motives of language chauvinism and sheer ob-
scurantism, be used as an instrument for outlawing the existing
facilities in a world language. I feel that so far as science and tech-
nology (including engineering) and professional courses such as law
and medicine are concerned, a firm decision should be taken that
there should be instruction in a single language. Thus, in the case

yOST'INDEPENDENCR BATTLES 289

or my own profession, the law, apart from the sheer babel that would
ensue as a result of instruction in a multiplicity of regional langu*
ages, overnight the standards of professional knowledge and ability
would be struck an irretrievably fatal blow. Today, there are about
52 law reports' in English svhich publish, each year, at least 2,1>00
cases decided by the Supreme Court and the different High Courts.
Many of the High Court judgments are monuments of legal know-
ledge and examples of finished legal phraseology that has acquired
scientific precision through usage and interpretation. Through
these law reports the earnest lawyer and jurist has at least the judg-
ments throughout India for his field of study. In fact, through
the American and English reports the vast field of jurisprudence
throughout the English-speaking world is within his reach. These
arguments would apply perhaps with even greater force to the pur-
suit of higher education in science and technology. Only little men,
blinded by ignorance or language chauvinism, will deliberately des-
troy the opportunities and horizons of those who wish to pursue
higher education in its fullest and best sense."

"This historic judgment may well represent an epochal turning
point in India’s progress towards unity and strength. For ulti-
mately, a pattern of higher education that encourages communion
between the best and most active minds throughout the Country is
the supreme, decisive instrument of national integration."

The Menace Of Hindi Imperialism

The official language issue is the most important — perhaps the
most critical — for the Country as it will determine not only the pro-
gress, educational, technological and scientific, but the very unity
or India.

I have had not a little to do with this language issue. Circum-
stances have sometimes placed me at the very centre of the dis-
cussions. I make no pretensions to complete objectivity on the
language issue. It is not humanly possible for anyone to be com-
pletely objective on such an issue, as each one of us is the product of
a certain matrix, historical, cultural, linguistic. Each cneof us has
his mother-tongue and rightly cherishes it.

Unlike the Hindi chauvinists, I have, in my humble way, given
many hostages to my bona fides on this language issue. Hindi

290 THE STOTT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

happened to be the second language that I learnt at school. It
was the language through which I had largely earned my income
at the Bar in the early days of my profession. As Chairman of the
Inter-State Board for Anglo-Indian Education, for more than 20
years, I was responsible for making Hindi a compulsory second
language in most of the Anglo-Indian schools throughout the
Country.

Desire Of Gandkiji

During the framing of the Constitution I was on several com-
mittees. At that time language was not a live issue. The Consti-
tuent Assembly was riding a crest of national fervour and
enthusiasm. It was preoccupied with forging a Constitution that
would make India strong, united and prosperous, Even then I had
misgivings about the language question. I discussed the matter
with Jawaharlal Nehru and underlined the desire of Gandhiji that
a neutral language, such as Hindustani, should be the official
language. With his unerring instinct, Gandhiji realised that in a
multilingual State only a neutral language which gave no undue
advantage to any particular group and which was not identified
with any particular community or religion, so as to make it an
instrument of political domination, could be the official language.
Unfortunately, Jawaharlal was too preoccupied and felt that there
was no distinction between Hindustani and Hindi. I also met
Maulana Azad but he was not disposed to oppose Jawaharlal. I
expressed my fear that the use of the word ‘Hindi’ would immediate-
ly be seized upon by communal elements in the North to make it
a symbol of communalism, even of religion and a negation of secular
democracy. During the framing or the Constitution, however, I
hoped for the best. I not only strongly supported Hindi being
made the official language but made strong speeches in favour of it.
I, however, underlined the fact that the official language could
develop only by an evolutionary process.

I pointed out that Hindi would grow and be accepted in exact
proportion to its tolerance and spirit of accommodation and its
readiness to allow the other languages and the languages of the
minorities also to grow and flourish.

Unfortunately, and tragically for the Country, my fears about
Hindi were justified sooner than I expected. Obscurantism, intoler-

POST-INDEPENDENCE BATTLES

29 1

ancc and arrogance became increasingly the attributes of the Hindi
chauvinists. The greatest single motivation of the Hindi Imperial-
ists has been ill-concealed hatred for English. They have worked
to the superstition that if they destroy English-medium schools,
Which are the nerve-centres of English teaching, they will destroy
English. They have deluded themselves into the belief that if they
destroy English, Hindi, by some magical process, will take its
place.

Attack On English-Medium Schools

I have referred above to the fact that in 1953 the Hindi-motivated
hatred for English expressed itself in an order of the Bombay Govern-
ment intended to destroy the English-medium schools. According
to that order English could not be the medium of instruction
for any Indians except Anglo-Indians. Indians could be taught
through the medium of any language except English. Every form
of political hypocrisy svas pressed into service by the Bombay
Government in an effort to justify that iniquitous order. Even
Jatvaharlal Nehru expressed his helplessness to intervene to stay
such an evil order. Fortunately, f»m the Bombay High Court
and then the Supreme Court struck down that order as
illegal.

The Language Commission

The next phase was the appointment, by the President, of the
Language Commission under Article 344 of the Constitution in June,
1955. May I say, with great respect, that the overwhelming
majority of those appointed svere well-known for their Hindi pre-
dilections. The recommendations of the Language Commission
were a foregone conclusion. Two members had the courage to
append minutes of dissent. Dr. Subbaroyan, a well-known figure
in the Madras State, and Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatterjee, the famous
Indologist from Bengal who has some outstanding works on Hindi
to his credit, entered a powerful pica that there should be no haste
with regard to Hindi imposition and that the ‘status quo' should
continue. Their plea was brushed aside with impatience and
arrogance by the Hindi chauvinists In their headlong pursuit of
Hindi imposition.

292

THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Parliamentary Committee

The next stage was reached with the appointment of the Parlia-
mentary Language Committee, in 1938, under Article 344(4) ofthe
Constitution. Twenty members were elected by the House of the
People and ten by the Council of States. Once again, an attempt
was made to pack the committee by a stringent whip issued by the
Congress Party. Fortunately a few Independents, including my-
self, were able to secure election in spite of that stringent whip. The
Committee began its deliberations in May, 1958. The Home
Minister, Govind Batlabh Pant, was the Chairman.

I can speak from inside knowledge. At the very outset I asked
for the proceedings not to be held ‘in camera’. I emphasized that
this was a critical issue for the Country and the Country had the
right to know the views of the members and the discussions of the
committee : it had the right not to have some decisions, taken by a
handful of persons behind closed doors, suddenty imposed on the
whole Country. I also asked that the Pi css should be admitted.
My proposals were summarily brushed aside. All that the Press
got were carefully doctored hand-outs. I had also asked that the
Chief Ministers of Madras and West Bengal should be examined as
the position in those two States had changed entirely since the report
of the Language Commission. The Madras Goveimment had
modified its position taken up before the Language Commission and
had recommended permanent bilingualism. The Writ Bengal
Legislature had gone further. Both Houses had unanimously
passed a resolution that the ‘status quo' should continue. The
West Bengal Legislature had made it dear that they were nut Pr<N
pared to accept Hindi as the sole official language. That prPP053*
of mine was also brushed aside. The atmosphere in the conyttuttee
was not only utterly vitiated but utterly foul. It was made Jo not
only by the intemperate but utterly offensive character of the lzangu-
age used by the Hindi protagonists. Sir A. Ramastvami MudLdiar
said that he had never, in his long public life, sat in a committee Avitb
such a foul atmosphere. A member from Tamil Nad expressed! his
desire to withdraw. The committee finalised its report in t-

ber, 1958. I had gone to the Committee with an open mind as K
had done during the discussions in the framing of the Constitution.!
But the sheer intolerance, arrogance and hate-filled attitude of the I
Hindi Imperialists made me realise that unless some of us resisted |

I’O'nr-IKDCPO.'fcENCE BATTLES

293

this tide, the spirit of neo-imperialism would lead to the attempted
destruction of every minority language, the relegation of every
language which is considered to stand in the way of Hindi imposition
to second-class status. I appended the only minute of dissent against
the blanket imposition of Hindi, from 1965, as the official language.

Pita Rejected

My private member’s resolution that English be included in the
VHIth Schedule of the Constitution came up for discussion in
Parliament in April, 1959. I made, as far as it was humanly possible,
a completely objective plea for the inclusion or English in the VHIth
Schedule : I pointed out that English is my language : that it is the
language of a recognised minority, the Anglo-Indians. I referred to
the decisions of the Bombay High Court and the Supreme Court
which affirmed the position that English is as much an Indian langu-
age as the other languages of India. In fact, as pointed out by the
Chief Justice of the Bombay High Court in his judgment English is
the language of the Anglo-Indians and as much entitled to
protection as any other language spoken by any other section or
community in the Country. It was further pointed out by that
Court, that from the constitutional point of view English was more
an Indian language than any of the languages in the VHIth
Schedule : it was the language of the Constitution, it was the sole
official language till 1965, it was the administrative language of the
Country, it was the official language of the States until replaced by
some other language, it was the language of the courts, of the High
Courts and the Supreme Court. All laws, orders and notifications
had to be in English : it was the only authoritative language of
legislation.

Significance Of VHIth Schedule

I further pointed out that on the 21st February, 1959, the Prime
Minister had announced that the Sahitya (Literary) Academy had
recognised English and Sindhi in addition to the 14 languages
enumerated in the VHIth Schedule as among the major Indian
languages. The Senate of the Calcutta University had, on the I8th
July, 1958, resolved that English be included in the VHIth Schedule.

I underlined the significance of the VIII th Schedule. The VHIth
Schedule did not purport to exhaust all the Indian languages, be-

294 THE STORT or THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMCXtTT

cause there are, at a conservative estimate, 179 Indian languages
in addition to 544 dialects and patois. The VUIth Schedule only
means that in terms of Article 351 of the Constitution, Hindi, so that
it may serve as a medium of expression for all the dements of the
composite culture of India, should secure its enrichment by assimilat-
ing the style and expressions of Hindustani and of the languages of
India specified in the VUIth Schedule. I underlined that both the
Language Commission and the Parliamentary Language Committee
had emphasized the need for Hindi drawing liberally on English es-
pecially in respect of scientific and technological terms. By inclusion
in the VUIth Schedule a language did not become either a regional
or a national language.

Human Pita

Apart from the legal and factual position, I entered a final human
plea on behalf of my Community. I pointed out that when any-
body says that my language is foreign, a stab of pain shoots through
me. I repelled the thesis that English is a foreign language. Fore-
ignness is only a question of degree. In a relative sense Urdu is a
foreign language, as it was a language forged by conquerors who had
come to India. Yet its richness, its beauty and its refinement have
been among the great leavening influences on Indian language,
thought and culture. In a sense also Sanskrit is a foreign language ,
because it was brought to the Country, although thousands of years
ago, by Aryan conquerors. In a relative sense English was also
foreign to the British. The lineal ancestors or the English language
were the dialects of the Angles, Saxons and the Jutes who went as
conquerors to Britain and took their foreign dialects with them.
The original dialects of the British were Celtic. The plea of ‘foreign’
is merely a device of the Hindi Imperialists. Our parliamentary
system is foreign : our jurisprudence is foreign, our tanks and jet planes
are foreign, but nobody condemns these for that reason. English
has become part of the warp and woof of Indian thought, language
and culture. It has not been imposed on India. It was at the inst-
ance ofliberals like Rammohan Roy that it became part of the edu-
cational system. Because of and through English there was a tre-
mendous cultural and intellectual renaissance in India- Through
English India jumped from mediaevalism into the modern age.
Some of India's greatest thinkers and writers have interpreted

HKT-INOEPENDENCE BATTLES 295

not only themselves bm the ethos of India to the world through
English,

Mortar Of Unity

Continuing my plea in Parliament, I said that no one is to blame
for the place that English occupies. That is a legacy of history.
Many leading thinkers have referred to it as a gift of history to India.
The stark fact is that English represents the mortar of administrative
unity. It is the mortar of judicial integration. In fact it represents
the only instrument or emotional and intellectual integration at
least among the educated sections. Without English, today, the
people from Tamil Mad and Bengal would be greater foreigners in
Delhi than in Europe. AH my pleas fell on ears madedeaf by hatr-
ed. In the words of the correspondent of *The MaiT, “All my pleas
including my plea based on humanity were rejected by the Hindi
fanatics in Parliament with jeers.”

The j Yehru Formula

The debate was postponed to August. The then Prime Minister,
Jawaharlal Nehru, sensing a resurgence of resistance to Hindi
imposition, intervened and announced on the 7th August, 1959,
what is now commonly known as the Nehru formula, namely, that
English would continue as the altemate/associate language for as
long as the non-Hindi speaking people so desired.

Unfortunately even the Prime Minister was not a free agent. He
was a prisoner of the compulsions of the political dominance in
Parliament of the Hindi chauvinists. There was no answer to the
case for the inclusion of English in the VIHth Schedule. The
Prime Minister admitted that on principle there was nothing against
the inclusion of English in the VIHth Schedule. But because even
Jawaharlal Nehru was not a free agent politically he dared not do
elementary justice to a small minority which was politically helpless
because of its smallness of numbers. If we were a larger community
or if we were given to demanding our rights through agitation, riot-
ing and arson, no one from the Prime Minister doivn wards would
have dared to insult nty Community by referring to our language
as ‘foreign’.

296 THE STORY OP THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Hindi Imperialists’ Phalanx

On the 2nd, 3rd and 4th September, 1959, the Lok Sabha con-
sidered the report of the Parliamentary Language Committee. The
public were not aware of the peculiar provisions of the Constitution
with regard to the Language Commission and Committee. Al-
though the Parliamentary Language Committee was elected by
Parliament, it was not a Parliamentary Committee in the legal sense.
The report could not go back to Parliament : Parliament could not
modify the report of its own committee. The report had to go, in-
stead, directly to the President to issue his directions. Under pres-
sure, especially from me, the Home Minister Govind Ballabh Pant
agreed to place the report before Parliament. It will be recalled
that mine was the only minute of dissent to the report which other-
wise sought to efTace English from the official language pattern by
1965. The Home Minister moved a motion that ‘This House takes
note of the report of the Parliamentary Language Committee’. I
had given notice of 3 amendments seeking merely to concretise
the Prime Minister’s formula that English shall be the associate/
alternate official language I had reason, increasingly, to doubt the
bona fidcs of the Hindi Imperialists both in the Congress Party and
outside. I knew that they hated the Nehru formula and that they
had no intention of honouring that formula. Their mala fides be-
came immediately clear as soon as I got up to move my amendments.
The whole Hindi phalanx in the House, obviously by preconcerted
design, rose to raise objections to my amendments. Unfortunately,
my amendments were disallowed as being out of order. The rules
or Parliament give every member an inalienable right to move an
amendment to a substantive motion. Even the Chair felt some
difficulty which was underlined by the request to the Government
to change its motion which was, in fact, a substantive motion. No
change was made to the motion : nevertheless my amendments were
not permitted to be moved.

Sheer Hatred

The sheer fanatical hatred of the Hindi Imperialists had to be seen
to be believed. Mr. Barucha, an Independent Parsee member, and
Mr. Thangammani, a member from the South, said that they were
outraged. The demonstration by the Hindi fanatics in the Congress
Party showed that they had no intention to honour the word of their

rOST'IKOEPENDESCE BVtTLES 297

Party leader, the word of the leader of the Government.

Seeing the resurgence of the resistance created by Hindi fanaticism
the Prime Minister intervened once again. On the 4ih September,
1959, Jawaharlal Nehru reaffirmed the formula that English would
be the associate/altemate language as long as the non-Hindi speak-
ing people so desired. Ife went a little further : paragraph 34 of the
Parliamentary Language Committee report had recommended that
there should be compulsory Hindi tests for entry into the Central
Services, including the subordinate services. The Prime Minister
said that there should be no compulsory tests for entry into Central
Government service.

Official languages Bill — Chauvinists Got What They Wanted

The next phase was represented by the Official Languages Bill
which came up for discussion in the Lok Sabha in April, 1963. At
the outset I asked that the Bill he circulated in order to give the State
Legislatures a chance to consider its far-reaching implications. I
pointed out that in framing the Bill the Government had functioned
in an atmosphere of unreality and under continuous pressure from
the Hindi chauvinists as Delhi is a stronghold of Hindi chauvinism.

•jVb Opportunity Given To States To Study Bill

Even the State Governments had no opportunity to study the Bill.
Thus the West Bengal Chief Minister had, in a statement, mentioned
that he had no idea of the implications of the Bill. Even when he
replied to the debate, the Home Minister, Lai Bahadur Shastri, stated
that he had merely referred Clauses 5 and 6, which dealt only
with Hindi translations, to the State Governments. Clauses 3 and 4
which were the heart of the Bill, and were carefully evolved instru-
ments for side-tracking both Parliament and the State Legislatures,
had not even been considered by the State Governments, much less
the State Legislatures. But in their desire to rush the measure
through, my plea for circulation was brushed aside.

From the time of the Nehru formula the Government had been
under unremitting pressure from the Hindi chauvinists, whose
whole desire was not only to dilute but to destroy that formula.

I had been approached by a senior Congressman to accept a com-
promise on the Nehru formula. The Hindi protagonists did not
want the wordj "alternate” or “associate” : they wanted some word

298 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

like “secondary” “or additional”. They did not like the indefinite
period : above all, they did not want the matter left to the non-Hindi-
speaking people. The Bill was placed before the House after several
postponements. It was immediately clear that everything the Hindi
zealots wanted had found a place in the Bill. 1

Backdoor Method

In my speeches during the passage of the Bill, I underlined that if
there had been any intention to honour the Prime Minister’s assur-
ance the Bill could have been a simple two-line measure, namely,
that English shall be the associate/alternate language until
Otherwise decided by a majority of State Legislature or a certain
proportion of members of Parliament. Instead, Clauses 3 and 4
had been carefully, even tortuously, evolved to ensure the blanket
imposition of Hindi by the backdoor. Clause 3 provided that
English may, from the appointed date, that is, 15 years from the
commencement of the Constitution, be used in addition to Hindi.
A plain reading of the provision meant that Hindi had first to be
used for all the official purposes of the Union and after 1965
English may, or may not, be used. That was even against the
recommendations of the Language Commission and the Language
Committee both of which had recognised that Hindi would not
be sufficiently developed even after 1965 for use for all the purposes
of the Union.

There was a good deal of argument about the use of the word
'may’. The Prime Minister obviously had not applied his mind to
the matter and was misled by his advisers. I wrote to Jawaharlal
Nehru mentioning that the use of the word ‘may’ in clause 3 reduced
the Bill to a travesty of his assurance. He replied to me by letter
dated the 1 8th April that in his view ‘may’ meant ‘shall’ . Lai Bahadur
Shastri piloted the Bill. Although I had the deepest regard and, in-
deed, affection for him, I was obliged to fight him bitterly on this
issue. Pressed by me for a clarification in the House he admitted that
‘may’ meant may and was permissive. According to the plain
meaning of the language, English may, but it also may not, be used.

Side-tracking Of Parliament

Clause 4 was a calculated provision for side-tracking both the non-
Hindi-spcaking Legislatures and Parliament. That clause pro-

290

rosT-iN-DErrs-rasax *KTnzs

vided for die appointment of a co™““" ' Hot. carefully

under the guise of rcv.etvtng the FOg and Parliament

die procedure to »d-™* reading .use. "hen

am tvorVed out am eapoaed at me sec, ^ , pu, „ him

the Minister of State, llajamaats, ^ . p„l,amentarv

the question whether the und„ prreure he replied

Committee. At fust he hesi a . wOUia be a Farlia-

that without reservation! he cou d *»1 , mtdy, the Deputy

menlary Committee, rortunaley Kamadi, pointed out that

Leader of the Praja Sxah"F. ^!'r,me Parliament and the ultt-

if that seas so, the report would fmst^^ ^ ^ rf P„ha-

mate recommendations to — -.liscd what "as happening

mem. The Home Minister Shmm|.,F ^ allhough elected

and alter hurried consuhatio kgo J„RJenu^ Committee. J

by Parliament, it v;ou]dn°r|^ M om of the bag and that

intervened to iemnric - » •**-

Clause 4 a.-as a piece of dehluua ‘ JS „r the rrameta of the Bill.
Parliament which wets alwayt the t Committee, the

As in the ease of die last Parliamentary l^g^.,, ^ , rotrgone
next one "ill be packed : d these will go directly to

conclusion taken behind dosed d^n an^.h^^
the President for imposition on the

Merely A Blind vva3 an amend-

As a sop to the non-Kindi-speakmg Peop^^ ^ asked for.

ment that the views of ** SUt* ^ate Government, especially one
But this was merely a blmd. . A ^ ^ Central Government,

which belongs to the same ruling party

might not even be consulted. , nls. One was that Eng-

I had given notice <* until othenvise de-

lish should be the alternate/ ^ gute Legislatures. That

cided by a majority of three-fou of mother amendment to

was brushed aside. I l“d ^'”" h llcmatc/associate language un-

the effect that English should be she of House oT

ul otherwise decided by a suajorUO ^“"Tori.y requited to amend
Parliament. That was similar “ 1 ^ ^ ^btnUon.

the Constitution as provided tn th= Dcp„ty Leader of

That was also brushed aside. “““ ’ to„t 0,at the report
the Praja Socialist Party, moved an an

300 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

of the Committee should come to Parliament and then go to the
President. He was supported by every section of the Opposition
except the Hindi chauvinists. Once again, the Congress Party
whip cracked : yet the Government could only muster a little over
200 votes in order to steam-roller the 40 odd votes cast in
favour of Kamath’s amendment. Even Kamath was constrained
to observe that those who had voted for Clause 4 had supported the
by-passing of Parliament, as Parliament had no power to say by
a motion whether it agreed wholly or partly with or entirely
disapproved of the report of a committee elected by Parliament.

Fraud On Non-Hindi Peoples

It was claimed by Government that the Bill was a good compro-
mise. The truth was that it was a compromise with the Hindi fana-
tics and was a complete dishonouring of the Prime Minister’s assur-
ance that English would be the alternate language until otherwise
decided by the non-Hindi speaking people. The decision would
now rest with a handful of picked members who would make their
dictated decisions behind closed doors. I was thus obliged at the
third reading stage to oppose the Bill in one sentence, “Because the
Bill is a travesty of the Prime Minister’s assurance given to the non-
Hindi-speaking peoples : because it is a calculated scheme for the
blanket imposition of Hindi by the back-door : because it is a cal-
culated scheme for side-tracking not only the non-Hindi-speaking
Legislatures but Parliament and, finally, because, in effect, the Bill
is a fraud in law on the non-Hindi speaking people."

Bitter Revulsion In The South

In furtherance of my campaign against the menace of Hindi Im-
perialism, I addressed mass meetings in Madras and Bangalore in
October, 1963. The tremendous popular response to my speeches
was a measure of how strong was the feeling in South India against
the imposition of Hindi. An ominous, if unhappy, incident at
Bangalore underlined this strong feeling. At the end of my speech
to a packed meeting at the Bangalore Town Hall, the National
Anthem was being played. Among the audience were men of emin-
ence from every walk of life. Judges of the High Court, lawyers, edu-
cationists and doctors. General Thimmaya, a former Chief of the
Indian Army, was noticeable standing to soldierly attention.

POST-ISDFJKCDEXCE BATTLES

301

Sudden!)’, in die midst of the National Anthem there was consider-
able commotion in the gallery. The police had to intersene. An
enquiry showed that some of the members of the audience, educated
men and women, were shouting interruptions during the National
Anthem, wanting to convey that the National Anthem was meant
to unite the Country, but if it continued to be played »n Hindi, or
what they considered to be Hindi, in the South it would be resented
and would become a symbol of division. This unhappy incident
only underlined the deep, bitter, universal resentment in the South
against Hindi imposition, which the Central Government, function-
ing in Delhi in an atmosphere of Hindi unreality, could continue to
ignore only at the peril of the Country’s unity.

Tlie reaction in the Madras State was eloquently summarised in
an editorial in “The Mail”, an influential Indian-owned English-
medium daily.

“The Mail,” Madras, Saturday, October 26, 1963.

English

“Those who attended the public meeting addressed by Mr. Frank
Anthony on Friday could scarcely in their experience have listened
to a more closely reasoned, eloquent and cogent presentation of the
case for English. The stream of orderly and lucid argument, its
level surface lashed now' and again by gusts of passionate feeling,
flow ed on unhasting, unresting Tor over an hour. English has been
described by one of its great masters as ‘an unsurpassed instrument
of human expression’. Mr. Anthony’s address illustrates its multi-
tudinous resources. Those whose cars are attuned to the great har-
monies of that language will be saddened beyond words by his ex-
haustive and moving account of the demoniac attempts of the Hindi
fanatics to extirpate it root and branch from Indian life where for a
century and more it has struck such deep and fruitful roots. The
disheartening story is revealed in its entirety. ‘Every form of politi-
cal hypocrisy was pressed into service’ not only by the Bombay
Government but also by the high and mighty in New Delhi to de-
prive English of its rightful place.”

“Mr. Anthony is the leader of the Anglo-Indian Community on
behalf of which, he says, he ‘entered a Anal human plea’ when every
other had failed. But English is not the monopoly of the Anglo-
Indian Community. This only strengthens the case for English,

302

THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COS a [UNITY

which long ago ceased to be a foreign language and which, in the
pregnant phrase of Mr. Rajagopalachari, is ‘Saraswathi’s gift to
India’. It is, as Mr.Anthony pointed out, much less ‘foreign’ to
the educated classes in India than Hindi.”

“The conclusive argument for its retention is that, as Dr. Laksh*
manaswami Mudaliar said, its abandonment 'would lead to the
utter destruction of all possible advance in science and technology’.
The cruel paradox of Indian life today is that while the Prime
Minister and the Government talk ceaselessly about India emerg-
ing into the nuclear age their policies are calculated to put her back
into the bullock-cart age. Who believes in earnest that Hindi can
take the place of English in the foreseeable future or that its adop-
tion as the official language will not plunge the Country into pri-
mordial chaos? The Prime Minister’s ‘formula’ afforded some
ground lor hope that the present insensate march towards confusion
and darkness would, in some measure, be arrested : but by tactics
which it is sufficient to term adroit even that formula has been
jettisoned. Parliament has been by-passed : the State Governments
have been coerced or hoodwinked. AU the unanswerable arguments
for the retention of English have been put forward again and again
by educationists and others who have the best title to speak on the
subject, though perhaps they have never been marshalled and pre-
sented with such force and clarity as by Mr. Anthony. They have
fallen on deaf ears because Reason has ceased to be the decisive in-
fluence in Indian affairs. The only hope of the educated people
consists in the certitude that English will one day again come back
into its own when Hindi will be discovered to have been an agent
of ignorance. But a great deal of avoidable hurt would have been
inflicted in the meanwhile on the common weal.”

Afounting Revulsion Against Hindi
Inevitably, the increasing intolerance, obscurantism and, indeed,
overweening arrogance of the Hindi chauvinists created their own
reaction. This reaction gained momentum after the passage of the
Official Languages Act in 1963. It was realised, increasingly, that
the Act was a travesty of the Nehru assurance of permanent biling-
ualism. In December, 1963, C.N. Annadurai, leader of the
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, and four others were sentenced to
six months’ rigorous imprisonment each on charge of a criminal

303

POST-INDEPENDENCE BATTLES

conspiracy to burn the language chapter of the Constitution. Mr.
M.C. Chagla, the then Education Minister, did hu best to br‘nS
sanity and a healing touch to the situation. Repeatedly he pleaded
against too much of politics in education: he also urged educa-
tionists not to play politics. But nothing could stop the crud.lv, the
vulgarity and the growing Imperial lust of the Hindi chauv.mst^
In January, 1904, 27-year old Chi nnaswamy burnt himseir to
death as a protest against the rising tide of Hindi Imperialism But
the Hindi Tanatics continued their insane course. In Uttar Pradesh,
in February, the Socialists walked out because the Governor, Mr.
Bishwanath Das, addressed the joint session in English with a small
introduction in Hindi. The then President, Dr. Radhakr.shnan,
rather than submit to the blackmail by Hindi chauvinists, who in-
sisted that the Presidential address should be first delivered in Hindi,
appeared to have decided to undergo an eye operation so that the
'Vice-President could deliver the address in Hindi.

True to form, Uttar Pradesh, which usually has been the spear-
head of Hindi chauvinism, gave a typical demonstration m Angus
1964. There was a complete breakdown of any semblan
decorum in the U.P.Vidhan Sabha when 28 Opposition members
•were suspended or forcibly removed from ‘be House. Ih
demonstration was against a perfectly legitimate Bill which sought
to allow amendments to enactments passed in English also
made in the same language even after 1965.

In the welter of growing language madness, Mr Chagla, the
Union Education Minister, in October, 1964, called for a rea c-
tion of the implications of going ahead with the introduction of the
regional languages as media of instruction at the n,'^rsl ^ 5 ,
without, at the same time, providing a link language- e
plead for two proposals, ..hid. have now been killed by the Hmd.
chauvinist!, that education should become a concurrent subject and
that an all-India education service he created to maintain some
semblance rf uniformity in educational policy. Speaking m
Rajya Sabha in 196-1, Chagla said that he would not submit to pres-
sure, however great, which would undermine national
underlined that national unity was paramount and that
required svas a bond between different people, universities, court, o
law, schools and academicians. He said that he was
the attitude of those who waned to do away with Englnh in haste.

304 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Speaking in the Lok Sakha in November, 1964, amidst much bad-
gering by the Hindi zealots, Chagta adhered to his position that
while he did not emphasise the supremacy of English he shuddered
to think of the day when interpreters will be needed at a conference
of Indians.

In the meantime, the antics of the Hindi chauvinists produced
their own inevitable, increasing revulsion not only in Madras but
in the other States. The West Bengal Public Vehicles Department
seized all transport vehicles with Hindi number-plates coming from
Bihar and the U.P. The Department pointed out that the police
found it difficult to enforce traffic regulations as they were unable
to understand the Hindi number-plates. They also complained
that to make matters worse, the communications received from the
Transport Departments of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh were written
in Hindi. All number-plates in West Bengal had to be in inter-
national numerals.

In January, 1965, anti-Hindi rallies were held all over the Madras
State. In February, 1965, 24 persons were killed during a State-wide
hartal, which had been launched by the Tamil Students Anti-Hindi
Agitation Council. A peak in this tragedy, provoked by the grow-
ing pressures of the Hindi Imperialists, was reached in February,
1965, when two persons, Muthu Goundar and Vecrapan, head-
master or an elementary School, burnt themselves to death in a
protest against Hindi becoming the official language. This
brought the number of self-immolation cases to 5.

In Calcutta, in February, anti-Hindi demonstrations were held.
Cinema houses cancelled the screening of Hindi films. The anti-
Hindi flames were spreading steadily to the rest of the Country. In
February, 1965, in Ncllore in the coastal area of Andhra Pradesh,
2 persons were tilled and 3 injured during demonstrations against
Hindi. O.V. Alagesan, the Minister of State for Petroleum and
Chemicals, submitted his resignation in February, 1965. He under-
lined the need to give real statutory effect to the Nehru assurance
that English will be used as long as the non-Hindi speaking people
want it.

In Calcutta, once again, in February, 1965, the students of
Jadhavpur University protested against the introduction of Hindi
in fclace of English. The Hindi Resistance Committee of West
Bengal in a communication to the Anti-Hindi Committee of Madras

305

POST-INDEPENDENCE SUTTEES

"i *'”*» Sc^i'a"/tL''*.*rclSorSa week

;“o-c°" JK« »f

TIM as .he official

languafe. ,|,e President reiterated the

On the 17.1. nr Febnurj. . •* 5; continue as the Associate

Go.emmenl s assurance that EnCl1' . .. u people so desire.
oiTtcial language as Ions as i the no - ^ d a„ thc schools

ssryssr ra- •-*- ^ c°u"c“ “,tal

for a State-wide hartal. iiv-dcrabad : 3 people were

Anti-Hindi revulsion erupted again > ^ opcned fire. In

hilled in Hindupur and Ananlpur wh E J°from ^e, Kerala,

February, 1905, ''i"”’01"'! toeethcr to eooetrt measures
Andhra Pradesh and IS eat I^nga ^ ^sensui that emerged
to oppose the imposition of II • Vllllh Schedule of the

svas that all the languages mentioned . , languages with

Constitution should he given the status of national gu
English aa the official language. underlined that he

^i=forhhi.hn^r=':ha, he wanted svas the status

^meantime, in the Centra. Covernmeut,

or well-known Hindi fanatics, circu Union and that the

Hindi had become the official language^ on ^ circular

entire work would be done m Hmd, Cornmen ^ q Subrarna-

issued by the Ministry or Food and gr Hindi ’ enthusiasts in the
mam, tile then Minister, said that some Hmd.

Ministry seemed to have issued the :<a State Legisla-

in February, 1965, 9 his addresa in

ture walked out in protest when the uo

Hindi. . . . en in parliament, svas

Meanwhile, the Hind, Chanvinut hloc, ^n ,uhn,itteti a

not idle. In February, 1965, *’?' “ ' “ f ,h; proraIsed amendment
memorandsun against the tnt uc l signatories were Cong-

to the Official Langsurges Aet. Some of the »P»

306 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

ress M. Ps. thus underlining the feet that Hindi Imperialism cuts
across party affiliations.

The anti-Hindi revulsion continued to simmer in the South: m
March, 1965, one person was killed in Ootacamund when the police
opened fire on anti-Hindi agitators.

Amendment To The Official Languages Act
In December, 1967, a Bill to amend the Official Languages Act of
1963 was introduced. It took the blood-bath in the South to make
the Central Government acknowledge that the 1963 Act was not,
indeed, a fulfilment of the Nehru assurance to the non-Hindi speak-
ing people. I give below my speech in Parliament on. this amend-
ing Bill and the accompanying resolution. Apart from analysing
the amendments, my speech serves to recapture the atmosphere of
the sheer intolerance and, indeed, the overweening arrogance
displayed, even in Parliament, by the Hindi Imperialists.

“Shri Frank Anthony (Nominated Anglo-Indians): Mr. Chairman,
Sir, may I say with great respect that there does not seem to have
been much attention paid to what is before the House — this amend-
ing Bill and the resolution. I propose to confine my remarks to
the amending Bill and the resolution.

The Home Minister had mentioned that this amending Bill was
a compromise. I agree entirely with him that it is a compromise,
it is a compromise between the Nehru assurance and the increasing,
the unremitting pressure oF the Hindi lobby both in the Congress
Party and outside. You may remember that when the original Bill
or the original measure was on the anvil I had analysed what be-
came sections 3 and 4. I pointed out that they constituted a calculat-
ed scheme for the blanket imposition of Hindi by the back-door. I
had summed up my opposition to that original measure at the third
reading stage in one sentence. I said that it was travesty of the
Nehru assurance, that it was a calculated scheme for the imposition
of Hindi by the back-door and that it was, indeed, a fraud on the
non-Hindi speaking people.

Sir, I will concede this to the Hindi zealots that they have been
consistent, they have been consistent in their intention to ensure
that the Nehru assurance is not implemented, they have been
consistent in their intention to ensure that the Nehru assurance is
both sabotaged and indeed dishonoured (Interruptions). I am

TOST-XNDErESDEXCE BATTLES 30?

only dealing with the Nehru assurance, nothing outside.

Some people, including my hon. friend who Iras interrupted me,
seek to invoke the Constitution; either — I do not want to be harsh,
in the courts I am the personification of mildness and 1 do not want
to impute any motives — they do not choose to understand the plain
language of the Constitution or deliberately they seek to distort it in
order to suit this Hindi imposition motive. Article 343 is invoked
in season and out of season. Equally it is distorted in season and
out or season. The Hindi protagonists say, look at Article 343, it
sets an absolute dead-line after 1965 for the complete imposition
of Hindi as the sole official language. I say, no. I say, look at the
whole article, look at clause (3) which is a non-obstante clause.
You know, Sir, what a non-obstante clause is. What does clause
(3) of Article 343 say? It says:

“Notwithstanding anything in this article,

Parliament may by law provide for the use, after the said period
of fifteen yean, of—

(a) The English language, "

It sap that notwithstanding anything in Article 343, after 15 years,
that is , after 1965, Parliament may specify the use for English. In
my respectful submission— the Hindi protagonists will not agree —
provided Parliament specifies the use, it may say, in terms, that after
1965 English shall continue for ail the official purposes of the Union.
That, in my respectful submission, is the plain and ordinary mean-
ing of the non-obstante clause. The non-obstante clause effaces
everything before it, effaces the reference to Hindi being the official
language of the Country.

Travesty Of The Nehru Assurance
As 1 said, the original Dill, in my respectful submission, was a
travesty of the Nehru assurance. I say this wi th great respect to the
Home Minister that this amending Bill is a continuing travesty of
the Nehru assurance. All the basic defects, all the basic snares in
the original Bill are still continued. You may remember the langu-
age used — English MAY be used in addition to Hindi.

Now, Sir, I had written to Jawaharlal Nehru. He had replied
to me on the 18th April, 1963. 1 told him that this laqgua_§re, this
permissive language was a travesty of his assurance to the non-Hindi
speaking people. He replied to me — I have got his letter, reply.

308 THE STOUT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMHONITT

with me- — saying that it was his intention that it should be mandatory
and he had been advised that “may” in that context meant “shall”.
That was the clear intention of the Nehru assurance propounded
by Nehru himself, that it will have to be mandatory. But what
happened? When I was seeking a clarification, the then Home
Minister Shastriji — I loved him but I had to fight him on this issue-
said that “may” means “may"; “may” is permissive, and in this
context how will it be interpreted? I do not want to point a finger
at all the members of the Central Cabinet. I believe the Home
Minister wants to try and implement the Nehru assurance. But he
and other people like him — God knows there arc only a handful
there — arc complete captives of the dominant Hindi chauvinist
bloc in the Central Cabinet itself. In that view of the matter, what
will it mean? It will mean that it is a complete travesty of the
Nehru assurance; that Hindi shall be there for all official purposes,
that will be the interpretation. English may be, or indeed it may
not be, used for a single official purpose. That is what the present
amending Bill means. It is a complete and utter travesty of the
Nehru assurance.

My friends, the Hindi zealots arc worked up. Certain sops have
been given. I agree; they have spelt out certain mandatory uses
for the English language. But if you analyse the mandatory uses,
they are an insult to the Nehru formula. You have merely spelt
out certain utterly inconsequential, valueless uses for mandatory
purposes. In my respectful submission, this was not the Nehtu
assurance, this was not the assurance of bilingualism.

Then, I would ask you to recall what was section 4, the original
section, which has not been touched. One of my strenuous objec-
tions was to the original section 4. It is intact. What is section 4
which remains intact. I had attacked it, because it says that after
10 years, that is, 10 years after 1963, that was the date on which
it was put on the legislative anvil, there will be a committee. I say
that committee will be a mockery because that committee will be
hand-picked, it will be packed; that committee will be picked by
Parliament, but it will be mockery of a parliamentary committee,
because the report of that committee will not come back to Parlia-
ment. So, this section 4 is a negation of a parliamentary committee.
The report of that so-called parliamentary committee. Parliament
will not be able to amend it by one single word, Parliament will not

1*0 ST'IN DEPENDENCE B VTTLES 309

be able to amend it by a single syllable. That report will go
directly to the President. He may be an avowed Hindi chauvinist
and he will make his recommendations for the blanket imposition
of Hindi.

What does this amending Bill do? I am surprised that even my
friends of the DMK have not analysed it. A few crumbs, a few
crumbs, a few scraps have been thrown from the table of the Hindi
masters, from the Hindi Herrenvolk to the non-Hindi speaking
people. What arc these crumbs? Look at these crumbs — com-
munications between one department of the Government and an-
other will carry an English translation,' resolutions, general orders,
rules, notifications, contracts between one department and another,
they will also carry an English translation. Is this the assurance of
bilingualism? It is a negation of the Nehru assurance of bilingua-
lism. It is a garish mockery of that assurance. That assurance
was that until the non-Hindi speaking people decide, at least till
then, English will be used for all the official purposes, in addition
to Hindi.

Is this the assurance? As I said, it is a cynical travesty; this Bill
Is nothing but a cynical travesty of the Nehru assurance to the non-
Hindi speaking people.

The Bill, itself, it contains all the means, all the instruments, this
amending Bill, if you analyse it — nobody has bothered about it. — I
am doing it as a lawyer — it contains all the means, all the instru-
ments for the blanket imposition of Hindi.

Shri S.S. Kothari : A good advocate for a bad cause, a lost cause.

Shri Frank Anthony : It is not a lost cause. You are destroying
the Country.

All that was necessary in order that the Nehru assurance should
have been honestly, really implemented, was, as I told Jawaharlal
Nehru, an ordinary two-line measure that English shall be used as
the associate language, in addition to Hindi, for all the official
purposes of the Union, and also alternatively because even the Par-
liamentary Committee on languages, of which I was a member, said
that even after 1 965 Hindi will not be sufficiently developed for some
of the major purposes, and there English must be used as the princi-
pal language. That ss-ould have been an implementation of the
assurance.

310 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Tortuous Resolution

Now, look at the resolution.

The resolution, with great respect to Mr. Chavan — I do not think
he had much to do with it — is even more tortuous; it is even more
devious than this amending Bill. It is another surrender to this
unremitting pressure by the dominant, clamorous Hindi bloc in the
Congress Party and outside.

What does it do? The few scraps, the few crumbs that this
amending Bill purports to throw to the non-Hindi helots, like the
DMK people, even those are negated and stultified. Look at the
built-in devices in the resolution itself for the blanket imposition of
Hindi : the imposition of the three-language formula : promotions
and confirmations will depend on passing a Hindi test : a multipli-
city of media leading inevitably to the quota system, and the quota
system meaning what? The largest quota going to the Hindi-
speaking people. Why? Because they have the largest number of
illiterate heads in the country.

Shri Bhola Nath (Alwar) : Why not? This is a democracy.

Yes, we must enjoy.

Shri Frank Anthony : That is a new interpretation of democracy,
that for entrance into the superior services where some education is
required you must count the number of illiterate heads. That is
quite a new and a devious interpretation of democracy.

The worst feature in this resolution is — it is worse even than sec-
tion 4 — that there has to be an annual review guaranteeing the pro-
gressive imposition or Hindi. My objection to section 4 was that,
contrary to the Nehru assurance of bilingualism until the non-Hindi
speaking people so decide, under section 4 after 10 years you can
have the blanket imposition of Hindi by a packed committee, but
here by this provision for a review every year, it may not be even
ten years. Within a year, within two years or within three years, by
the back-door, through this provision, there will be the blanket
imposition of Hindi.

Shri Kanwar Lai Gupta : Why back-door?

Shri Frank Anthony : Let me deal with some of the Items in the
resolution — I should have liked to deal with all. I should like to
deal with some briefly.

The Home Minister in his resolution has referred to Article 351
of the Constitution. I agree with him that Article 351 is a directive

rOST-INDCTENDEXCr. BATTLES

311

principle. It casts a duty on the Union to develop Hindi so that it
will be— tv hat? You know what it was meant to be — an expression
of the composite culture of all the elements. That much the Home
Minister put in. He omits — I do not say that he did it deliberate-
ly— the second part of Article 351. What does Article 351 in the
second part say? It says, “In order to represent the elements of the
composite culture of India, Hindi will draw on the forms, the styles
and the expressions of Hindustani, on the languages in the VUIth
Schedule and primarily on Sanskrit."

Who has stultified Article 351 ? The Central Government, apart
from the Hindi zealots, has done that. Has Article 351 got any
meaning and content today? Every style, every form and every
expression in Hindustani — has been deliberately purged from the
new Hindi: although it is the commonest language currency, to-
day Hindustani has been driven out not because it is Urdu but be-
cause it has an Urdu sound.

I learnt Hindi as my second language. At least I thought it was
Hindi. I have earned not a little money at the bar through the
medium or Hindi. Today, I am an illiterate because of the new
Hindi, because of the artificial monstrosities of All-India Radio.
Today we have become illiterates because of the new Hindi....
(Interruptions).

Shri Frank Anthony: People talk glibly. They talk of 2 per cent
of the people being English-knowing and 40 per cent being Hindi
knowing. Either these are deliberate canards or they are deliberate-
ly ignorant statements. I will nor talk about the English figures but
what are the Hindi figures? Look at the 1951 census and after that
the 1961 census. You will find that Hindi which does not consti-
tute even 25 per cent has filched the figures for a whole range of
languages which have nothing to do with Hindi. Urdu, Punjabi,
Rajasthani — over 70 dialects — have all been included. The census has
been doctored to inflate the figure of 25 percent. . . . (Interruptions).

The tragedy with my friends is that they will not argue at a ra-
tional level; they sink to vulgarities.

That will not do. No crudity, my hon. friends. You do not
understand English.

Shri Hardayal Devgun (East Delhi) : You use vulgar language.
You have been using abusive language saying Hindi chauvinists
and all that.

312 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO- INDIAN COIOIUNITY

Shri Frank Anthony; I can only pity my friend’s knowledge
of English if he says that ‘chauvinists’ is a word of abuse.

Sir, the resolution talks of accelerating the development of Hindi.
I say ‘yes’. I have given a substitute resolution. If the Central
Government wants to accelerate it, let it accelerate it at the cost
of the Hindi States. Why? (Interruptions). When I speak the
truth, they get offended. Today, Hindi is a comparatively new and
an undeveloped language. You cannot develop a language by arti-
ficial respiration, by throwing away crorcs of rupees. ... (Inter-
ruptions). The tragedy is that they do not like anybody to make
out a case. They want to shout them down. Let them try to
understand and counter my arguments.

Shri Hardaya! Devgun: Are not words like ‘fanatics’ and ‘chauvin-
ists’ abuses? This is an abusive language.

Shri Frank Anthony: What a pathetic commentary on my
friend’s knowledge of the English language. It is choice language,
the quintessence of dignity of language ....(Interruption).

Shri Hardayal Devgun : If this is the dignity of language, we
pity you.

Shri Frank Anthony : As a sop to the non-Hindi speaking people,
my friend the Home Minister has said that Government will develop
the languages in the Vllllh Schedule and Hindi. With great res-
pect to my friend, the Home Minister, may I say that this part of the
resolution is the greatest affront to the many Indian languages that
arc not in the VHIth Schedule? Some of the languages in the
VIHtb Schedule arc not regional languages; some of them are not
the official language ofa State. Now, if you want to insult the other
Indian languages, you may insult them but don’t insult the official
language of a State.

Sir, I argued it in the Supreme Court, whatever my friends may
say, and as a result of my argument — let them go and look at the
1954 judgment of the Supreme Court in the Bombay Education
Society case; my friends will not probably accept it — the Supreme
Court said that English is as much an Indian language as any other
language because it is the language of Mr. Anthony’s Community.
They went on further and affirmed that not only b it equal in status
to the languages in the VHIth Schedule. . . . (Interruptions). I am
telling them what the Supreme Court has said and they are shouting
it down. Today, the position is much stronger. . . . (Interruptions).

POST-LVOEPCN'DENCE BATTLES 313

' Mr. Chairman : Let him be allowed to proceed. The Supreme
Court judgments do stand.

Shri Frank Anthony: The Supreme Court said that English is
not only equal in status to the languages in the VII 1th Schedule but
it is the dominant Indian language because it is the language of
the Constitution, it is the language of the Supreme Court, it is
the language of the High Courts and, unlike what Mr. Chavan
said, it is the only language of authoritative legislation. . . .(Inter-
ruptions). I am not going to attempt to reply to my friends there.
My friend asks me : What is the position today? Today, the posi-
tion is infinitely stronger. Today, Nagaland has chosen, rightly,
to adopt the English language — presumably, Nagaland is an Indian
State— as the ofTicial language. . « .(Interruptions).

Shri Kanwar Lai Gupta : So what?

Shri Frank Anthony : So far, you have been insulting my Com-
munity because it is a small Community : You have been deliberate-
ly insulting us. . . .(Interruptions).

Mr. Chairman : Will you kindly sit down? Let him proceed.

Shri Frank Anthony: What do you say? You point to my
language and you say, destroy it. .. .(Interruptions). The other
day, my wife was insulted — I do not want to bring in such a thing
here (Interruptions). Is it because we are supposed to be forei-

gners and speak a foreign language? Today you insult us because
you think you can do it. Today, the Central Government says that
the Nagas are welcome in spite of the pressures from the Hindi
chauvinists.

You cannot both eat your cake and have it too with regard to the
Nagas. You cannot say to the Nagas, "Yes, you are welcome, but
your language is anathema to us. So far you have insulted this
language because it was only the language of the Anglo-Indians.
But now you will not be able to say that to the Nagas, not only be-
cause it is my language, but because it is an ofTicial language, it is a
regional language, it has a superior status to many of the languages
in the VHIth Schedule which are neither regional languages nor
official languages.

Multiplicity Of Media

Let me now deal with the question of the multiplicity of media.

I know that even my friends from Tamil Nad have subscribed to

314 THE STORT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

that — multiplicity of media for the examinations for the Centra!
Services. But who has studied the implications? I regret to say
this that the Central Government, on vital matters, comes to snap
decisions; some momentary political pressure and the most vital
decisions having disastrous consequences for the Country are arrived
at. Jawaharlal Nehru was angry with me when I fought him and
told him about the impetus that he was giving to disintegration
when there was that decision about linguistic reorganisation taken
on the basis of slogans, which had ceased to have any validity in the
new Indian context. (Interruptions). Today, my friends have
not analysed the position. I have to analyse it because I know some-
thing about it. For the I.A.S. examination, how many examiners
are there? There are about 70 examiners, and they have to be
changed every 3 years. Multiply them by 12 or 14. We find
difficulty to get suitable examiners for the IAS when they have to
be changed. Multiply it by 12 or 14. Where will you find suitable
examiners in 12 or 14 languages (Interruptions). I am showing
the implications (Interruptions).

Mr. Chairman •. Please allow him to proceed.

Shri Frank Anthony : Then you will have to have 12 or 14 Viva
Voce boards, each competing in mark-giving. So far, you had one
person standing first in the IAS, but now you will have 12 or 14
persons standing first in the IAS.

Shri Rabi Roy : To kya hua?

Shri Frank Anthony : The ‘Kya Hua’ will be this that the com-
petition will be not among the examinees, the competition will be
among the examiners. That will be the ‘Kya Hua’. Then, what
will he the further ‘Kya Hua’ ? The further ‘Kya Hua’ will be this
that because of this competition among examiners, my friend Dr.
Ram Subhag Singh will put in his whole weight, which is not in-
considerable, behind the quota system and while he puts in his
weight behind the quota system, what will happen? (Interrup-
tion).

An Hon. Member : Mr. Piloo Mody is here to outweigh him.

Shri Frank Anthony: At present about 3 or 5 per cent of the people
who get into the Central Services by competition are from the Hindi
States. That cannot be helped. If they have got only 3 million
literates in the Hindi areas in the whole Country, they are very lucky
to be able to get 3 or 5 per cent. (Interruptions). That is all.

POST-INDEPENDENCE BATHES 3 1 3

What to do? You have barely 3 million literates. I am giving
you the figures. The position will be this. You will want to have
the quota system. Then my friends will invoke democracy and
they will get 40% instead of 3 or 5 per cent for the IAS; you will have
40% of the most pitiful ignoramuses from the Hindi States coming
into and dominating the Central Services.

Shri Hardayal Dcvgun: They got less percentage in Services
because they were fighting against British imperialism.

Mr. Chairman : He may conclude.

The Three-Language Formula

Shri Frank Anthony: Sir, I will conclude by referring to that
part of the resolution which talks of the three-language formula.
Now, with great respect, may I say to Mr. Chavan that it is a piece
of palpable usurpation of authority? You know, Sir, Secondary
and Higher Secondary education represent exclusively a State sub-
ject. The States svill say, 'Who are you to tell us that we shall have
a three-language formula?’ It is a piece not only of unwarranted
dictation; States like Tamil Nad will say that it is a piece of
unwarranted impertinence.

Sir, my friend. Dr. Triguna Sen, is here. I like him. Unfortu-
nately, when he performs too many somersaults, I have to be criti-
cal. When he performed one somersault he subscribed apparently
in a prehensile way to the two-language formula. May I say, with
great respect tD him, that was one of the few sensible things — this
two-language formula — of which he has been guilty so far.

Another of his somersaults has been interpreted by the U.P.
Government to mean the banishing of the three-language formula.
The U.P. Government has banished the three-language formula.
They have not even got a two-language formula. They have got a
one-language formula. They have arrogated to themselves the
privilege of having a one-language formula. They went through
the motions of learning a third language from the South : all that
has disappeared.

Now you are going to take power in this resolution to say to them,
to say to the others, when the U.P. has buried it and has a one-
language formula, ‘You, the Tamils, you the Bengalis . . . .* (Inter-
ruptions).

Shri Hardayal Devgun rose.

316 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Mr. Chairman: Please don’t interrupt. Please resume your
seat. I am here to look after matters.

Shri Hardayal Devgun : Can he talk in this way, Sir?

Shri Frank Anthony: I do not mind these interruptions, Sir.
How will you say, when you have arrogated, when the Hindi
States have arrogated to themselves, the right of having a one-langu-
age formula, how will you say to the Tamils and the Bengalis,
’You shall have the three-language formula so that Hindi may be'
imposed on you’?

As I said, Sir, this amending Bill is a continuing travesty of the
Nehru assurance. The resolution is an even greater travesty.

(Speech Ends)

But the resolution, even in its travestied form, was not acceptable
to the Hindi zealots. Every pressure, overt and covert, was used by
the Hindi protagonists within the Congress Party and outside to
dilute the resolution further. In the result the Government, ab-
jectly dependent on the votes of the Hindi bloc, accepted an amend-
ment which in effect requires the non-Hindi speaking elements to
study three languages while the Hindi Herrenvolk will have the
right to leam only one language, their mother-tongue Hindi.

Organised. Terror Campaign

The main plank in the Hindi chauvinists’ programme has been to
trade in hate. A cheap, obscurantist device was to try to work up
emotion among the illiterates and the semi-illiterates, which number
includes not a few legislators, against English as a foreign language.
In Kanpur, Lucknow, Meerut and Benares there was organised
rioting in November and December, 1967. According to press
reports the Hindi Sena, inspired and guided by certain political
parties, even enforced a levy on behalf of the Hindi cause.
Reporting on the organised violence in Kanpur, ‘The Weekend
Review*, a Hindustan Times publication, observed that, “The scenes
perpetrated by pro-Hindi fanatics in Kanpur, Lucknow, Meerut
and Benares were doubly horrifying. The physical humiliation
and wanton destruction suffered by the few shopkeepers who refused
to bow down to the mob was pitiable." The report continued,
“All these acts of vandalism were perpetrated under the paternal
and indulgent eye of the police.’’ BrijBhardwaj, the correspondent
writing this report, continued, “While this orgyofloot, destruction

POST-INDEPENDENCE BATTLES

317

and anon was going on I wondered where were the police, the
Government, the political leaders, the law-abiding citizens, the sages,
the wizards and the moral exponents of this great country with its
‘golden heritage’.’*

‘The Weekend Review’, reporting on the organised violence by the
Hindi fanatics in New Delhi, pointed out that on December 5, 1967,
about 500 students went round the Campus of the Delhi University
shouting anti-English slogans, but since they represented only a
small section of the Delhi University students, they did not succeed.
It teas at this stage that Hindi Sainiks from Uttar Pradesh rushed
to Delhi to organise the agitation by mobilising the students in all
the colleges and schools. 17 buses of the Delhi Transport Under-
taking, including4 private buses, were damaged; G private cars were
smashed as their owners did not agree to change their number-
plates. Even Parliament was not spared the latest techniques of
the Hindi neo- Imperialists. As reported in the press, the Lok
Sabha witnessed unprecedented scenes during the debate on the
Bill to amend the Official Languages Act. A Jan Sangh member
burnt a copy of the BilJJn the tlousc. “The glass-panes of the lobby
doors were broken by some members; there \\ ere frequent scenes of
pandemonium and persistent defiance of the Chair; unparliamentary
and abusive language was used and there were even threats of the
use of physical force."

Commenting on the scene in Parliament, I wrote, “The atmos-
phere in Parliament had to be seen to be believed. As the second
seniormost member in the House I have seen the Legislative scene
unfold, at the Centre, since before Independence. However bitter
the occasion or the provocation, seldom was there any deliberate
abdication of the well-tried and respected methods of Parliamentary
debate and discussion. Today, some members, at least, show their
utter bankruptcy in Parliamentary techniques by resorting to
methods which would make the proverbial Fish-market blush.
What saddened me beyond words was the atmosphere of sheer hate
precipitated by the Hindi madmen. It was ominously reminiscent
of the days in the Central Legislative Assembly immediately prece-
ing Partition. Legislators, who were friends till yesterday, looked
at one another with blood-shot, hate-filled eyes. And the blood-
shot, hate-filled eyes of the Hindi fanatics had to be seen to be be-
lieved. Quite obviously, they are prepared to divide the Country on

318 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COSOJUNtrY

the Hindi issue.”

‘‘For many reasons the non-Hindi elements were in a position of
disadvantage. In the first place, there is no hate motivation, no
exuding of fanatical madness. Outside the D.M.K. there is no orga-
nised resistance to the growing tentacles of Hindi Imperialism-
Except for one notorious Hindi zealot, all members of the Congress
Party were lashed by a rigorous Party Whip. Deep and passionate
feelings there were and they cut across party lines. Thus the repre-
sentatives from West Bengal spoke with one voice against the menace
of Hindi Imperialism. A Communist member, Shri Nair from
Kerala, who did not get an opportunity to speak during the general
discussion, loudly registered his protest by shouting 4 times, “Down
with Hindi Imperialism” and then walked out of the House.”

“The Hindi hate-campaign of violence, terror and intimidation
was obviously planned. Two Ministers from the U.P. came all the
way to Delhi to defy and break the law. Their conduct before
and after their arrest defied description. Deliberately, Ministers
had cast themselves in the role of law-breakers and common
criminals. Student elements in Delhi, said to be the pawns of the
Jan Sangh and S.S.P., went on a rampage. There is little consola-
tion that they belonged to the mucker elements of the student
community. The stark, shameful fact was that they were able to
hold the University to ransom and by arson, loot and violence to
bring the rule of law into contempt. According to press reports,
in the U.P. there was open incitement to and approbation of viol-
ence by the Jan Sangh and the S S.P. From Patna it was reported
that demonstrators, led by the Minister for Local Self-Government
and the President of the Bihar Hindi Sahitya Sammelan, stoned
the premises of the well-known English -medium newspaper
‘Searchlight’ and sought to set fire to the office.”

‘‘The rule of law was paralysed in the presence of organised viol-
ence, crime and terror. We have yet to hear of commensurate
punishment being meted out not only to Ministers, who deliberately
cast themselves in the role of criminals, but to young brigands, mas-
querading as students and breaking the law with cynical impunity.”

Revulsion Against Hindi Spreads

The planned violence and calculated terror in the Hindi States
had its own inevitable reaction. Fortunately, the D.M.K. Ministry

POST-INDEPENDENCE BATTLES

319

strongly condemned violence and appealed to the students to
maintain discipline. Nevertheless, the anti-Hindi campaign was
widespread and bitter. Trains were burnt, rail services were
paralysed both on the metre and broad gauge sections of the
Southern Railway.

The revulsion spread to Kerala, Mysore and Andhra Pradesh.
A two-day battle completely shattered the long-held belief that
Bangalore could never become violent on the language issue and
also erased the misconception that Mysore would give in to Hindi
domination without a murmur. There was a 30-hour reign of terror
on January 22 and 23, resulting in 5 deaths, owing to police firing,
and 273 persons being injured. The Chief Minister of Kerala joined
hands with the Chief Minister of Madras. He pointed out that
with the people of Andhra and Mysore waking up to the dangers of
the Official Languages Amending Act, a strong anti-Hindi belt was
slowly growing in the South and that the Congress leaders could
ignore this only at their peril.

According to a news item from Hyderabad dated January 23,
I960, reports from 1 1 districts of Andhra showed that the anti-Hindi
agitation was being intensified and spreading fast. Trains were
detained and damaged at many places. Strikes were reported
from many educational institutions, and in Chitioor an effigy of
Morarji Desai, the Deputy Prime Minuter, was burnt after the
students had taken out a procession.

An ominous but sad incident was reported in The Hindu, dated
January 30, 1960. Speaking at an Engineering College in Banga-
lore, General Cariappa referred to the fact that N.C.C. platoons
had shown disrespect to the national flag at the Republic Day
parade, at Mercara, at which General Cariappa was also present.
The N.C.C. platoons of the Government College had refused to
salute the flag because the commands were given in Hindi.

A news item, dated January 31, showed that the anti-Hindi
agitation -had spread to Mangalore. Students of the Government
College and the Kasturba Medical College took out a procession
and shouted anti-Hindi slogans. Hindi signboards at the railway
station, Post and Telegraph offices and shops were disfigured and
anti-Hindi slogans were written on the walls all over the city.
Cinema houses exhibiting Hindi films announced their closure.

Rajaji appealed to the Prime Minister to suspend the implementa-

320 T1IE STORY or TIE ANGUMNDIAX COStVUMTY

tion ofchapter seventeen of the Constitution dealing the official

language until the political situation of the Country Stabilised ant!
the economy improved.

Protests continued to the amendment to the Official Languages
Act. The Andhra Pradesh Joint Action Committee was formed by
the studenti of Sri VenVatewara and O'tnania Universities and the
anti -Hindi agitation was intensified in Andhra Pradesh. D. Jlama-
murthy of Andhra Unisersity, a convener or the Committee, stated,
“The student community in Andhra Pradesh arc one with the
Madras students in their iota! opposition to die imposition of Hindi
on South India and abolition of English in the North.”

In Calcutta organised anti-Hindi demonstrations ssrrc held.
According to press reports dated December 26, apart from parades
in the street and the shouting of anti-Hindi slogans, Hindi signboards
and Hindi posters in front of shops and cinema houses were dis-
figured.

Even Mr Kamaraj, the outgoing Congress President, pleaded for
a change in ihe language policy for removing the additional burden
that bad been cast upon the non-llindi entrants to the Central
Services. The Chief Minister of Madras, Mr. Annadurai, accord-
ing to press reports dated January 15, was of the view that with-
out a satisfactory solution of the language issue based on the status
quo ante, continuing in office would amount to alxlication of
responsibility on the part of ihe present generation to the younger
generation which would lie completely at a disadvantage in the all-
India picture w hen it came of age and shouldered office twenty years
afterwards.

Rajaji, once again, expressed the view that only by shelving the
language issue indefinitely and restoring the status quo ante ssith
English as the sole official language of the Centre and as the means
of communication between States, could the Country be saved.

What happened to Morarji Desai's proposed visit to Madras
was significant. On January 17, he was advised not to go to
Madras because of bis uncompromising stand on the language
issue. Discretion suggested that he should divert his programme to
Bangalore. But even there massive demonstrations organised by
anti-Hindi agitators led to the cancellation of his scheduled in-
auguration of India's first cinerama theatre. Students from a num-
ber of educaxinaal inswmte«& walked sy*c \V,tvs classes, slvousiwj.

posr-iKDr.iTNTirNcr. e \mxs 321

"We \ant Kannada and English and don’t want Hindi.” Accord*
to press reports of January 22, the police had to fire to disperse
the Bangalore students.

Kama raj continued his protests against the amendment to the
Official Languages Act and the accompanying resolution. Ac-
cording to press reports of January 22, he said that the recent
Official Languages amendment and the resolution would place
national unity in jeopardy. He expressed his regret that the people
in the Hindi area do not understand the realities in the non-Hindi
regions. He said that English would have to be the link language
for communication between the Hindi and the non-Hindi areas
because English was the only language that could be used as the
link language. He said that the amendment served to sow the
seeds of disintegration and pointed the way straight to separation.
He wanted this to be immediately undone.

According to press reports from Trivandrum, dated January
22, the Chief Minister of Kerala, Mr. Namboodiripad, announced
in the Legislature that the State Government’s stand on the langu-
age question was that English would continue as the link language.
Namboodiripad added that his Government’s view was that people
who were accustomed to the use of English should have the freedom
to continue its use.

According to press reports dated January 23, the Madras
State Assembly adopted a resolution appealing to (he Union Govern-
ment to suspend the operation of the Official Languages Amendment
Act and to devise ways and means to ensure that the people in the
non-Hindi regions were not subjected to any disadvantage or addi-
tional burden. The resolution, moved by the Chief Minister, re-
commended that Hindi commands in the N.C.C. and other units
should be dropped and, if the Centre did not permit this, the N.C.C.
in Madras would have to be disbanded.

The latest position would appear to be that the N.C.C., in the
Madras State, if not disbanded has been put into cold storage.

Rajaji once again entered a plea for sanity. Writing in Swaraj ya
of January 27, 1968, while protesting against the bilinguism for-
mula, he said that it was a ‘Split-India charter’. “For the Hindi
regions,” he wrote, “it is not bilinguism but a single language and
tf tat the mother- tongue of the pwpiVr of those regions. For non-
Hindi regions this bilinguism is prolonged trilinguism — English, the

322

THE STOUT OP THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

regional language and Hindi.” According to Rajaji, this prolong-
ed bilinguism will be, “The cause of increasing confusion, delay,
expense, inefficiency, conspiracy and indiscipline in all Central

offices It will hit the young men and women of our land and bar

them from official and professional work."

The anti-Hindi resistance has continued to simmer in the Sou'll.
In Andhra Pradesh, according to reports dated January 31, 1968,
demonstrators burnt the effigy of the Prime Minister at 7 places;
several district schools and colleges were closed and lathi-charges
were made by the police. In Mangalore, Hindi signboards at the
Tailway station, post and telegraph offices and shops v> ere disfigured
and anti-Hindi slogans written all over the walls.

In early February, anti-Hindi agitations continued throughout
Andhra Pradesh. The anti-Hindi agitation in Mangalore took
a serious turn. Detention of trains by students was reported. The
screening of Hindi films was suspended in Nellore and schools and
colleges in various parts or Andhra Pradesh were closed following
the renewal of the anti-Hindi agitation. Andhra University was
dosed till February 10.

According to press reports dated March 6, 1960, the Madras
Government ordered discontinuance of the teaching of Hindi in
Anglo-Indian Schools and also in the State with immediate effect.

According to press reports of September 26, the Madras Law
Minister, S. Mad ha van, stated that the State Government would
not allow the Central Government to start Hindi classes in Tamil
Nad, as this would be an attempt to bring in Hindi by the back-door.
It would also be an attempt to by-pass the decision of the State
Government to abolish the teaching of Hindi in schools. The
students of Coimbatore, according to press reports of October 3,
went on strike protesting against the starting of single-teacher Hindi
schools in the Madras State.

Some Hindi Imperialists, typifying their parochial and obscurantist
attitudes, persist in living in a world of illusion. Someone, because
he has to toe the Congress Party line, protests that Hindi is spread-
ing in the non-Hindi States. Practically the next day the Mysore
Education Minister states that while Hindi might be studied in
Mysore, even if a student gets a cipher it would not affect cither his
progress or his grade in educational institutions!

On our way from Madras to Bangalore, on the 20th December,

POST- INDEPENDENCE B tTITES

323

1967, our train was held up at Perambur. Fortunately, the
students were not in an unduly violent mood. They satisfied them-
selves by defacing all the Hindi signs on the train and compart-
ments and by making everyone, including our servants, who are
Hindi-speaking, shout, 'Hindi, Down Down'.

The Hindi chauvinists have only themselves to blame for the
sheer hatred for Hindi that is now building up like a blank wall over
the South despite anodyne remarks from those who deny this posi-
tion. The Hindi chauvinists have traded in Hate and it is axiomatic
that Hate begets Hate. The ‘Angrezi Hatao’ movement is now
coming home to roost, in an ever-widening ‘Hindi Hatao’ movement.
After I had presided at the annual prize day of the Frank Anthony
Public School, Bangalore, several South-lndian parents explained
their difficulties to me. Not only Tamil and Telugu speaking
parents, but parents from Mysore were distressed by this Hate
psychology that had affected their children. As the boys grow older
they refuse to learn Hindi, or if they are made to study Hindi, as
part of the three-language formula, the psychological resistance
closes their minds to its reception. Another parent from Mysore
mentioned to me that before the Hindi chauvinists’ Hate campaign
against English there were about 40 classes run by voluntary organis-
ations in Bangalore for teaching those who wanted to study Hindi.
According to this parent those classes have been dosed down because
of the Hate motive propagated by the Hindi fanatics and which has
now recoiled against Hindi.

Latest Developments — A National Disaster

Increasingly TrigunaSen, the newly appointed Education Minister,
has proved not only a disaster but a dangerous disaster for education
and unity in the Country. A novice in public affairs, that he should
have been put in charge of the education portfolio at a critical junc-
ture was a major national tragedy; wittingly or unwittingly, he has
played the Hindi chauvinist game.

As a member of the Kothari Education Commission, Triguna Sen
had embraced with alacrity the vital recommendations for continu-
ing English as the fink language for academic and intellectual inter-
communication and In the all-India Institutes and the major univer-
sities. The Commission had worked for 21 months, took evidence
on a massive scale and returned a massive report, to which Triguna

324 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COJOfUNITT

Sen was an eager co-signatory. It is not known whether Triguna
Sen is an academician or only a highly qualified engineer. Be that
as it may, presumably in his educational capacity he solemnly sub-
scribed his signature to the report of the Kothari Education Com-
mission. Then, presumably in his political capacity in a different
milieu, presumably with a different inspiration, .as Chairman of the
Parliamentary Committee which made its report in July, 1967,
blandly and cavalierly, he turned his back on every vital recommen-
dation to which he had subscribed his signature as a member of the
Kothari Education Commission. He entered no demur. In fact,
he embraced with alacrity, as the Chairman of a political committee,
as a novitiate politician, the dead-line of 5 years for the change-
over at all levels to the regional languages as the media. As I men-
tioned when speaking in Parliament in November, 1967, on the
Kodiari Education Commission report, Triguna Sen should have
been aware of the fact that this dead-line of 5 years was not
only an exercise in irresponsibility but an exercise in absurdity.
Triguna Sen seemed to believe that by some process of educational
alchemy, all the necessary books not only at the under-graduate
level but at the graduate, the post-graduate and research levels,
in the various regional languages, would be forthcoming.

The U.P. Minister of Education when asked as to how he could
produce the necessary books, admitted that the Central Committee
on Scientific and Technological terminology had listed 940 standard
works for the humanities and 395 for science and technology. He
was asked how many of them his State had translated into Hindi. He
said, “None”, but added, “What does it matter? We have got some
at the under-graduate level, but none of these minimum standard
works either at the graduate or at the post-graduate level.” Then
he went on, “But what is the difficulty? I shall produce a committee
of three, one senior teacher in Hindi, one junior teacher in Hindi
and one pundit in Hindi, and in 5 years we shall have the trans-
lations we need for post-graduate and research work.”

Commenting on this, in my speech in Parliament, I posed the
rhetorical question whether this attitude should not make the
nation weep !

When the Bihar Education Minister was asked for his reaction to
this question of translation, he said that for his State it would
mean having to indulge in fantastic expenditure. In Bihar they

POST-INUETENDENCE BATTLES

325

spent about Rs. 20 crores, but whether the translations would be
acceptable or not was a different matter. He said that if they pro-
ceeded with this exercise of translations the bill would go up to Rs.
100 crores.

In my speech I pointed out that Trigtma Sen’s antics had produc-
ed disastrous results. His statements as Chairman of the Parlia-
mentary Committee had given a handle to the Hindi States, al-
though they did not need a handle or an excuse. They quoted him
as the authority for seeking to outlaw English. Not only was
Triguna Sen responsible for producing fatal fixations on regional
lines, he was responsible for having killed and buried the three-
language formula. One of the few sensible things that emerged from
his utterances was his recommendation of a two-language formula;
but under pressure, the new-found politician, promptly withdrew
that recommendation. Although very new to politics he appears
to have learned quickly the technique of the political acrobat and
the chameleon. Having been primarily responsible for killing the
three-language formula in the Hindi States, be is now making
drivelling appeals to the non-Hindi States and also to the Hindi
States to adopt the three-language formula.

Dr. Lakshmanaswarni Mudaliar, Vice-Chancellor of Madras
University, speaking at a meeting of the Central Advisory Board of
Education held at Nov Delhi in August, 1967, revealed yet another
face of Triguna Sen. He mentioned that at a meeting presided over
by Mr. Chagla, the then Education Minister, Dr. Sen, as a Vice-
Chancellor, would not allow the discussion to proceed till a resolu-
tion was passed that in all technical and professional institutions
Englishmtistcontinue as the medium for as long as it was necessary I

Chagla' s Resignation

On August 31 , 1967, Mr. M.C. Chagla, then the Minister of Exter-
nal Affairs, submitted his resignation from the Cabinet addressing
the following letter to the Prime Minister.

“My dear Prime Minister,

There is one tenet which I have considered to be basic to my politi-
cal philosophy, such as I have, and that is the maintenance of the
unity of India which should override all other considerations. I
regret that, in my opinion, the educational policy of the Government
is likely to threaten, if not undermine, that unity.

326 THE STORY or THE ANGIO-IXOIAX COMWSTTr

I am all in favour of the development of Indian languages. I
also accept the position that Hindi must ultimately replace Eng-
lish and play the unifying role that English plays today. But I equal-
ly strongly believe that the change-over from English to regional
languages must be gradual and must not impair educational stand-
ards and, in the process of the change-over, till Hindi takes the field,
the teaching of English should be strengthened and not allowed to
recede into obscurity. Even after English ceases to be a link langu-
age, it will have to continue as an international language which will
help us to keep our contacts abroad.

The time limit proposed to be set for the change-over in the
universities of five years for undergraduate studies and ten years for
all stages is hopelessly unpracticable and unrealistic.

Some of the languages mentioned in the VII I ih Schedule of the
Constitution are highly developed, others are not. Even the former
have not got the necessary literature nor the teachers trained to lec-
ture in these languages.

It is said that a crash programme of translation will fill up this
gap. I disagree. It is not through translation but original work
that a language is developed. And original works cannot be pro-
duced overnight. The Education Commission points out that care-
ful preparation should be made for the purpose, and both the manner
and the time of transition would have to be left for decision to the
university system.

The motto of every university should be to work for excellence
and not be a mere factory for the production or graduates. And I
dread to think what will happen to excellence if teachers are asked
to lecture in a language in which they are not proficient and with
the help of shoddy books hastily produced to order.

What will happen to students whose mother-tongue is different
from the regional language? In many cities you have different
media of instruction to cater for a multi-lingual society. They will
be practically shut out from universities of the State which will be
teaching in the regional language. No thought has been given to
this serious problem.

What will happen to teachers who are not conversant with the
regional language? Most universities recruit professors on an all-
India basis and make use of the best talent available. Are these
professors to be turned out? And do we, after five years, make our

posT-rs’onprNDcscs battles

327

universities purely regional with students only from the State and
cease to employ teachers outside its boundaries?

I must also point out the harm that an early and unprepared
switch-over to regional languages will do to the study of science and
technology.

Tliis is a scientific and technological age and the horizon of
knowledge is expanding at an incredible pace. One can at least
translate text-books in the humanities, but in science, apart from the
text-books, the student lias to keep pace with new discoveries, and
this he can only do if he is familiar with the large number of scienti-
fic journals which arc at present only published in English or other
European languages.

Therefore, as far as science is concerned, even the translation of
text-books will not solve the problem.

A large body of scientific scholars must grow up who will be
publishing their researches in journals and magazines which will be
available to universities. This is a long and laborious process and
must take a very long time. Therefore, a sudden change-over from
English to the regional languages must result in a precipitous lower-
ing of standard!, more particularly in the field of science, where, if
wc wish to industrialise our country and transform its economy, we
need the work and co-operation of our best scientific and our bese
research scholars.

But I would rather deal with the threat to our unity. English ,
whether we like it or not, has brought about administrative, acade-
mic and judicial unity. If Hindi takes its place, no one would be
more happy than I. But with the strong feelings prevailing in the
south, this cannot be achieved till it has been persuaded to accept
the official language indicated in the Constitution.

But, in the meantime, irreparable damage would have been
done. The inter-regional linguistic bond which contributes so
much towards our unity will have been snapped. Mobility of pro-
fessors and students will become impossible. Administration in the
Centre and Centre-State relations will all receive a severe jolt from
this policy.

I have nightmarish visions of interpreters being needed in a high-
powered conference to interpret what one Indian is saying to an-
other.

This is why the Education Commission has proposed that in

328 the stort or the ahclo-kdias community

major universities it will be necessary as a rule to adopt English as
the medium of education because their students and teachers will be
drawn on an all-India basis.

It might be said that as External Aflairs Minister I have noth
ing to do with education. But I believe in collective responsibility
and I am as much responsible for the education policy of Govern-
ment as my friend. Dr. Sen.

I do not like to remain in the Government and criticise its policy.
That would be disloyalty. I want to be free to express my opinion.
I, therefore, hereby tender my resignation as a member of the
Government.

Parting is always sad and I am sorry to part company with you
and my colleagues. I only wish I was leaving in happier circums-
tances.

I strongly feel that the steps we are taking are irreversible. In
most matters. Government policy, if mistaken, can be corrected. In
education it cannot be. It aiTccts millions of our people and a whole
generation may suiter because we arc more concerned with our
present difficulues and pressures and do not look sufliciently ahead
into the future.

I hope you will permit me to release this letter to the press.**
(Letter Ends)

Culpable Ambivalence

The Government was culpably ambivalent on this question of
regional languages as the media. In an efTort to deery, if not dis-
credit, Chngla it was implied that his resignation was premature as
allegedly no decision had been taken by the Cabinet. This hardly
squared with the facts or the circumstantial evidence.

I had been informed that the Cabinet was to meet and discuss this
specific question of media. I met the Prime Minister, Mrs. Indira
Gandhi, shortly after the Cabinet meeting on the 7th August, 1967.
I was accompanied by Barrow, my colleague in Parliament. During
our discussions there was no suggestion that a decision had not
been taken. It became clear, during the discussions, that the
Government had accepted the policy of the regional languages as
the media in higher education. The only question that remained
open seems to have been the length of time in which this change
would be effected.

POST-IN'DCTENDEXCE BATTLES

329

After meeting the Prime Minister, I met several members of the
Cabinet who confirmed that the decision had been made, however
much some of them had disagreed.

On being questioned by the press as to my reaction on Chagla’s
resignation, I said, “That it symbolised a tragedy for the Country as it
underlined the utter helplessness of members of the Cabinet with a
sense of sanity and vision in the face of Hindi chauvinism of which
the Central Government was now completely a prisoner." The
Deputy Prime Minister, Morarji Desai, when questioned by news-
paper men during his extensive foreign tour, sneered that Chagla’s
resignation would not affect the Government. Admittedly Chagla
did not have what is, today, rated as the most valuable asset among
politicians: in the generally muddied waters of politics, today,
rating depends not on the capacity or character of a person but on
the strength of the group or clique that he can command. A
premium is now placed on the capacity for intrigue, manoeuvering
and the manipulation of groups or cliques.

Pleas For Sanity

Meanwhile, watching with increasing distress the almost cavalier
manner in which the Hindi chauvinists and their prisoners in the
Government were giving irrevocable hostages to disintegration,
eminent Indians in various walks of life entered a plea for sanity and
vision.

On September 10, 1967, the Medical Council of India adopted
the following resolution.

"In order to maintain uniform standards in under-graduate
and post-graduate medical education throughout the country
and to utilize fully the world literature in teaching, patient care
and research, the Medical Council of India is of the opinion that
English should continue till such time as a link language with
adequate scientific literature is fully developed to replace it.”

The resolution W3s forwarded to the Prime Minister, all the State
Governments, Universities and the Planning Commission.

On December 5, 1967, the Council of the Institute of Engineers
(India) at its meeting held in Poona adopted the following resolu-

330

THE STORY Or THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

“This 451st Meeting of the Council of Institution of Engi-
neers (India) held at Poona on 5-12-1967, having given very
careful thought to the problem of technical education in the
Country, and having regard to the importance of effective com-
munication between Engineers and Technologists of the vari-
ous regions of the country, and to mobility of engineers, teachers
and the students between them, and with a view to keeping
abreast of the progress in other countries has unanimously re-
solved as under 1

\1) English should continue to be the medium of instruction
at the graduate and post-graduate level in engineering
technological Faculties.

(2) The regional language may be adopted for education up to
Polytechnic level with a view to better comprehension by
the students and also belter and wider diffusion of techni-
cal knowledge in the masses.

(3) English should be a compulsory language when regional
languages arc used as media of instruction at Polytechnic
level.

(4) International English terminology with numerals, signs
and symbols in Roman and Arabic scripts shall be adopt-
ed in all technical education.

(5) English shall continue to be the medium for all examina-
tions of the Institution of Engineers.

(6) At Secondary Schools the three-language formula should
be adopted to include the regional language, Hindi and
English so that Item Nos. 1 and 2 above can be effective-
ly implemented.”

Finally, the Bar Council or India, at about the same time, adopted
the following resolution.

“The B^r Council of India, concerned as it is with secur-
ing adequate lifgal education, recognition of degrees in law con-
ferred by universities in this country, ensuring high standards
of professional cWnpctencc and with the maintenance of an
effective all-India oSar;

“Deprecates proposals to switchover to the compulsory use
of regional languages\jn the High Courts and in Universities,

roST-lNDRTtXDEXCE BATTLES 531

and call* attention to some of the disastrous consequences of a
hasty switch-over.”

"This Council is of the opinion that deep study and felicity
in the use of one common language are vital to the exjjtrnce of
an all-India Judicial cadre, the Suprrme Court and a competent
all-India Bar, each of which is in turn indispensable to national
integration.”

Afadras language Convention

On the 4th and 5th November, 1967, a historic language conven-
tion was held in Madras City. The venue was the magnificent new
auditorium of the Madras University. About 3000 delegates from
every part of the Country and from practically every State had taken
the trouble to attend. The auditorium of the Madras University
has accommodation for 5000 persons and was packed to capacity.
This was in spite of the fact that the organisers only permitted a
1000 passes for students.

Mr. K. Subba Rao, retired Chief Justice of India, inaugurated the
Convention and Dr. A. Ramaswami Mudaliar presided, I was in-
vited to attend and was among the principal speakers.

Inaugurating the Convention, Subba Rao said that the language
problem should be left to be solved by the coming generation
and that the status quo should be maintained until a consensus solu-
tion was found. Subba Rao warned that any attempt "To force
Hindi down the throats of unwilling people will certainly lead to the
disintegration or the Country." "The best course”, he said, "is to
have the status quo and to continue English as the official language
and also as the medium of instruction in colleges.”

If Hindi was accepted as the official language, he felt the Official
Languages Act ought to be amended to ensure that English was con-
tinued till all the States agreed to the change-over.

Subba Rao underlined that English must continue to be the sole
language of the Supreme Court and the High Courts and that it
should be the medium of instruction in professional colleges, research
courses and post-graduate studies.

Continuing he said, “Replacing English by regional languages as
a medium of instruction at the university level is a delicate and diffi-
cult task and its phasing and steps should be left entirely to expert
educationists."

332 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Subba Rao felt that the States should make sincere attempts to
encourage scholars to conduct journals and write books on various
subjects in the regional languages. It was not enough, he said, to
have an idea; it must be pursued with vigour.

Opposing the three-language formula, Subba Rao said that “It
worked unevenly on the people of different States, besides burdening
the child with unnecessary languages at the expense of knowledge.
The illogicality of the three-language formula imposition will be
apparent if a person in a Hindi region is compelled to take one of the
languages other than Hindi and English.”

He stated, that “A boy with a flair for languages may learn many,
but that is an unnecessary burden both to an average and also to a
bright one who had no aptitude for languages.”

At the University level, Subba Rao said, there must be bilinguism —
English and the regional language, the first for professional colleges
and for science subjects and the latter for the humanities. He conti-
nued that in the demand for the replacement of English by Hindi as
the official language and for all other purposes he saw the only reason
for the whipped-up agitation for a quick change-over was a sense
of false prestige and an inferiority complex.

“This propaganda”, he said, “may have had a sentimental appeal
during our freedom struggle, but after Independence it has none.
We must behave like a mature nation and enlightened self-interest,
here or elsewhere, should be our guide.” He added, “We must
eschew the bad and retain the good, irrespective of its source, foreign
or indigenous. English is one of such good things.”

Pandit Hirdaynath Kunzru said that to a certain extent it might
be true that education was best imparted through the mother-
tongue, but education only had value if it brought the students in
touch with the people and the world for which English was necessary.
Even subjects like economics, politics and sociology could not be
properly discussed in isolation from the rest of the world. Hirday-
nath Kunzru said that the Union Education Minister, before he left
for Moscow, stated that he was not against the retention of English
at the University level. If Dr. Sen had mentioned this from the
very beginning, they would have been spared the trouble of having
this Convention. Dr. Kunzru said that the Convention should
arouse the intelligentsia of the Country to the dangers of isolation
from the world. They should stand up and prevent the Country

rOST-IXOEFENBQECE BATTLES 333

from reverting to a situation from which Raja Rammoiian Roy had
rescued it 150 yean ago. He reminded the Convention how Raja
Rammohan Roy had fought against the then existing system of edu-
cation (1816) and demanded a liberal education in English.

I do not propose to reproduce my speech as I addressed the Con-
vention for some considerable time. Among the main points made
by me was that, because of the political overtones and the increas-
ing political pressure by the dominant Hindi bloc in Parliament, an
objective approach to educational problems and, indeed, to the
larger interests of the Country' had become more and more difficult.
I said that the mother-tongue theory necessarily had an emotional
appeal, but in the context of a polyglot country it cannot have uni-
form significance or validity. Where over 350 million people can-
hot read or write a single language and where, according to a con-
servative estimate, there are 179 languages and 544 dialects, it is
unreal to talk of acquiring knowledge through the mother-tongue
which may be little more than a dialect and with not even the most
elementary primers or books in any discipline. I said that even
after the linguistic re-distribution of the States, the different regions
were anything but unilinguat : the imposition of the regional langu-
ages as media would, therefore, mean denial of the mother-tongue
to millions of people.

I stated that for several millions of Indians, English is the langu-
age spoken in the home. At any one time there are between 4 and
5 million students studying through the medium of English from the
primary up to the university stage. This represented a very high
percentage of those who have the opportunity for education.

I underlined that there could be no rigidity about the mother-
tongue as the medium. This position was underlined by conditions
in States like Assam, Nagaland and the Hill-tribe areas where, in
order to make education meaningful, English had been adopted as
the medium of instruction not only for higher education but at the
school stage.

I said that English-medium schools represented the only all-
India system of secondary education in the Country. It is to these
institutions alone that the children of members of the armed forces
and government servants, who are liable to transfer, can look for
the continuity of their education.

I said that from the legal and constitutional position any Indian

33 1 THE STORT OP THE AMGcO-OiDIAN COSDtUNTTT

would have as much right to start an English-medium school as to
start a Hindi-medium school. In fact, for several reasons, the right
is stronger. Unlike Hindi, English gives access to the widest hori-
zons of knowledge : unlike Hindi, English gives access to the highest
reaches of professional and technical attainment : and, unlike Hindi,
English is an all-India language with adequately trained teachers
available everywhere to teach the different subjects through the
medium of English.

I pointed out that, as held by the Supreme Court, English is as
much an Indian language as any other language of the Country be-
cause it is the language of a recognised Indian minority, the Anglo-
Indians. Recently, Nagaland aflirmed its adoption of English as
its official language, thus giving English parity with other regional
languages. In a sense, English has a superior status in law to the
regional languages in the VIHth Schedule, because it is not only the
associate official language but also the language of the Constitution,
of the Supreme Court and High Courts and of authoritative legisla-
tion.

I mentioned that in any democracy, especially in India with its
bewildering polyglot structure, liberty of thought and expression
was the most precious of the fundamental rights. The parent has
the fundamental right to determine the kind of education he wants
for his child. It has been held by the Supreme Court that the child
is not the creature of the State and that those who nurture him and
direct his destiny have the right, coupled with the duty, to prepare
him for his obligations in life. To preserve the secular concept, there
are several provisions in the Constitution underlining the right of a
child belonging to any language group to go to any institution either
run or aided by the State, whatever the medium may be. One of
the fundamental freedoms of our Constitution is that of speech and
expression : freedom of expression would include the freedom to im-
bibe thought and culture through any medium. Any attempt by
the Hindi chauvinists to discriminate against English would also
offend Articles 14 and 16 of the Constitution which guarantee
equality of treatment and opportunity.

I said that de facto English is the link language, today, In higher
education. Hindi has, in fact, no place and can never have any
place because of its complete lack of an elementary corpus of books
and of knowledge. Given the option, even in the Hindi States the

POST- INDEPENDENCE BATTLES

335

overwhelming number of students have opted for English at the Uni-
versity stage. English is, in feet, today the only all-India language,
at any rate in higher education. Apart from being the only cement,
administrative and judicial, it is par excellence the only bond of
educational and, indeed, emotional integration.

On the second day of the Convention, Dr. C.D. Dcshmukh, then
Vice-Chancellor of the Delhi University and a former Chairman
of the University Grants Commission, proposed the adoption of
"Bhasha Bharati” written in the Roman script, suitably provided
with additional diacritical marks and written in one tier instead of
three to avoid wastage. Dr. Dcshmukh said that the nation's in-
terests demanded that they did not weaken the grasp of English
which would be the only international language to help them achieve
the delayed objective of developing their regional languages. Dcsh-
mukh said that English was the only adequate medium of communi-
cation at the intellectual level. Hindi could not be thought of in
this context, being no better developed than the other regional langu-
ages, perhaps worse. In his view Hindi had not yet developed as
an all-India language and the Country's interests required that Eng-
lish be continued as an associate language for an indefinite period
both at the Central and the State levels.

Dcshmukh felt that there was some truth in the almost universal
proposition that the Indian languages had not yet developed a
‘‘literature of knowledge". It was surprising that despite significant
works by scholars over the last 100 years, Indian languages had not
produced a "literature of knowledge”. India could not depend
upon translations forever.

Rajaji, still going strong at 89, addressed the Convention at 4
p.m. on the second day. Rajaji cautioned that the battle against
Hindi imposition would be a long one. He said that the battle
would not be easy because the Central Government had secured a
strong army behind it for its wrong policy. From his knowledge
of people in the North, they would fight hard for Hindi.

Rajaji said that the fight should not be through direct action, but
by exposition of the truth in the best manner. They could not fight
the batde with hesitating steps. Rajaji wanted everyone to pledge
to fight to keep English in its present position.

Rajaji said that those who had Hindi as their mother-tongue did
not understand the full implications of what they were trying to do.

336 THE STORE OP THE ANGI.O- INDIAN COMMUNITT

They thought that just as they learnt English, the Tamils could and
would one day learn Hindi. But Hindi was a totally foreign langu-
age to the Tamils.

Rajaji reiterated that higher education in technology and the
sciences should continue to be in English not only because English
had attained international status, but because the whole country
wanted it. He said to those who wanted the regional languages to
be introduced, “By all means use them as far as you can. But do not
object to English being the medium of instruction for higher studies
and for the library.”

Rajaji warned that making the regional languages the media of
higher education would ruin the Country. India would cease to be
one Country : it would become an archipelago or isolated islands in
a turbulent ocean. He asked the politicians not to interfere with
students, even as the latter should not interfere with politics.

Government Exercise In Illusion

On the 17th of July, 1968, the Cabinet was reported to have ap-
proved of a national policy statement on education. Much of the
old wishful thinking, the pious and, indeed, dangerous illusions are
to be found in this statement. Thus there is the illusory hope of a
vigorous implementation of the three-language formula at the se-
condary stage. As I have mentioned earlier, one of the somersaults
of Triguna Sen encouraged the Hindi States to adopt a one-langu-
age formula. In reply Tamil Nadu banished Hindi. In most of the
States the three-language formula is largely a hypocritical, lip-service
offering. In States like Mysore, a student may get a blob in Hindi
as the second or the third language : it docs not interfere in the least
with the promotion or, indeed, the class secured. The Anglo-Indian
schools are among the very few that honestly implement the three
language formula. Not only the promotion but the grading, in the
Anglo-Indian schools, depends on the marks secured in Hindi, if it is
the second language.

The so-called national policy statement also contains the illusion
of developing Hindi as the link language. There is the continuing
failure to distinguish between Hindi as the official language and as
the link language in higher education and in the higher judicial
echelons. In spite of all the dangerous self-deception that dogs a
Hindi-ridden Central Government, there is not the remotest possibi-

J-OST-INDETENDENCE B VITUS

337

lity, in any foreseeable future, of Hindi ever being adopted by the
non-Hindi States as the medium in higher education. The adoption of
Hindi as the language of the High Courts is an equally wild illusion.

The only glimmering of commonsense that appears through this
statement is that, at least, the exercise in absurdity of prescribing a
time-limit of 5 to 10 years, for the change-over to the regional langu-
ages as the media at the University stage, has been abandoned.
There is the usual tongue-in-the-cheek offering to the need for conti-
nuing emphasis on the study of English. But no one in the Govern-
ment seems to have either the courage, the vision or, indeed, the
commonsense to state frankly that without the continuance of Eng-
lish as the medium in the higher reaches of education, especially in
science, technology and research, India will leap back into the bul-
lock-cart age, apart from disintegrating educationally, politically
and emotionally.

Increasing Breach Of Faith

As 1 had anticipated, when characterising the amendment to the
Official Languages Act and the accompanying resolution as a conti-
nuing travesty of the Nehru assurance, the Hindi fanatics in the Cen-
tral Government and in the offices of the Central Ministries are go-
ing ahead with the progressive imposition of Hindi. I had pointed
out in my speech in Parliament that the Act, despite the amendment,
and more especially the resolution, contained all the instruments for
the rapid and, indeed, blanket imposition of Hindi. That is now
happening. According to a press report of the 7th October, 1968,
the Government has issued to the various Ministries and Central
organisations directives which ensure the progressive imposition
of Hindi. Even the anaemic provision for a translation in English
will not be operative svhene the staff concerned, both in the originat-
ing and the receiving Ministries, have acquired a working knowledge
or Hindi. With typical tortuousness, a working knowledge of Hindi
has been equated to a pass in Hindi at the matriculation examina-
tion or its Pragya equivalent in the Hindi teaching scheme, or in a
departmental test.

Some of the peons in my office have done not only their Matricula-
tion but Intermediate through Hindi. This ignorant, semi-illiterate
type xviVi now set the standards for drafting in the Central Adntinis-
tration.

338 THE STORE OP THE AXGLO-TXDIAN COJMUNmr

With the fetish for fabricating statistics to show the alleged spread
of Hindi, we can also expect a wholesale passing in the departmental
tests of those who have not even reached the semi-illiterate standards
of the Hindi Matriculate.

According to this latest exercise in Hindi imposition madness, the
noter will not be asked to provide a translation. The difficulty will
be for the really educated government servants to supply transla-
tions to the productions of these semi-illiterate neo-Hindi Matricul-
ates and pseudo-Matriculates.

If this madness persist, it will not be long before the Central Ad-
ministration, already snarled by almost chronic inefficiency, delay
and red-tapism, sinks to the cesspool level of the average Corpo-
ration run through the medium of Hindi.

Apart from anything else, this race for Hindi imposition is a deli-
berate dishonouring of the repeated assurances of permanent bi-
lingualism given to the deluded inferior citizens of Hindi India — the
non-Hindi speaking majority, the new class of Untouchables.

Latest Bitter Fruit

On the 8th September, 1968, 1 addressed a meeting of the Heads
of 30 Anglo-Indian Schools in the U.P. The Heads had met be-
cause they were perturbed over the recent prospectus issued by the
Lucknow University.

This prospectus prescribes Hindi as the exclusive medium for the
examination of 1971 onwards for the B.A. and B. Sc. (general classes)
and from 1970 for the Faculty of Commerce.

Apparently a similar prospectus has been adopted by the other
Universities in the U.P. For the linguistic minorities this step is the
latest bitter fruit of Hindi Imperialism. It is a brazen, contemptu-
ous violation of the Supreme Court decision of 1962 in the Gujarat
University case to which I have already referred. The principal
ratio handed down by the Supreme Court was that neither a State
Legislature nor a University had the power to prescribe either Hindi
or Gujarati as the exclusive medium and, therefore, a fortiori had no
power to outlaw English. This decision of the U.P. also deliberately
ignores the recommendations of the Sampurnanand Emotional
Integration Committee and the Kothari Education Commission.
A reference has already been made to these recommendations. The
Sampurnanand Emotional Integration Committee had, among other

POST-INDEPENDENCE BATHES 339

things, recommended that English would hare to be at least the
additional medium to prevent academic fragmentation and to main-
tain intellectual and, indeed, emotional integration.

The Kotliari Education Commission has, among other things,
recommended that in the All-India Institutes, major universities
and colleges in the metropolitan areas English will have to continue
as the medium to ensure the mobility of students and teachers and
the maintenance of standards.

In the U.P. where approximately 70,000 students are in the Eng-
lish-medium schools, nearly 2000 pass out of these schools each year
and the majority seek entry into the U.P. Universities. There
are also several colleges which have English as the medium of edu-
cation.

Apart from being flagrantly illegal and unconstitutional, this latest
expression of Hindi chauvinism strikes a vicious blow at the linguis-
tic minorities whose mother-tongue is other than Hindi. It will
make it impossible for parents from other States residing in the U.P.
to educate their children in the State. Apart from anything else,
this policy is a deliberate dishonouring of the Nehru formula of
bilingualism.

The Hindi States are already the most backward in the Country,
having the highest incidence of illiteracy and the lowest incidence
of performance in any field. This latest exercise in obscurantism
will ensure that the Hindi States will fall further into the rear. The
students, already backward, will be cut off from institutions that
give access to the highest reaches of attainment in science, tech-
nology and research. In fact students from the U.P. will now be
confined to a frog-in-the-well existence in their own State. Few,
if any, of them will be employable in trade or industry outside
the U.P.

Fallacies Of Hindi Imperialism

The Hindi Imperialists have perpetrated many fallacies in their
attempts to justify the blanket imposition of Hindi. The most
familiar argument is that it is repugnant to the self-respect of the
Country to have a foreign language as the national language. In
the first place, the Hindi chauvinists have increasingly perverted the
position that was given to Hindi in the Constitution. Although the
language issue rvas not a live issue during the framing of the Constitu-

340

THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

tion, there was considerable opposition to Hindi being accorded the
place even of the official language. This opposition was especially
marked in the Congress Party itself where the decision to makeHm
the Official language just scraped through.

In any event, the framers of the Constitution deliberately scouted
the idea of Hindi being the national language. It was realised that
in the bewildering multilingual Indian context, there could not be a
single national language especially as many or the other Indian
languages, such as Tamil and Bengali, were much older, much richer
and infinitely better developed than Hindi. All that was inten e
under the Constitution was to have an official language which would
be used for official purposes of the Union and for certain limited
purposes, such as Inter-State communication.

But having got Hindi into the Constitution as the official language,
the appetite of the Hindi chauvinists has grown with feeding.^ Im-
mediately they set up the cry of the Raslitriya Bhasha, that is, the
national language, which was never contemplated by the Constitu-
tion. In their efforts to mollify the other principal regional langu-
ages, the device of referring to the languages in the VUIth Schedu e
as national languages was adopted. It was conveniently forgotten
that once the designation of national was adopted in respect of langu-
ages, it would necessarily postulate that the regions in which these
are current represent a congeries of national entities. Once Hindi
could be described as the national language, it would immediately
give a handle to the Hindi chauvinists, at the Centre and the Hindi
States, to seek to impose Hindi on the Country in all the connota-
tions of the word national.

There is a vast difference between an official and a national langu-
age. Several countries while having their respective national langu-
ages have, for many reasons, accepted English as their official langu-
age. Thus, Ghana has both a national language and English as the
official language. The fiercely proud Irish, despite their bitter and
bloody struggle with the British, made English their official langu-
age and Gaelic the national language.

There is not the remotest whisper of a suggestion in the Constitu-
tion that Hindi should be the link language in higher education. I*
is not the link language in higher education even in the Hindi States.
Deliberately, the Constitution had excluded Hindi as the link langu-
age in the judicial sphere. Thus, Article 348 draws a clear distinc-

POST-INDEPENDENCE BATTLES

341

tion between Hindi aj the official language and the language to be
used in the judgments of the Supreme Court and the High Courts,
in their proceedings, and as the authoritative texts of bills, acts, and
of all orders, rules, regulations and bye-laws. There is no prescrip-
tion of time, as regards the use of English and there is no hint of Hindi
being the language of the Supreme Court and the High Courts or
supplying the authoritative texts in respect of legislation at the Centre
and in the States. Article 313 (3) goes even further : it provides
that even where the Legislature of a State has prescribed any langu-
age other than the English language for use in Bills introduced in or
Acts passed by the Legislature of the State or in Ordinances pro-
mulgated by the Governor or in any order, rule, regulation or bye-
law issued under the Constitution by the Legislature, a translation in
the English language of the same shall be deemed to be the authori-
tative text thereof. This was an inevitable corollary to the position
recognised by the framers of the Constitution, that an amorphous,
undeveloped language, like Hindi, without any scientific or legal
vocabulary just could not be drawn upon to supply the authorita-
tive text for legislation.

The position with regard to institutions of higher education and
research and the scientific and technical institutions has also been
settled by the Supreme Court in the Gujarat University case already
referred to. The co-ordination and determination of standards in
these institutions is vested exclusively in Parliament, under entry 6G
of List 1 , that is, the Union List. The sole instrument of co-ordina-
tion is the English language. The Supreme Court recognised this
in the Gujarat University case and struck down the attempt by the
Legislature and the University of Gujarat to introduce either Hindi
or Gujarad as the exclusive medium. In the Supreme Court decisiorf
there is the explicit recognition of the fact that the maintenance and
co-ordination of standards in higher education can be achieved only
through the English language.

Hindi More Foreign Than English
While trying to stigmatise English as a foreign language, the Hindi
fanatics have forgotten that in the non-Hindi speaking regions,
especially in States like Tamil Nadu, Hindi is infinitely more foreign
than English. As a result of 200 years of acclimatization English
has permeated evenly not only the educated but the uneducated

342 THE STOUT or THE ANGLO- INDIAN COMMCNITT

pattern. The Hindi obscurantists have yet to Icam the elementary
fact that a language has no nationality : it belongs to the people "ho
use it and have made it their own. English has become part of the
warp and woof of the texture of Indian thought, education and, in-
deed, culture. The Supreme Court has now placed its imprimatur
on the position that English is as much an Indian language as any
other of the languages of India, as it is the language of a recognised
minority, the Anglo-Indians. In fact, English has a position
superior to any of the languages mentioned in the VHIth Schedule
because, as I have already mentioned, it is the language of the Con-
stitution, the language of the Supreme Court and the High Courts,
and the language of authoritative legislation.

Since English was adopted by Nagaland, in September, 1967, as
its official language, English has also become a regional language, a
position not occupied by several of the languages included in the
VHIth Schedule.

At any one time there are between 4 and 5 million students
pursuing their education through the medium of English from the
primary to the university stage. As I mentioned in one of my
speeches in Parliament, the total number of literates in Hindi,
throughout the Hindi area, is barely 3 million. In spite of the
fact that the linguistic census is usually doctored in order to project
an exaggerated image in favour of Hindi, the 1961 Census shows that
English is the most largely known second language. More than
1 1 million have shown English as their second language, whereas
barely 9 million were listed with Hindi as their subsidiary language :
this was in spite of the fact that Hindi was enforced as a compulsory
second language in many of the non-Hindi States.

English is not only an Indian language but a world language
which, unlike Hindi, gives access to the world horizons of know-
ledge, progress and achievement. It was through English that
Indians became aware of their history. It was, in fact, through
English that India achieved both an intellectual and educational
renaissance. It was contact with the English language that impart-
ed to Indian leaders and thinkers the spirit of freedom and liberty
that informs British history and literature. It was the English
language that enabled the leaders of Indian thought and action to
meet together and forge policies and programmes for unity of action
and for achieving freedom. It was through the English language

POST- IK'D EJTNDENCE DATTTKS 343

that Indian writers were able to interpret not only the ethos of India’s
freedom movement hut the Indian ethos to the outside world. It
was through English that India jumped from mediaevalism into the
modem age.

As observed by Prof. Pandit, Head of the Department of Linguis-
tics of the Delhi University, “This notion of language rivalry — un-
less the richer language disappears, the poorer one will not ‘get a
chance’ — has clouded much of our thinking on language. Our goal
in the education system should be not to remove English from the
system but to ensure that once a discourse in Indian languages be-
gins, it will gain momentum only by interaction with English,
Knowledge or English and not its absence is a precondition for the
development of Indian languages.” Prof Pandit further observes,
“Our languages, which had only a belles-lettres tradition and which
did not have any traditions of scientific and serious prose, have
acquired newer expressions and traditions under the constant influ-
ence of bilingualism with English. This is a major factor in the
‘development’ of Indian languages. This could happen because sve
have had genuine bilingual authors and speakers like Mahatma
Gandhi, Tagore, Rajajt and almost all the late I9th century members
of our intelligentsia, who believed in sharing their experience with
the people by way of an autobiography or diary if nothing else,”

Greatest Canard

Not only one of the greatest fallacies, but one of the greatest
canards perpetrated in Republican India is that 42 per cent of the
people are Hindi-speaking. This is a deliberate fabrication. The
1951 census was obviously inflated to give a deliberately false
picture. That census shamelessly included the figures for no less
than 77 languages and dialects which had nothing to do with
Hindi. Thus the figure for Urdu, Punjabi, Rajasthani and a host
ofother languages and dialects had been falsely included in the Hindi
census. Equally, the 1951 census had been doctored to deflate the
number of the English-speaking persons : only those were included
whose mother-tongue was English so that there was the egregious
figure of 171,000 shown as English-speaking. This did not even
represent the number of Anglo-Indians whose mother-tongue is
English. At any one time there are about 4 to 5 million students
studying through the medium of English. Yet deliberately the

STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

1951 census was fabricated to exclude all these people even as
English-knowing.

No Tradition

Even in the Hindi States barely half per cent of the population
understand the new Hindi with its artificial monstrosities and re-
surrections from a dust-bin of dead words created by self-styled
literati and self-appointed lexicographers in their frenetic attempts
to enlarge the poverty-stricken Hindi vocabulary. As pointed out
by Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatterjee, the famous Indologist, the Hindi
sought to be evolved today is ‘Khari Boli Hindi’ which had no
existence prior to 1850. As pointed out by another distinguished
Indian, Hindi has no political or administrative tradition. Through
out Indian history it has never been the language of a State because
there has never been a Hindi State. Today, the Hindi chauvinists
are seeking, artificially, to create a Hindi language and a also Hindi
Empire of their dreams. It is a delirious illusion of the Hindi Im-
perialists that the non-Hindi speaking people, especially the Tamils
and Bengalis with their ancient, rich literary traditions and with
their highly developed, dynamic languages, will ever enthuse over
a new, undeveloped foreign language sought to be imposed on them.

Instrument Of Isolation

Another fallacy of Hindi Imperialism is that Hindi is an instru-
ment of mass contact. The official language of a multilingual
Country and especially of the Central Government can never be an
instrument of mass contact with the people throughout the Country.
The regional languages alone can, in their respective areas, be such
instruments. Even in the Hindi-speaking States the new Hindi is
unintelligible to the masses. In any case it is pretentious nonsense
to talk of Hindi as a mass medium where over 350 million people
cannot read or write a single language in a country which accord-
ing to a conservative estimate has 179 languages and 544 dialects and
patois. The new artificial Hindi is a supreme instrument of isolation.

Hindi is, in fact, an undeveloped regional language. The Hindi
region is, in fact, a fraction of the Country and tucked away in one
part. Hindi Imperialism means not only the imposition of the
language of a small minority but also the imposition of an undeve-
loped regional language, v

rOST-INDCTENDEXCE S VCTtES 345

Hindi Imperialism's A [any Undesirable Symbols

Hindi Imperialism is a symbol of many undesirable features. In
Northern India Hindi is unashamedly identified with religion.
Thus the revivalists in the North arc not interested only in the
language but also in the imposition of their script. In the final
anal) sis the genius and the spirit of a language have very little to
do with the script. Yet the recommendation of the University
Grants Commission and of the Sampumanand Emotional Integra-
tion Committee that the non-Hindi speaking people should be en-
couraged to learn Hindi through the Roman script is bitterly
opposed. The motive is entirely religious. According to the North
Indian revivalists the Devanagari script is identified with the
religion of a particular section of the people, with their Shastras.

For the linguistic minorities, Hindi Imperialism is a supreme sym-
bol of oppression. The unashamed battle-cry of a well-known Hindi
Imperialist movement is, "Hindi, Hindu, Hindustan, nahi rahege
Sikh, Esai na Mussalman”, meaning "Hindi, Hindu, Hindustan,
nor shall there be Sikhs, Christians or Mussahnaits.’*

Discrimination

Hindi Imperialism is the symbol, par excellence, of discrimina-
tion. It is a symbol of the denial of equality of opportunity. It is
significant that the Hindi-speaking States are the most backward
in every respect. They have the highest incidence of illiteracy: 90
per cent of the women and 80 per cent of the men are illiterate. As
I have already mentioned, there are barely 3 million literates in the
whole Hindi area. In the superior service competitions, candidates
from the Hindi-speaking States make a pathetic showing. Because
of the lack of a corpus or books and of knowledge in Hindi, graduates
in Hindi emerge as pitiful ignoramuses.

One of the principal objectives of Hindi Imperialism is to open the
service floodgates to the educationally backward elements in the
Hindi-speaking States. The Hindi bloc is putting unremitting pres-
sure on the Government to have Hindi as the alternative medium
for entry into the different services. A device suggested by the Hindi
zealots to mislead the non-Hindi speaking section is the quota system
for recruitment. If this ever materialises, it will mean for the Hindi
States the largest intake in the services. They have the largest num-
ber of illiterates. As mentioned in one of my speeches, whereas at

346 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

present barely 2 to 3 per cent of the Hindi elements qualify in open
competition for the Central services, on a quota system based on the
counting of illiterate heads, they will insist on getting at least 40
per cent.

In another sense also Hindi is a symbol of discrimination. Today,
the Central Government is committed to rapidly increasing expen-
diture of crores of rupees for the so-called advancement of Hindi.
It is difficult to understand why the money of the non-Hindi
speaking taxpayers should be wasted in trying to develop, by a
process of artificial respiration, an undeveloped language. If die
Hindi zealots arc so desperately anxious to advance their language
at least they should be prepared to meet the bill themselves.

Destruction Of Pillars Of Integration
Hindi Imperialism, today, is the symbol of the destruction of na-
tional integration. The stark, if unpleasant, fact is that before the
British regime the history of India was a history of tribalisms. As an
eminent Indian has written, while there was a sense of Indianness
there was never really a sense of Indian nationality. It was for the
first time during the British regime that India achieved political, ad-
ministrative and, indeed, emotional integration. There were three
main pillars of national integration. The instrument of integration
in higher education was the English language. Administrative
integration was achieved through the All-India services trained
through the English language and taught to regard India as a single
integrated entity. One of the most important pillars was an in-
tegrated judiciary, especially in the higher echelons, the instrument
of integration being, again, the English language.

tinder the impact of policies precipitated by Hindi Imperialism,
all these pillars today are steadily crumbling. If under pressure from
the dominant Hindi bloc the Central Government accepts the
the suicidal formula of having a multiplicity of media for recruitment
to the Central services, overnight any pretence of an integrated ad-
ministration will disappear. There can never be a semblance of
standardisation in marking and in the moderation of answer papers
as between languages completely disparate in their content and deve-
lopment. The introduction of such a formula must lead inevitably
to the regionalisation of the so-called All-India services and the des-
truction of vAatw* r capacity they have at present to maintain an

POST-INDETENTlEXCC BATTLES

347

integrated administration, conditioned by an all- India outlook.

In the glib proposals, the snap decisions that emerge as policy a
crucial* issue is usually forgotten. What will be the medium in the
training institutions? The oblique motive of the Hindi Imperialists
would appear to be that once they are able to fragment recruitment
on the basis of regional languages, they will be able to insist that
training institutions should be conducted through the medium of
Hindi. This again is the wildest of sclMeceplion : the Tamils,
the Bengalis and others will not accept being trained through the
medium of Hindi. Recognising this vital fact the Parliamentary
Languages Committee underlined that in the training institutions
the medium of entry may be a regional language but English would
have to continue as the medium in the training for the Armed
Forces and the Central services. If the Hindi bloc is able to brow-
beat the Central Government into having two streams of training,
one in English the other in Hindi, the results will not only be absurd
but disastrous. There will be two streams of trainem for the All-
India services : the basis will be laid at least for dividing India
into two increasingly watertight and hostile service compartments.

One of the illusory recommendations of the Parliamentary Langu-
age Committee was that, ultimately, Hindi should be the language
not only of the Supreme Court but of the High Courts. Here again,
it was a ease or the Imperialist wishful thinking having gone mad.
It is the most delirious form of self-deception to imagine that if
English is displaced Hindi will ever be accepted as the language of
the non-Hindi speaking High Courts. It is an even more delirious
form of self-deception to hope that Hindi can ever, at any time, be-
come the language of the Supreme Court. Legal interpretation and
precedent have hardened over a period of many generations around
not only the shades of meaning of a single word, such as, ‘may* or
‘shall’, but around nuances of shades of meaning. It is anyone’s
guess as how many aeons of time it would take for such legal inter-
pretation and precedent to harden around the new, amorphous, un-
developed Hindi. The present world horizons of law and juris-
prudence accessible to Indian lawyers and judges through English
would be constricted to the horizons of the judgments of the former
High Court of Madhya Bharat. Overnight one of the greatest
pillars of national integration, the whole unified legal and judicial
fabric, would be perverted and destroyed.

348 THE STOUT OP THE ANGLO-DCDIAN COStMUNTTY

Already, although Hindi cannot be the language for judgments
and orders in the High Courts, in the Hindi States some
of the High Courts have the records printed largely in Hindi.
The result for the litigants from these States has been
disastrous. The average cost of translating a single page of a
Hindi record into English for the purpose of the Supreme
Court record is from Rs. 6 to 7. With the smallest record running
into anything between 200 and 500 pages the cost of translation from
Hindi to English runs into several thousands or rupees. This is
apart from the usual cost of printing or cyclostyling the record,
which is also appreciable, but nothing compared to the cost of trans-
lation. As a practising lawyer in the Supreme Court, I am aware
that because of this new prohibitive burden of translation from Hindi
to English many litigants, who would like to make a last attempt to
secure their freedom through the Supreme Court, have found it im-
possible to do so. Because of this mad rush to impose Hindi, the
poor average person seeking justice is now virtually prohibited from
approaching the highest Court in the land. Up till now ifa record
had to be translated it was done at the district court level when the
case was processed to the High Court. At that stage the translation
costs are very much less than in the Supreme Court.

Symbol Of Retrogression

The Hindi chauvinists should deserve before they desire. Even
the Hindi-speaking States have been unable to make any real pro-
cess in the use or Hindi. Thus the U.P. Government, after spend-
ing about 30 lakhs of rupees in the preparation of Hindi textbooks
for certain purposes, had to scrap them. Even the Hindi alphabet
has not yet been finalised : that used in Bombay is different from the
alphabet used in the U.P. Giving evidence before the Language
Commission, politicians from Eastern U.P. complained that they
were unable to understand the Hindi of Western U.P. Persons as-
sociated with education are up against the supreme difficulty of
determining what is the content of Hindi which varies from one
Hindi State to another.

As I have already said, 90 per cent of the women and 80 per cent
of the men in the Hindi States arc illiterate. There are barely 3
million literates in the whole Hindi area. It has become a familiar
device for the Hindi zealots to rant against English as the reason for

POST-DfDETEXDENCE BATTLES

349

the falling standards in education. And yet it is common know-
ledge that even the poorrst parents shy away from the schools run
through the medium of Hindi because most of them are regarded
as cesspools of inefficiency and indiscipline and often of incorrigible
corruption. The same sad story is to be found in most of the
Universities in the Hindi States.

The University Inquiry Commission in its report submitted to the
Government of Bihar, stated that things were, "Really unspeakably
bad in Bihar University." The report continued, "The rot lias
run deep, very deep. There are casteiim and factionalism,
excessive litigation and violence in words and thought and deed
and every kind of imaginable mudslmgmg. It is no longer a
university.”

The report further stated, "There is no peace in its cloisters, no
spiritual and intellectual tranquility, no gleam of ideals, no striving
after learning, no desire to follow knowledge. It is a maelstrom of
violent destructive forces, a place of unrelieved darkness." A simi-
lar deep malaise was uncovered in Benares and Lucknow. In re-
spect of the Benares University a Commission reported that there
was widespread corruption and even moral turpitude in that campus.
It is significant that this condition of increasing degeneration is to be
found especially in Universities in the North where the medium is
largely Hindi. Fortunately, this alt-round degeneration is relative-
ly absent from the Universities in the South, especially in Tamil Nadu,
where the medium still remains largely English. In Tact, it is the
English-medium institutions, both the schools and the colleges,
which stand out as beacons of hope in the widening morass of
educational degeneration, indiscipline and even corruption
that represent the conditions in many of the Hindi-medium
institutions.

In an expansive mood, Jawaharlal Nehru felt constrained to
observe that the general backwardness of the Hindi Stales was a
reflection of the backwardness of the language.

Today Hindi is the supreme symbol of retrogression in the Coun-
try. At least several centuries behind the other major Indian lang-
ages both in content and development, Hindi imposition will mean
putting the Country back not into the 18th century, as observed by
Triguna Sen in one of his lucid moments, but back to the bullock-
cart-cum-cowdung age.

350 nre stout op tke Anglo-Indian- comvionttt

Symbol Of Neo-Imperialism

Like all neo-imperialisms the appetite of Hindi Imperialism has
grown with feeding. The Hindi Imperialists are impervious to facts,
logic and all considerations of the Country’s unity and progress.
Enjoying unchallenged political dominance at the Centre they arc in
full-throated, fanatical cry. No one is free from their insults and
their antics. Whether it is the President of India, the Governor of a
State, if they are not Hindi-speaking they are subjected to every ex-
pression of obscurantism, arrogance and downright uncouthness.

The Constitution contemplated Hindi as nothing more than an
official language. There was never the remotest suggestion of Hindi
being the national language or the link language in education. From
the official language the Hindi zealots have sought to upgrade Hindi
to the Rashtriya Bhasha, that is, the national language — a status
which was never conferred by the Constitution.

The latest attempt of the Hindi chauvinists is to make Hindi into
the Raj Bhasha, that is, the Ruling language. Without intending
it, they have uncovered their motive of seeking to make not only Hindi
the Ruling Language but the Hindi-speaking people the new Ruling
Race — the Hindi Hcrrcnvolk.

Unity Of India In The Balance

I am gravely perturbed by the helplessness of the Central Govern-
ment to prevent the Country being precipitated into disintegration.
Practically alone in Parliament, I stood out against the tragic, his-
toric blunder of the linguistic redistribution of the States. On that
issue no one could accuse me of any personal motive. I was merely
fearful of the tragic consequences for the Country of linguistic re-
organisation. What I had foretold in Parliament and outside has
proved tragically prophetic. On the language issue, inevitably,
because English is my mother-tongue and the mother-tongue ol
my Community, I am emotionally involved. Yet while in my humble
way I have done my utmost to resist the Juggernaut of Hindi
neo-Imperialism, I have tried to preserve a minimum sense of
objectivity. In my capacity as Chairman of the Council for the
Indian School Certificate Examination and Chairman of the Inter-
State Board for Anglo-Indian Education, I have insisted that wher-
ever possible Hindi should be the cecond language in Anglo-Indian
schools. I have insisted on a steady upgrading of the standards of

POST-INDEPENDENCE BATTLES

351

Hindi instruction in the English-medium schools. I have expressed
my deep distress nt the fact that Hindi has been banished from
Tamil Nadu and the Anglo-Indian schools prohibited from teaching
it as a second language.

What is required today is not only statesmanship but, above all,
courage. Tragically, politics is the dominant, often the sole, con-
sideration. Those who command the largest number of votes and
have the largest political influence are able to stampede the Govern-
ment into policies that are obviously not only retrogressive but ir-
revocably disastrous for the Country. The obvious motive of the Hindi
Imperialists is to destroy English, to extirpate it from the language
pattern of ihe Country, Everything they say and do is directed to
this purpose. Playing politics first, even the front-rank leaden
succumb to dictation by the Hindi bloc, to acceptance of policies
that must spell dissolution of what remains of national integration.

It should be obvious to the meanest intelligence that if English is
cflaced, inevitably, became Hindi can never and will never take its
place in higher education, in the training of the administrative ser-
vices, in the higher reaches of the judiciary, there will be a vacuum,
which can be filled only by chaos in education and certain national
disintegration. Linguistic redistribution of the States was the first
major nail in the coffin of India's integration- If the Central
Government, from motives of political opportunism or sheer moral
cowardice, succumbs to the obvious pressures of the Hindi Im-
perialists, the final nail in the coffin or India’s integration will have
been struck. No one will then be able to prevent educational,
linguistic, emotional and political balkanization. Honesty, if not
courage, should make the leaders realise that English is the last re-
maining bond of what is left of educational, administrative and judi-
cial integration. Destroy it, as the Hindi Imperialists wish, and
India will become merely a geographical name, not even a united
nations. The unity of India today hangs precariously in the bal-
ance. Given the premise of continuing democratic viability,
India’s unity hangs by the bond of English.

CHAPTER XII

THE SOCIAL AND THE
PSYCHOLOGICAL PATTERN

Life-Line Of The Community

FROM Beverley Nichols to Nirad Chaudhuri much ignorantly
presumptuous, even malicious, nonsense has been written about
the Anglo-Indian Community, especially about its alleged psycho-
logical inhibitions. No one who is not close to t he Community, who
is not aware of its social stratification, the educational and social
matrix from which it has emerged can pretend to pontificate
about its attitudes whatever unctions he may apply to his shallow,
meretricious writing.

Broadly, the Community falls into three classes, namely, an upper-
middle class, a lower-middle class and what may be described as the
lowest stratum, but not in a derogatory sense. This stratification
depends also on the period of which a person may be writing.

The pattern of work and service in the Community has changed at
certain periods of its history. In the upper-middle class I would
place those in business, the professions, officers in the defence and
civil services and some of the Anglo-Indian planters and gentlemen
farmers. The lower-middle class is largely made up of subordinates
in the Railways, Telegraphs and Customs. With the decrease in
the number of Anglo-Indians entering these services the lower-
middle class consists, today, mostly of members working in business
firms in a subordinate capacity, teachers in the lower categories,
members working in Embassies in a subordinate capacity. The
lowest class in the Community consists not only of the unemployed
but also the under-employed. The class structure of the Community
however, is not a hide-bound caste structure. There is vertical
mobility. Sons of subordinate Government servants, having been

353

Tire SOCIAL AND THE PSYCHOLOGICAL PATTERN

married tire best placed Anglo- " 13 -pj r _;rb 0f the Com-

p,acedr.uropea„orr,e',aU.ndbmm»men. ^ belong, a

munity, in Tact, have shown, c to opportuni-

tendency lo greater refinement an gte- any commu„„y.

ties than their brothers. Terhaps ^ the rnJnk Anthony

In my close association with sc „jueatinnal institution and

Public School, New Delhi, which » a c^uftton j.,. { have

has a large number of Hindu ch' d™> ^ and better behaved

noticed that the sisters are usuall) more re , „udc be-

than their brash brothers who often male a fetish or

'’tes-Lhly. perhaps, the

conditioned by the larger pattern surrounding ol

may he dereribed a. the pre-Munny period ■ or olIl„

social intercourse between Anglo-Indians and Before

communities. That was aim largely ™ indeed,

the Mutiny the social pattern was less suhje OTtll[y „0 arti-

regulation than in later yean. During I nriiish social

S - rt a'r^h0onmce“eiSa„

life. Before the opening or the Sure Canal, ^ am0„g

and military, almost invariably tooled for tl . between

Anglo-Indian Community. There was also m'ermarnage he
British and Indian hsmilie, a, the h ghes. leva » J

of the Suez Canal and more especially after profound

changed mdically. The indue of British women made, a P
impact. For pnsc.iedly 11 thme women India
marriage market. Arriving “ " “ , Anglo-Indian women
tion from the Anglo-Indians. By and large, g ^
were more attractive than their British co pe j ctite

Indian women had rhe small bone 3

physical make-up of rhe East, to which . heir »lom g ^ ^

vitality and distinctiveness which readied h light brown

Syria. Apart from , he blonde Nord.c i„

or dark hair accentuating liquid brown or flash g g« Ul.

clear, soft features of burnished wheat or gold made

354 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

which has inspired not a little lyricised writing even among European
commentators.

Coming to a society in which British men freely married Anglo-
Indian girls, the British women evolved an insidious, almost vicious-
ly malicious, social code directed to the elimination of this competi-
tion. It was a tribute to the astuteness of the British women s
instinct and their capacity for self-preservation in the marriage mar-
ket, that a wall of social exclusiveness was drawn increasingly around
British society. The British clubs grew in numbers and a rigid social
code was enforced. Members of other communities including
Anglo-Indians were squeezed out. After that in the British clubs,
military or civilian, entry was virtually impossible. There were
stray exceptions of Maharajas or highly placed Hindu or Anglo-
Indian officials entering these clubs, but these were consigned to the
position of the proverbial social fish-out-of-water.

The social barriers continued to grow higher. All manner of
nuances were evolved even among the British. Among those ad-
mitted to meet a British official and his wife in their home there were
careful gradations. The least acceptable socially were invited to
tea : the next in the social hierarchy among the non-British commu-
nities would be invited to cocktails : dinner was usually the preserve
of the British officials inter se. The extent to which this social pat-
tern permeated British society was demonstrated by the fact that
even the British clergy were hide-bound by it. The average Gar-
rison Chaplain attached to a British cantonment was as much a crea-
ture of social prejudice as the most dyed-in-the-wool British official.

In the mofussil areas where clubs existed the social barriers were
less rigid. Because of the smallness of the British population officers
from all communities were usually admitted to the local ‘hurra* club.
But once the British officers migrated to cities or metropolitan centres
they fell into the more rigid British pattern. Indian officers who
had access to the ‘burra’ dub in the mofussil were rigorously ex-
cluded from the British ‘burra* clubs in the larger towns and cities.

Two marked consequences flowed from this pattern which cry-
stallized after the Mutiny. The average British officer, although
often dedicated to his work, was essentially not only a sojourner but
a stranger in India.1 Those who worked in the districts, inevitably
came into official contact with the different sections of the people ;
but there was no social'contact with the middle or the lower-middle

THE SOCIAL ASD Tire mCHOLOCICAL PATTON 355

classes. The British official knew nothing really of their home life,
their habits and their attitudes.

The British women were even in a more insular position. Their
contact with India was, usually, confined to the servant class. Their
knowledge of India and things Indian was drawn largely from their
observation of the servant class. The average British woman gloried
in this artificial exclusiveness.

Second-class Britons, such as counter-jumpers in firms in Calcutta
and the so-called Domiciled Europeans, were as rigidly excluded
from the 'hurra1 clubs as members of any other community. The
British members or subordinate rank in the gun-carriage factories —
even the officers — and warrant officers in the Army were banned.
These usually had their own clubs or institutes. The Anglo-Indians,
except for a few officials, were subject to the same ban.

In Calcutta, the large commercial community practised social
exclusiveness in an even more twisted way than the British officials.
The ‘buTTa* sahibs of Clive Street had their own social code.
British commercial life was rigorously graded. Only those who
were above the shop-assistant class could enter the clubs. Highly
placed Britons, especially Scotsmen in the jute trade who married
beautiful and cultured Anglo-Indian girls, were often compelled to
resign their posts.

Some Anglo-Indians slipped into the ‘burra’ clubs bur, usually,
they did so only by masquerading as Europeans. They lived in
constant fear of the discovery of their real position. I remember
meeting a school contemporary of mine at a lunch with the then Bri-
tish Governor of Bengal — that was in prc-Indcpendencc days. The
Anglo-Indian was a member of the Governor’s European cricket
eleven. When I casually referred to our school days he suddenly
suffered from an attack of amnesia. I felt sorry for him : he was a
fair Anglo-Indian but yet very much an Anglo-Indian. As long as
the masquerade succeeded these Anglo-Indians enjoyed the premium
placed on membership of the 'burra* club.

Some Anglo-Indians, however, despite their Anglo-Indian pig-
mentation, became members of the ‘burra* clubs because of their
official position, but they were never really at home. The men
perhaps got on tnsU enough, but the women were in an invidious
position. The British women pursued their social snobbery with a
certain feline deadliness. Thus not only Anglo-Indian women but

356 THE STORY OF THE ANCLO- INDIAN COMMUNITY

British women married to Anglo-Indians who happened to be mem-
bers of the ‘burra’ club were usually the pointed targets not only of
snobbery but of every refinement of feminine vengefulness. Some
of them put a brave face on it, such as the Anglo-Indian manager ofa
well-known bank, whom I knew. An Oxonian w ho had won his tennis
Blue, he had married a very charming British woman. Both his
wife and Anglo-Indian mother were obviously unhappy in the club.

I recall the case of a very handsome British member of the I.C.S.
who married a lovely Anglo-Indian girl. She was what in those
days was referred to as a Domiciled European. With blonde hair,
blue eyes and a soft complexion, she was easily the most beautiful
woman in the club tn question. The young Britisher was first ask-
ed to break his engagement; when he refused and married he was
transferred, sent in fact into official Coventry.

I also remember the case of a British Colonel of the I.M.S. who
had married a very charming, cultured Anglo-Indian woman. Their
daughter, who had been educated in England, was the target of much
venom among the British wives. When she married a British Artil-
lery officer the malicious gossip was that an impecunious Artillery
officer had married 'half an Indian*. Among those who purported
to sit in judgment were at least a couple of British women whom I
knew to have been servants in the U.K. Their marriages had been
of the shot-gun variety. The husbands had been compelled by irate
parents of the women in question to marry because of pre-marital
complications.

Two incidents which happened in one of the ‘buna’ clubs in
Calcutta highlighted the racist and colour antics that had been
institutionalised as part of the twisted British social system.

A well-placed British businessman had married a really beauti-
ful, talented Anglo-Indian girl. Although of i he blonde variety she
never tried to hide the fact that she was an Anglo-Indian. After
the marriage her husband persuaded her to apply for membership
of the ‘burra* club. The blimps on the committee, many of whom
were very much of the lower-middle class, even declasse variety in
the U.K. but had constituted themselves into a self-appointed aristo-
cracy in Calcutta, had apparently heard that the wife was an Anglo-
Indian. She was asked to interview the committee. Her husband
told her that the interview was merely a matter of routine, as the
committee wanted to make certain that she looked ULe a European.

THE SOCIAL AND THE RSTCHOLOGICAL PATTERN 357

The wife kept her counsel. When she arrived the members of the
committee were rather dumbfounded by her good looks. Indeed,
some of them fell over one another to tell her that they v» ould not
have bothered her but the rules required an interview and that she
was very welcome as a member. The young wife, however, coldly
declined the honour, adding as a parting shot that, apart from her
face which was obviously as white as any of theirs, she could assure
them that her ‘behind’ was infinitely whiter. There was another
incident of a British military officer married to an Anglo-Indian.
After having met the committee, the wife had it conveyed, through
her husband, that after she had inspected the committee she had no
desire to join the club.

This kind of snobbery projected itself in varying degrees into the
Anglo-Indian social milieu. Usually the better-placed Anglo-
Indians, who happened to belong to a ‘burra* club, would not join
the clubs which were patronised even by well-placed members of the
Community. Some of the Anglo-Indian wives were as “uppish"
as the most upstart of British women. Even the wives of the mem-
bers of the Indian Medical Department (British Cadre) considered
it “infra dig” to go to social functions at the Railway Institute. Be-
cause the husbands could rise in the Department, which was reserved
for Anglo-Indians, to the rank of Major, the wives felt that they were
in the upper social swim.

There were several clubs in the larger towns and cities patronised
by better-placed Anglo-Indians, civilian or professional men. To
these clubs also went the so-called second-class British officers, those
in the gun-carriage factories, warrant officers of the I.U.L. (Indian
Unattached List) such as the Ordnance and the Signals and also
many British officers who had risen from the ranks. In these clubs
there was complete fraternization and no suggestion of any race
or colour prejudice.

The Railway Institute

Anglo-Indian Railway Institutes occupy a special niche in the
Anglo-Indian social scheme. The Senior Institute, the ‘Inster’ as
it was called, was usually the preserve of the Community especially
where they were employed in large numbers. These Institutes were
Ur be found right down the line on every railway. The Institute* » ere
usually well-off financially and provided plenty of social amenities

358 THE STOUT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUXITT

including tennis, billiards and, of course, regular dances. For the
upper subordinates including the Class II and some Class I officers
who had risen from subordinate positions, and the Class III staff"
from station masters and loco foremen down to guards and firemen
these Institutes were the centres of their social life.

Many of these Institutes were household names in the Community,
such as the Burt Institute, Lahore, the Ajmer Institute, the Kharag-
pur Institute and a score of others. They usually had a very fine
boarded dance floor, an excellent bar and at least one super-band.
The amenities, including tennis, billiards and swimming were as
good as those in some of the ‘burra* clubs.

Afuch ignorant nonsense has been written about social life at the
Railway Institutes. As in any club patronised by people who have
what may be described as an Anglicised way of life, there was drink-
ing and a sense of fun.

Anglo-Indian railwaymen were in the front rank of sport in the
Country. Because of the opportunities at the Institutes they pro-
duced some of the finest tennis and billiard players in the Country.

The social functions at an Institute, especially the dances, were
marked by a warmth and sense of fun that characterise the Commu-
nity. The smallest Railway Institute could produce a string band as
good as some of the finest professional bands. Dances were punctu-
ated by solos or duets or quartets. The smallest Institute produced
not one but several girls with really attractive voices : the men also
could produce their share of good singing. And, of course, the Rail-
way Institute dance continued till the small and, not seldom, till the
large hours of the morning.

It is not surprising that with so much musical talent we find, today,
Anglo-Indians among the top pop singers in the world. To men-
tion a few — ClifTRichards (formerly Harry 'Webb) of Lucknow, Tony
Brent (formerly Reginald Bretagne) of Deofali, Engelbert Humper-
dinck (formerly Gerald Dorsey) of Madras, Eden Kane the son of
Bert Sarstedt who was a senior Anglo-Indian official on the railway.

John Mayer, whose elder brother is working as the Headmaster
of the Frank Anthony Public School, New Delhi, has achieved not a
little fame in his ambition to build a bridge between the two art
forms he loves — Indian and European music. Mayer won a scholar-
ship to Britain's Royal Academy of Music.

At the age of eight he began to study the violin under Phillipe

359

TO* SOCIAL AMO TttL rStC.IOLOO.CAL »rn..AM

„, first, A violinist sv.th the London "ttfi ^ B.D.C.

ss i tit the Royal H>m‘»m?"'^0'd;u,rf s,n.lc, most of 0* ««■
Symphony Orchestra. He fTlJ. timc while living tit So"'1’
European conductors. In ^ depositions that have sson him

London, Mayer has created 40 oust c 1™^ ^ fonn.d-

a steadily grossing reputation. He »

ably erudite and ...telly the deduced ami. ^ ^ ^ M ds.

IntheJulylOO-Otssue ofourjourn 1 > ^ an A„glo-Ind,an

me Adelina Deefolts, the wife OTUJ- distinguished

official in the Telegraph Department. ^ „r lh5

musical career and was knots Marleyn, Londons

She had a twelve-month c°“” Q covent Garden, Hal ad
famous voice special, st, of the Royal <** Elia Strains,

and Oratorio fame. She undemtudteda he fine ^ .P^, Qu„„.,

svho took the leading part tn the pr I ^Scales of merit, sang
Hall. While in London, she game * d ^med flattering en-

befote some of the greatest 1 Utndon et, „ refermd

comia from all who heard her. Madame

to as the ‘Eurasian Patti . flutter, especially games

fikT-Ho^

people. msdeed love or social life. There has

Anglo-Indians have a very marked ^ todcB that sv.th-

heen criticism even from some *•* Anglo-Indians cannot be

out a dance or at least a vvhtst drum he Ang^ ^ ^
attracted to a meeting of the Assoc’ ' the A11.i„dia Anglo-
rect. At the sWnual General Meenp^tot to Q.ersadd
Indian Association an item such COITCCtj hosvevcr, that

usually attracts the largest ofcrossvL. iye„.to<>VVI1 leader is

for an ordinary branch n'"“J'S’. ■ d „ddl a dance or s.hist drive
present, the function b inevitably joined

in order to attract the membets. Community to social

There is undoubtedly a tendc of J “Indim. In any corn-

division. This ts not Pecuk.r«o>h^' g^ tcndcncy for

munity that is stratified socially, tnerc

360 THE STORY OP THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

the better placed to have their own centres of social life. In the
larger cities and towns, in clubs which arc controlled by the Commu-
nity, functions on certain special occasions draw members from the
different social strata. Thus, at a Christmas or New Year dance at
the Gidney Club, New Delhi, will be found a number of well-placed
Anglo-Indians and their families enjoying the function with those
who are humbly placed. Today, the better-placed Anglo-Indians
go to the general clubs patronised by senior officers and prosperous
businessmen. Those in the Armed Forces have their own clubs and
in the bigger cities there is also the general club.

The Calcutta Rangers Club

The Calcutta Rangers Club, one of the premier Anglo-Indian
clubs in the Country, deserves a special niche in the Anglo-Indian
hall of fame. The Club was founded in JC96. Apart from provid-
ing social activities for the Anglo-Indian Community in Calcutta,
it has built a special place for itself in the field of sport. Some of the
finest Anglo-Indian hockey and football teams have been nursed by
the Calcutta Rangers Club.

The Calcutta Rangers Sweep was for many years the most popu-
lar sweep in the Country because it was also perhaps the best run.
This Sweep enabled the Club to donate lavishly to charities irrespec-
tive of caste or community.

During the years 1954 to 1967, the Club donated over 240 lakhs
of rupees tD various charities. Thus between 1954 and 1956 a sum
of over 3 lakhs was donated for the erection and establishment of the
Kumud Sanlar Ray Tuberculosis Hospital at Jadavpur. During
the same period a sum of about 3 lakhs was donated to the Desh-
bandhu Memorial Society (Chest Clinic), Darjeeling. In 1953,
Rs. 1,20,000 were donated towards the establishment of the Mayor
of Calcutta’s T.B Clinic. Further, a sum of Rs. 1 lakh was donated
to the H.C. Mookerjee Memorial T.B. After-Care Colony Society.

The Club has rendered yeoman service to Anglo-Indian educa-
tion. Two trusts have been established, namely, the Calcutta
Rangers Educational Fund and the West Bengal Charitable Fund.
From the former, stipends are granted to a large number of Anglo-
Indian students. The latter fund provides for the relief and medical
expenses including hospitalisation of Anglo-Indians in straitened
circumstances. Particular attention is given to Anglo-Indian T.B.

■nm SOCIAL ACT Tim TSTCI.OLOCICAI* rATTTAI.

■ , rases the coil of ihc enure IreAtmenl u
patients end in appropriate eases

iKirnc by the fund.

Home Lift . tIlc Community. ln-

Family ties have always been * * of unfihal mgrati-

evitably, as in other eommunutrs, there ^ ^ P„haP, ,„e
tude, but these ere the rxeepUons ttoi P than the men.

nol help her

It is very rare, indeed, to W a .Wuer sth ^

parents when they are in need. Aery not a few eases

the daughter even after she . . because of

«r sou, who have abandoned he, dea or g

sheir continuing support to o\ P lhe present infla-

Eerore Independence the Community, especial-

tionary eonditions the standard of In J i(lct,ble gTaetousnets.

ly inThe upper-middle class, was = ta,,y every Anglo-

In the smaller towns, in the , ,„me of them owned

Indian family owned a house « in which them was one of

several. In my home town, . 'community comparable with
the largest concentrations or " . h c civjl Station were owned
Bangalore, whole lines orbungalmv. tn th „hat would now

by member, or the Community. ' kn0OT as Nap.er

be considered an oITensive anomaly * jiaos. TheEuropean,

Town waareserved for EuryansudA^ ^ bungalows.

were those who had marrted into die Cfc ^ from 8 15 rooms,

with their separate well-kept gard ]pdiam a„d Europeans,

could be owned or occupied otdy JT J panted a similar

Bangalore, Dehra Dun and >^h0thL of the very finest type,
pattern of Anglo-Indians owning

or bungalows. , j Anelo-Indians were not ony

The homes or the better-placed Ang opens', ve furnish.

comfortable but. In many ways graeu. „r „,.B were

ings, the eut-glasa and silver-ware. the ^ the •*«-

part of the pattern in the b"," b° and brandy glasses

ware, the en.-gto decanter, and ^ typtaB, Anglo-

vy-ould be almost priceless today. ]ish breakfast— pomdge,

Indian. Brealfast was esrentndly “ f,ct s.as

egg, ,„d ftuit. Lunch .here was the usual

Anglo-Indian. In some homes alt

362 THE STORT OF TlfE AN CIO- INDIAN COMMUNITY

curry and rice, vegetable and other fruit or a sweet afterwards.
Dinner was somewhat along the English pattern: roast, stews and
pudding. The availability of good milk, pure ghee, plenty of fruit
and sweets, at prices which would be considered absurdly low today,
is perhaps one of the reasons why the Community was by and large
physically robust. Before the motor car the better-placed Anglo-
Indian families owned a buggy or horsc-and-trap. With the advent
of the motor car the better-placed families liad their own car, some
had two or even three, while the sons went to college on their motor-
cycles, some even sporting cars. Even the Anglo-Indian toco fore-
man, mail driver and, most certainly, the station master had hi*
car.

Entertainment was usually generous. The older among the
better-placed Anglo-Indians in the mofussil areas did not indulge
much in club life. The social entertainment was in the home.
Friends and relatives would regularly visit one another especially in
the evenings. There was much musical talent in the Community.
Even the averagely-placed Anglo-Indian usually had a piano in hi*
home: the daughter* and often the sons had been taught to play.
Formerly, the violin was popular with the sons. The display of cats
would be generous ranging from salt to sweet and, in-betw een, usual-
ly the well-known curry puff. Among the better-placed, whisky was
the usual drink of the evening, while some preferred beer or even
rum. Some of the older women had a chota or two. Actually,
however, they preferred the Anglo-Indian milk-punch, ginger wine
or, especially in the early days, port and lemon. Visiting friends
after Church on Sunday morning was also a regular feature.
There would be plenty of eats available, coffee or tea, and for
the men usually beer.

Practically every Anglo-Indian home, even those of the lower-
middle class stratum, was marked by food specialities. K.C- Neogy,
a distinguished member of Parliament and member of the Cabinet
after Independence, told me that the best curries in the Country
were those made by Anglo-Indians. In the North, Anglo-Indians
preferred their chapatis and parathas to rice. Dal was also prepar-
ed differently according to the region : in the North and Central
India, usually it was of the solid variety : in the South much more
watery. In the South the Anglo-Indian menu was famous for it*
mulligatawny soup which Is usually mixed with rice and meat.

363

Easter and O'*"”.

several weeks, »r •“ k,nd’ ot wlTcotcellence of .heir recipes, some
wives and d3u5h.cn competed .n generation. Apart
of which were handed dow-n from MB' were 3 hos. of other

from 3 variety of the most data* tc* ^ ^ had away
!pccialiu« much to *hc *JcllSh ’ Kulkuls. rxny cocad«, Ruava

at boarding schooU for 8 to 9 • made practically

cheese and jelly were a few is a dough-lttc mia.ure

in every Anglo-Indian home. The hulk^ ^ T„e rosy
made of flour and rolled »>“• . . staling mature of

cocade is made on a rose-mould and *pjea UK1„, crisp

sweet. The rosy cocade in the end ~“^‘ali,ies-s»-.ongue, sal.
flour sweet. Them were vatmusmea F* fn>m tbe brain of a
”-.Kdi^.^. order of P— 1, every

^"d'las.cr -te^orU,. —

togethen, especially for the 0““'”“ "b„ from dilfcren. pari, of
of the family made it a P°”' “ff’,, Communion in die mommB
the County. Chumh and espccmU, „und of visiu by fnend. and
were a must. After that tor ™ ® ^ racially milt punch,
relatives. Much cakeandnot a hr lhcre was. usually,

and also whislry were ottered. I ^ an adjunct erpracucah

mueh community singing, aroumlthep songs tom Join,

ly every Anglo-Indian home The : old eo ybe capa-

S Body to Polly "ft bendable t some «r the impressed
city for improvisation is also b ,mg, have always been

^eulTrlf ^opular'ta fT^^dal brand of liquor. Milk
p Anglo-Indians also have them 1 0f,he finest wanes to

punch, with a nun. sugar and nwlk *“> ' „r a fight sherry and a
L found in the Country. It *0 ^ MyoldMother.

taste better than the most .refined hght, d^nlL.les rfmilk punch

until she died in 1951, usedtose December of each ye

and an equal number „r Chr ts.mas eako ^ B go

when I remained in Delhi. MP.E“S« <*■>* ,h‘

ecstasies over the milk punch H thc European pattern

Dress in the Commumty 61tor*dfcllorch we wore shorts, coats.

of die period. As youngsters, going to ch

362 Tire stort op the Anglo-Indian communitt

curry and rice, vegetable and other fruit or a sweet afterwards.
Dinner was somewhat along the English pattern : roast, stews and
pudding. The availability of good milk, pure ghee, plenty of fruit
and sweets, at prices which would be considered absurdly low today,
is perhaps one of the reasons why the Community was by and large
physically robust. Before the motor car the better-placed Anglo-
Indian families owned a buggy or horsc-and-trap. With the advent
of the motor car the better-placed families had their own car, some
had two or even three, while the sons went to college on their motor-
cycles, some even sporting cars. Even the Anglo-Indian loco fore-
man, mail driver and, most certainly, the station master had his
car.

Entertainment was usually generous. The older among the
belter-placed Anglo-Indians in the mofussit areas did not indulge
much in club life. The social entertainment was in the home.
Friends and relatives would regularly visit one another especially in
the evenings. There was much musical talent in the Community.
Even the averagely-placed Anglo-Indian usually had a piano in his
home : the daughters and often the sons had been taught to play.
Formerly, the violin was popular with the sons. The display of eats
would be generous ranging from salt to sweet and, in-between, usual-
ly the well-known curry puff. Among the bcttcr-placcd, whisky was
the usual drink of the evening, while some preferred beer or even
rum. Some of the older women had a chota or two. Actually,
however, they preferred the Anglo-Indian milk-punch, ginger wine
or, especially in the early days, port and lemon. Visiting friends
after Church on Sunday morning was also a regular feature.
There would be plenty of eats available, coffee or tea, and for
the men usually beer.

Practically every Anglo-Indian home, even those of the lower-
middle class stratum, was marked by food specialities. K.C. Neogy,
a distinguished member of Parliament and member of the Cabinet
after Independence, told me that the best curries in the Country
were those made by Anglo-Indians. In the North, Anglo-Indians
preferred their chapatis and parathas to rice. Dal was also prepar-
ed differently according to the region: in the North and Central
India, usually it was of the solid variety : in the South much more
watenr. In the South the Anglo-Indian mei nu was famous for its
mulligatawny soup which is usually mixed with rice and meat.

the wcru. *SD Tint mc.otoc.cAE .Am»

365

VOllj ty CAil— 2—

tionalistn in Urn Common, <y. "" Xnmnnny.

failed became they hate Imen.J c|cc,td without any con-

Oilice-beama of the Anoeunon w J ,chool> that

sidcrationa of denomination- ^,y denominational especially ,n

tdotS TZTJ Anthony fo""

of teacheta have no plaee for eaa.e or denom, nation.

or Hindus. With the growth o! the Community be-

Mutiny, this intermarriage *** * oul’side the Community

came rigorously endogamous. M» K hrrtdinc, as this also was
was frowned upon. Yet there was n * regarded

frowned upon. For first cousins to tbmk of mamage ^
a, near Joilege. In a sonaet . the «>■£•*£ S roeiety.
in the Community have followed almos P* arranged . Eligi-

That, ia the Community manage “"t^eldom, it ever, up to
blc bachelors would be invited to the Cfj until at least

the 1920s, was a girl allowed to go out «n^( ^ After
the young man had made hit honoura e in ^ w[tl„ went

World War II the pattern changrd. l oung man Iet>

out unchaperoncd. I. it, however, ‘ ^ imettd. to go

down the girl with whom he has beco ^ a 5tr;ct social code

steady. Broken engagements are »«• cmcnts : the >oung

in the Community that frowns upon , . othcr parents,

man who reneges finds it difficult to be aPPr°' d sufficient time

Although I have visited the States, I did "Otspen^ ^ American
there to pass judgment on the mora ity, or a w’ar II the

society. I musAay, however, that generally

G.ls. who were posted in India, b0* office rs goo<i girls,

exhibited the morals of the farmya • ° victims to their

because they were naive and not world >-wis > cf Amen-

wolf techniques, mile several girls married good types

364 TOE STOR.V O? THE ANGLO-INDIAN COAtMONITT

stiff collars overlapping the coat with a bow-tie and boots or shoes.
As we grew up we took to trousers : there were the drain-pipes, coats
with short, narrow lapels and stiff collars; boaters were also worn.
The frocks worn by the ladies varied according to the period. Later
the men's dress changed : there was the period of the Oxford bags
and coats with wide lapels. The women’s frocks changed during
the Charlston period.

There was much emphasis in the home on physical exercise. Sons
were encouraged to take part in all games, boxing being particular-
ly popular with the Community. Apart from the games there was
considerable emphasis on body-building exercises — dumb-bells, terry-
expanders and chest-expanders being the most popular. Some
youngsters, especially those who went to college, took to the dand-
baithak.

Religion

Apart from the loyalty to the home, Anglo-Indians, by and large,
are also loyal to their church. While technically and legally an
Anglo-Indian need not be a Christian, in fact the Community to-
day is entirely Christian. And the Community is Christian by
origin and not conversion. I should imagine that today about 60
per cent of the Community are Roman Catholics. Originally this
was not the position. The children of British soldiers and officers
who married women of Portuguese or French extraction were usual-
ly baptised into the Roman Catholic Church. Even at a later
period when Anglo-Indians married girls from the Community, if
one of the spouses was a Roman Catholic, because, apparently of
the stringent code imposed by the Roman Catholic Church on its
devotees, the children were almost invariably baptised into the
Roman Catholic Church.

The Community, however, has been free from the denomina-
tional taint in its social and public life. It is significant that my
predeccssor-in-office was a Methodist : I am an Anglican. And
yet the members who are largely Roman Catholic give their loy-
alty to the Association and its leader, uninfluenced by denomina-
tional considerations. There have been sporadic attempts by would-
be leaders to exploit denominationalism in the Community: I, at
any rate, have struck down any exhibition of denominationalism
in the Community. Regrettably there have been attempts, at inter-

Tjre SOCIAL JLSD TJIE PSTCJIOLOGIC.tL r.STTZKX 367

The typical marriage pattern in the Community, up to the time
of Independence, can be exemplified by a practical example know n
best to me, namely, that or my family in my father’s generation.
The eldest son, who entered the Provincial Forest Service, died
young while still a bachelor. The second son, William Anthony,
who abo joined the Forest Service and retired as a senior Imperial
Forest Officer, married Alice Hill, a first generation Anglo-Indian.
Here I use the expression first generation to mean the offspring of
a European married to an Anglo-Indian girl. During the
earliest period in its history a first generation Anglo-Indian was
one who was the oflspring of a Briton married to a Hindu or a
Muslim woman. The third son, Joe Anthony, perhaps the least
educated Df the brothers although he did his High School and had
a Health Diploma, became a legendary figure as the Health Officer
in the Jubbulpore Corporation. Mounted on horseback he was
to be seen in every part of the City. He was responsible for making
Jubbulpore into one of the garden cities of India, At one time a
middleweight boxing champion, his name was a household word
among all communities. During the epidemics, especially of
plague, that used to decimate the city, he was known to go single-
handed into houses, when all the Corporation staff had deserted,
and carry out dead bodies himself to ensure their proper cremation.
He married Cecilia Baker, a first generation Anglo-Indian : her
father, an ex-soldier from the British army, had settled in the
Country and married an Anglo-Indian girl. The youngest
son, my father, Richard John Anthony, married Marion Knight,
also a first generation Anglo-Indian: my Mother’s lather, Wil-
liam Isaac Knight, who started life as an apothecary in the Royal
Artillery, settled in the Country and married an Anglo-Indian
girl.

Or the sisters, two married first generation Anglo-Indians,
Webb and Cole, who were Provincial Forest Officers; the third
married a British ex-soldier, Bill Loveday, a covenanted hand in the
railway, and the fourth married an Irishman, Joe Sullivan, who
was also a covenanted employee in the railway. Thus all the
brothers married first generation Anglo-Indians and all the sisters
married either Europeans or Anglo-Indians.

As I have already said, after the Mutiny the Community became
rigorously endogamous. Marriages outside the Community

366

THE STOUT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COJOfUNTTT

cans, others were let down. Fortunately, the number of girls
who were let down was not large and did not create a problem
for the Community, as such girls usually left the Country rather
than face shame and disgrace in the Community.

Some writers, even Anglo-Indians, have tended to lampoon
the Community for its alleged tendency to ‘improve the breed’.
Undoubtedly, especially before Independence, many mothers
liked their daughters to marry fair Anglo-Indians or Europeans.
Marriage to Europeans, if they were of a lower class, sometimes
had tragic results. Anglo-Indian girls from the very best of homes,
cultured and refined, some of them having completed their edu-
cation abroad, sometimes married British sergeants or warrant
officers, who were much below them in education and culture.
Sometimes the marriage turned out well, especially if the soldier
settled in the Country and was assimilated to the social and cultural
refinements of the girl's family: sometimes, also, the marriage
failed because of the girl finding the liabits of the husband crude
and intolerable.

So far as intra-community marriage was concerned, the posi-
tion of the man, irrespective of his colour, was often the determinant.
Even the darkest men of the Community in good positions were
accepted, perhaps with some mental reservations, as sons-in-law.
This inclination to improve the breed is not confined to the Com-
munity. It is a reflection or the Hindu attitude towards caste or
vama, which in its derivative form means colour. This attitude
-s expressed even, today, in leading dailies through advertisements
that insist on the Hindu bride being fair, apart from possessing
other intacta.

Many Anglo-Indian families, however, refused to allow their
daughters to meet, much less marry, British soldiers. The
Tommy, as he was generally referred to, however decent, tended
to be stigmatised by the better placed families as a coarse and
vulgar type.

During World War II, a number of Anglo-Indian girls married
British or American soldiers, including some of the most highly
placed officers, and migrated with their husbands after the war.
Some of these soldiers and officers, however, settled in the Country
and have found a place in the Community and the Country of

THE SOCIAL AND THE PSYCHOLOGICAL PATTERN 369

a reflection of the herd consciousness that characterises so much of
Indian society. It also underlines an essential pride of Commu-
nity, a sense of Community self-respect.

Inevitably, in a community of mixed origins there has been as-
similation over the centuries. Because of this assimilation, despite
diverse origins, British, Trench, Dutch, German, Portuguese and
even American, the process has led to what I have referred to as homo-
zygosity, that is, certain common physical characteristics — a single
language, English, and a common identiliable way of life.

We sec the same process, or course on a much wider scale and
along a more diverse colour and racial spectrum, in a country like
America. American society represents the most miscellaneous of
ethnic cocktails. Apart from the white and olT-white intermixtures,
as I have mentioned in the Introduction, at least 1,00,000 Negroes
after going through the Jtages of quadroon and octoroon are assimi-
lated each year to the white American nation. According to leading
scientists, in another 500 years there ssill not be a single so-called
white American without an admixture ofNegroid blood.

The claims to ethnic purity and superiority by the British have
exercised the wit of literati for centuries. Huxley says that the
British are among the most hybridised of races in the world and he
is proud of it. Huxley also tells us that the Britisher is not only a
mongrel, but it is his mission to be a good and effective mongrel.
In a mood of confession Daniel Defoe wrote his ‘True-Born English-
man'. At least the following passage is perhaps worth salvaging
from obscurity.

"Thus from a mixture of all kinds began
That heterogeneous thing, an Englishman:

In eager rapes and furious lust begot
Between a painted Briton and a Scot;

Whose gendering offspring quickly learnt to bow
And yoke their heifers to the Roman plough;

From whence a mongrel half-breed race there came.

With neither name nor nation, speech or fame;

In whose hot veins new mixtures quickly ran,

Infused between a Saxon and a Dane;

While their rank daughters, to their parents just.

Received all nations with promiscuous lust.

368 THE STORT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITT

were frowned upon, except to Europeans. Some people have
sought to criticise the Community for its insularity, but, once
again, it was a reflection of the caste system. Parents would not
give their consent not only to the daughters but even to the sons
marrying into other Indian communities. Thus, I recall the case
of one of my cousins, the daughter or William Anthony, who
because of her father’s position and membership of the ‘burra’ club
used to meet well-placed members of other communities. A
highly educated girl she grew friendly with a highly cultured
Brahmin, a member of the I.C.S., who was the local district magis-
trate. My uncle, always the perfect gentleman, perhaps had his
mental rescrvaUons. Such reservations are to be found in every
community and more especially in India with its rigid caste
inhibitions. Even in the most progressive communities there are
reservations, in respect of marriage, flowing from differing
religions and differing ways of life. But my aunt, a rather
typical Anglo-Indian woman, had rather explicit reservations.
In no uncertain terms she told both the Brahmin member of
the I.C.S., when he asked for my cousin’s hand in marriage,
and the daughter that she could not prevent them from
marrying but she would certainly ensure that they and their
children would never darken her doors. That put an end to
the friendship. The ‘Maha-Brahmin’ was out-Brahmined. I
met this gentleman later when I was a member of the Central
Legislature : he was then the Secretary of one of the most important
Departments of the Central Government before Independence.
I sometimes wondered whether he resented the Community because
of his early experience and his first attempt at marriage. This
cousin of mine married an Anglo-Indian clergyman. Today,
they are in the U.K., where the husband has a comfortable living.

‘ Genuine ’ Anglo-Indians

In my chapter on Gidney I have referred to the complex in the
Community in respect of ‘genuine’ Angto-Indians. Cedric Dover,
the internationally famous Anglo-Indian author and biologist, has
satirised this tendency as ‘The urge for purity among the impure*.
To an outsider it would seem not a little ridiculous for a community
of mixed blood to talk of ‘genuineness’ implying, as it were, an in-
sistence on being ‘genuine’ half-castes. Yet this complex is there,

THE SOC1U. AKD THE PSTCHOtOGICAX. PATTERN

37!

the upper-middle class who have married Europeans have produced
some or the most outstanding Indians. Among these have been
judges of the Supreme Court, High Courts and leading figures in
public life especial !>' in Bengal.

The greatest exponents of spurious doctrines of race superiority
from Kipling Id Hiller were obviously polygenetics. I have always
been intrigued by photographs of both Hitler and Kipling : the
former was the antithesis of the so-called Nordic type : Hitler’s
pogroms were probably motivated by a subconscious guilt complex
of possessing an admixture of Jewish blood. Both in features and
pigmentation, Kipling suggested ethnic admixtures with a tan not
accounted for merely by the Indian sun.

As with the Americans especially, there has been a tendency
among the Anglo-Indians to look with favour upon what are re-
garded as typically British or Irish names, like the Americans
there has been a tendency in the Community to adopt names
with an Anglo-Saxon appearance. Persons with what are gene-
rally referred to as Goan names often cither changed completely
to a British variety or there was resort to ingenious variations
which gave an Anglo-Saxon flavour : thus D’Silva was changed to
Silver, Da Costa to Coster, Ferreira to Perrier, Rodrigues to Rode-
ricks, Fernandez to Ferns and so forth.

Not that British names were any guarantee against criticism be-
cause not a few Indian Christians have the most high-sounding of
English, Irish and Scottish names, some being even double-barrell-
ed, A last fling of criticism would be tlmt in spite of the high-
sounding name the person was descended from manumitted slaves,
especially in Bengal where slaves often adopted the high-sounding
names of their European and Anglo-Indian masters.

The term Goan is also a misnomer. Many members of the Com-
munity have what is loosely referred to as Goan names. These per-
sons or their ancestors liave never had anything to do with Goa.
These names are common in the South and also in West Bengal,
especially Calcutta. Of course, such names are common in Bombay
but the contact with Goa would be more than likely. The names
are indicative of Portuguese descent or influence and also, perhaps,
of the baptising fervour of a certain type of Roman Catholic priests.

‘ Usually the persons who talk most about ‘genuine’ Anglo-Indians
are of the darkest variety : their protestations usually are a brash ,

370 THE STORT OF TICE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

This nauseous brood directly did contain

The well-extracted blood of Englishmen.”

Because of an almost bewildering succession of invasions, India
can at least hold its own in the diversity of its multi-ethnic society.
It was partly because of the spurious assumption of British racial
purity and superiority as a part of their artificial Imperial Code that
the Anglo-Indians, especially of the fairer variety, tried to escape by
claiming to be European. They failed to realise that there is no
such thing as national or race purity. There has not been a pure
race or nation for ten thousand years. Race mixture, in fact mis-
cegenation, represents the biological history of mankind. I have
referred to Cedric Dover’s dictum, which is scientifically true, that
“There are no half-castes because there are no full-castes.” The
history not only of Europe but of every conquering nation is the
history of energetic mongrels.

In every department of life it is the good hybrid that is the most
enduring, the most fertile and of the finest quality. The most sought
after and the best milk producers in the Country are the hybrid
cows, which might be called Anglo-Indian. Today, as part of
India’s programme to meet the food deficiency resort is being had
increasingly to the hybrid varieties of wheat and other cereals.
Facile prejudice against the so-called hybrid stems from ignorance
or the historical and biological processes. Agriculturist scientists,
cattle-breeders and experimenting geneticists arc constantly proving
the superiority of the hybrid variety. This simple, scientific truth
has yet to dawn on race-conscious historians and pretentious
biologists.

I have referred in the Introduction to the dictum of Lord Olivier,
the famous scientist, that persons or mixed blood are potentially the
most competent vehicles of humanity. It depends on what level
and at what stage of civilization the mixture takes place. If the
off-spring is the product of a low-class British Tommy and a servant
woman the result is not likely to be a competent vehicle of humanity.
But where intermarriage has been at middle-class or at upper-
middle class level, the offspring have more than held their own with
the finest types of the so-called unmixed races, white or brown.
This quality has been exemplified in the history of the Anglo-Indian
Community. It is also significant that Hindus from the middle or

373

Tt,r. SOCIM. A''!1 Tlir- PSYCHOLOGICAL rATITP'-

tot self-help of the average is the absence

Implicit in the reference to 6 - lllc average Anglolndian

of qualities which ,h' ''““'Jr .Anglolndian show's fright, » no'
pmLes ot should possess- « “ * £ , of ,he Country,

prepared .0 accept the t, gouts ot

ot intrigues, it is said he is not a g Anglo-Indians are certain often
Related to this talk »r Scnm“ S,ht„ i,_at least there seas
facile, and invalid, assumptions- kjn* . w„dU>„, in the South

for deeadcs-the assumption * „„ meet, an element

ssere ofthe very dark varte^Und [o„; lha, „ unde -
sehich is sometimes almost L fc* £ravidian ethmc eondt-
standahie in the contest of an tnes.ta

tioning. . , I led a delegation of Ang o

As 1 have mentioned elsewhere, jaVlaharlal Nehru in

Indian rrineipal. and Edueat.omU. •» ^ ,J,e wtde

1960. I do not think even jawa I l0 the “Me-hued.

colour spectrum from the blond, N»« « typc! „.„e standmg

As it happened two complete ' introduced them to Nehru: one twas

_1 !.U rar.ll Other when I jntrouu possessed a

blond, indlstinguisliaoic irom j in a moment —

Nubian darkness. I »» ^™^f^er of Urn Nubian-complex-
controlled surpnse, and yet the g

ioned Anglo-Indian ssus a oI tbe Community are : from

In fact, some or the fattest for US lovely

the South. As a matter of Tact, Ba P ^ flliah> a colleague of

Anglo-Indian girb. Not long “g-”rMi„utee.rU.n Mysote S ate,
mine in Parliament, at one ume PALlnditsn girls in Bangalore
referred to the sheer b”"'y° usually went to the enema

He said that as students >" c|oll'f' . t„dian girb. I should men-
just to stare at the good-looking „;,h the Commuiuty.

tion that Bangalore was a popul settled there, especially

Families from every part of

after the retirement or the father-

dceenl And Some Differ™"1 ,uh sneaking society, there are

A, in Britain or, indeed i. ‘

differences of accent in the Aed of the chee-chee ae

pretentious way, Bntishau generalisation.

of tbe Community. This is a S

372

THE STORE Or THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNTIT

defensive front for their lineage, or lack of it, shrouded in lrredcem
able mystery. Once again, it is a reflection of the poor-white psy
chology of the so-called white nations with so little to fortify 00
selves psychologically that they cling pathetically to all manner o
spurious attitudes. . ,

As I have said in another chapter, the Community, because it
been endogamous for generations, emerged with certain common

identifiable characteristics described as homozygosity.

a tendency even in the Community to distinguish between aq '
features, which arc supposed to be of Aryan origin, and the mor^
squat, broad-nosed features said to be possessed by Goans an
ethnic groups in die South. This assumption is not genera V '
because many Goans and South Indians have the most delicate >
chiselled features.

Apart from a number of persons having so-called Goan
among the Community can also be found families with "■
commonly known as Armenian and Jewish names. The Arm
were treated by the East India Company as Europeans. A numoer
of them intermarried with the Community and were assimilated
it. Thus there arc Anglo-Indians with such names as Chater an
Seth. Jewish names are also not uncommon in the Commun,tf|
especially such as Jacob, Sampson and Solomon. This is not a
new phenomenon. A look at the telephone directory in London
w.U show whole lists or persons with similar names who have been
mu ated io the British nation. Among those who claim to
foim^ Bmish even such names as Bose and Dutt are to
multi 13 a .usual Pattern of assimilation in any multi-racial’
Indians t C *<*ciet>'- Throughout British Indian history Ang o*
What r*\» ,CVCb WCre “sbnilated to the British nation,
eum-racial' ”Cy rc^crret^ to as adulteration was a natural biologi
the Comm™^eSST1TI’c persons who accreted were assimilated to
level because th accrc,'ons become undesirable at the lowest

n0t desira^e thC assimiIa,ion is usually either not possible or

!?Vct : this class !® *Ccrction « when it takes place at the lowest
anfrv** the accretim* f 3 draf* on the Community for, in that
tism a ^tributes of the cf"* “ n0t ^undated to the way of life
’ nd atl absence off' thete is a tendency to paras**
e ‘reliance, independence and capacity

375

.** :':::z*t

tfiSSi data. r'^"„t S*^. cul.u"= to"

" w ‘-ks;e

that or to successively in" eommumcated .«!

finement and hospitality seems to I
Community in the South.

AUeetd Social Exclusiveness d to the *nos«"

In his Autobiography >™^^mro„nity ■o'""1’ *"r fft
altitude of some memben ot to^™" ^ ,hi! ...todej^

found among poor-whites superiority is the CO leJJer.

where their only claim to a p fMnd specially anu> g
shin. This arrogance was to i “ f ^ rhspamgmg'y ‘ ‘ j„

educated ■ S«-» to in

S,uTw"enL . had mr3 -£ ^unities in an

ros^oLV^„sd^"'«fs^

Some peripatetic. ^'^vha. they hn**^^
arrogance in the ,1'"‘ ^ r Indian cominum discrimi-

I, that in common with 'he «to Against acts of bnusn

Indian, often resented to IhmsKJ^ ^ «£“*,.

nation the resentment w ^-ounger Anglo- 11 ’roducing

mite Barmrdsl- Soe.a'ly. to ^i.h to Con»»n-^„to„

ally, resented the Bntnh “'“"^ntey, the

some of the finest boseis ™ * ( ^ British soldier.

could more than hold is President of the J" 1^ h locai

On one occasion, «te»’ "“^running a func"°" “ bemeen
of the Association, the !■""*«. ^ „ , rose

Railway Institute. w

374 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

saying that the British Nation has a Cockney accent. Accent in the
Community varies from stratum to stratum and also from North to
South. There is often a noticeable difference between the accents
of the Anglo-Indians from the North and the South. In the South
there is a tendency for the accent to be conditioned by the intona-
tion and the inflexions of the local language. The Anglo-Indians
in the North are inclined to refer to the accent of the Anglo-Indians
in the South as a Madrasi accent. This again is an untenable
generalisation. Among the lesser-educated members of the Com-
munity in the South there is a noticeable difference in the accent.
Then again, in the Kolar Gold Fields, where there is an apprecia-
ble number of Anglo-Indians, the accent is rather different : there
the dropping of the ‘h’ and the 'g' is suggestive of the accent in the
old British regiments.

When I was a student in Britain, I spent one of my holidays in
Wales. Apart from finding the Welsh people generally delightful
and friendly, I felt that I was among Anglo-Indians. I was invited
to a private dance where there were over 500 people present. I have
seldom enjoyed myself more. Apart from the fact that several of
the Welshmen were sporting my surname, so many of them looked
like Anglo-Indians. I asked some of them whether they were from
India. But to them India was merely a name. I thought they were
Anglo-Indians: they thought that I was Welsh. I do not know
whether their accent was like mine or mine like theirs. The accent
of the Anglo-Indians has an intonation very much like that of the
Welsh. I thought that our colloquialism in school, “I say, mon,”
was an original Anglo-Indianism. After my visit to Wales I realised
that it had probably come via the Welsh.

As the leader of the Community, I have noticed certain differ-
ences between the Anglo-Indians in the South and the rest of the
Country. My wife has noticed this especially, and commented
upon it often. The Anglo-Indians in the South are extremely
warm-hearted. When we tour, we are treated with hospitality
wherever we go, but in the South the hospitality is overwhelming.
Whatever part of the day or night our train halts at a station, we
are plied with well-stocked tiffin-baskets, coffee flasks and so on. Al-
though we may have just had breakfast from the dining car, at the
next station we are presented with a lavish breakfast. And we dare
not refuse to do justice to this second breakfast, as our people are

377

TU,. ««M. AKD TtOI

munity’s lack of social c“n“ct ™ ,hef

tedly, Ita » » ” ti0„, cental '» "'™'bc” °[

seme .to many of m «»> io„ lw„ of .he soc *

the Community. Hu* *to"“ longing .» » P“>““*r

pattern in .ho Coun.ty, ''hT, tend to keep m tbemse'sm.

community ora particular , octal ]» most sociable of all .ho

in fan, Anglo-Indian, arc perto^ ^ by |bc Commum.y

Indian communities. Even ”} . . by members of other com-

.here i. a heavy demand for ..hid. .. an aeuv.ty

munities. Thu. the C.dney Club, . ^lniill Anoemu™,
of the Delhi Branch of the All- bili„, especially Hindu"

to a number ofmemben di!m club, under con,..-

and Sikhs. Because it IS an Angi „ full members: non-

tu.ion only Anglo-Indians or ^mei-ne roembm. Some-

Anglo-Indians can be e.lher ,'0"°"2„n,mcnt shosm by non-Anglo-
times, .here to been a sense of is because

Indian, a. .hi, " ^”e them U an a.mo.phere

of the constitution of the auD.

of complete camaraderie in the AssociaUou, only member,
Admittedly, a. functions held by bu, for 6„eral fun

of .he Community are permuted o ^aiaa. The Anglo-

tions— Mcials and dances . , . ^Indians who wish 10 1 101"

Indian members feel daughter. s*nh •

social functions should bung „ the
those who do, join in ,h' 5 students tn Delhi-

I remember meeting a body «f " “ them w* rto

mentioned that the only Ind. »■» ' lhmc „ho could P*»

friendlinew svere the especially the Hmdus,

for Europeans: the other . r prejudice,

treated them with ill^oncea ed cd° ** socially

S55Lh toe

snecial case because of my father P jj communities.

ST^i, Patient ‘

When we were in college, a

376 THE STORE OP THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

some young Anglo-Indian firemen and British soldiers who had
gate-crashed into the Institute bar. When I arrived in the bar
the scene was in some respects amusing. Standing against the wall
was a well-known Anglo-Indian driver, a light heavyweight
champion who was then in his forties and known for his quiet and
Self-effacing manner. Four British soldiers, who were using foul
language in varying degress of obscenity, were told by this driver
that if they persisted in their bad behaviour they would be atomis-
ed by the young Anglo-Indian firemen. To prevent that happening
he offered to take them on, one at a time. The Tommies, charac-
terised more by brashness than a sense of discretion, agreed, conjur-
ing up visions of perhaps wiping the floor with this middle-aged
driver. A ring of spectators was formed, outside the bar, and then,
believe it or not, this driver within the space of a few minutes
knocked out all of them, one at a time.

This kind of tension between the young Anglo-Indians and the
British soldiers was not infrequent. On the eve of Independence
I was addressing a crowded meeting of Anglo-Indians at Vizaga-
patnam. The British soldiers of the local battalion sought to
gate-crash during the dance. Immediately the Anglo-Indians
or the Coastal Battery, which had been embodied during World
War II, asked my permission to clear out the 'Limeys’. I advised
them not to precipitate an unnecessary row. Unfortunately, after
the function the Tommies and the Anglo-Indians clashed and the
Tommies took a sound thrashing. I received a long complaint
from the local British Commandant.

Towards the end of 1946 I referred in the Central Legislature
to the raid by British soldiers on the Jhansi Railway Institute.
It was decided by the Anglo-Indians of Jhansi not to admit any
British soldiers to their Xmas function. In spite of this some soldiers
gate-crashed and were thrown out by the Anglo-Indians- The sol-
diers went back and organised an attack on the Institute. Armed
with bayonets and knuckle-dusters they attacked the Institute and
assaulted some of the women and girls, injuring several Anglo-
Indian men who resisted them with bare fists. The wanton des-
truction to property was calculated at over fifteen thousand rupees.
My questions in the Legislature caused a furore in the press and
resulted m compensation being paid to the Institute.

uc ignorant nonsense has also been written about the Com-

37D

be Anglo*Indian*^l.o '“? ,£

Sought .to the Anglo-Indian, ’!”" J^nccssions. H* A"*-
<la„ merely M get a /\m™'"bu.inn, tr> India and they are
Indian, are cotwlon. of >**”“* hillmy, .he Community has
aha coroctou, Out, threats , and leadership-

been la the fro* rank ”f “h“Tnrere accepted either by the
For 300 years the Terms.. wer " ,„du„. Unfortunately

Government or the Community as 1 rf ^ ^ AnBlo-lndU"

some ambition. Feting. lerarlmrs, j^gi.laturcs, bcga

safeguards, especially repm™«n°" ™ „* number of Ang fo-

,0 mke increasingly absurd claim, hbout abou. ,955

Indian, in Kerala. Ttase elatm, be^- ^ „ wlut ,he FcrlW
Actually, the Commum.y did no. I was fon"^, ‘1“’

acre. An investigation was nude * “ bim. be of dimly damn
vthile a handful of three ®»* » •«* majority would appea
Portuguree descent, the ««"£*»»€ a„d the poorest eta*
to be converts from among labourcrs and others,
fuhermen, rope-mahets, landin’ taued ,o be a pa« °

not surprising, therefore, that tey nJ elassdied

lowest stratum of the Indtan Chrt... ^

backward class. . according to the 1

The investigation also showed that, Anglo-Induo

for Cochin, there had been a I ™ ^ Gommhsioner observ'd,
from 2182 to 1717. Even then the ^ „r0„gly return

referring to the Feting.., that. ^ J idc„b!c numbers ret
themselves as Anglo-Indtans. whde ^ Feri„gl, are not

Feringi or Indian Chris..*" " 1 included in the
shown separately in the , Ijldians are therefor

Chrisdans. The .tausne. of Anglo-

rate and misleading. Cochin, the Comnu»'°n >

In the 1941 Census report « f[om 17l7> 1931, “

menting on the phrnomrna t ^^ -ncrcase ;n the popu number
in 1941, observed. The ab Tab,e i. due to a la g :

Anglo-Indians seen in part B f * as Fermgts

or Latin Catholic Chruttan. fondly

378 THE STORY OP THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

several of us — were on the friendliest of terms with students of every
other community. We were college pals, often spending our
holidays in one another’s homes. There was, indeed, great res-
pect for the Anglo-Indian student. I had the privilege of being
the President of the College Literary and Debating Society. I
had the privilege to represent my College — Robertson College —
at the Inter-College University debates, three years in succession.
I was also fortunate to win the University championship for my
College in all three years. When I was awarded the coveted
Viceroy’s Gold Medal for the best English essay in the All-India
Inter-University contest, I was lionized by my colleagues — perhaps
more than any Hindu student would have been. Today, with
the Anglo-Indian schools, unlike the position in our time, having
a majority of non-Anglo-Indian pupils, the Anglo-Indians are
growing up without any of the inhibitions of their parents.

Vis-A-Vis Some Other Communities

It is a little strange perhaps, but there has not been much love
lost between the Anglo-Indians and the Indian Christians. I feel
this tendency in the Community, of looking with a certain disdain
at the Indian Christians, is due to the fact that Anglo-Indians,
who are Christians by origin, do not think much of those who are
Christians by conversion.

Yet this cannot be stated as a general proposition. The better-
placed Anglo-Indians are not given to the prejudices of the less-
educated members who, like the British women, judged
other commuruties by the servants they employed. A number
of Anglo-Indians do considerable work for their respective
churches. In this field they have close and cordial relations with
leading members of the Indian Christian Community. I some-
times cannot help feeling that there is a certain resentment on the
part of certain members of the Indian Christian Community,
including Bishops, because of the attitude of superciliousness by
some of the lesser-educated Anglo-Indians towards the Indian
Christians. The relations of the Community with certain sections
oflndianChristians have always been friendly, especially with those
referred to as Goans and the tribal Christians in North-East India.

The sense of self-respect in the Community was outraged by the
c ims of the Feringis of Kerala who, while suddenly claiming to

THE SOCIAL AND THE KTCHOLOC1CAL PATTERN 381

to be discordant, by repudiating the Fcringis. I told him that it is
difficult for a person who is not an Anglo-Indian to appreciate the
position, because it involves the history of the Community, its in-
ner thinking and feeling. It had been argued by one or two mem-
bers in Parliament that the Fcringis claimed to be of Portuguese
descent and since the definition of the term Anglo-Indian was posi-
ted on European descent, therefore, the Fcringis were Anglo-Indians
I told my Brahmin friend tliat if I emulated this kind of tortuous
semantics, I could argue tliat the Brahmins are Indians and are also
Hindus, and that the Bhangis are equally good Indians and Hindus
that, therefore, a Brahmin is a Bhangi. He said nothing, but look-
ed at me with pained surprise. I apologised and said that was pre-
cisely what was being offered to the Community, a wanton, deliber-
ate affront. People who never had anything to do with us through-
out our history while suddenly claiming to be Anglo-Indians also
sought, in the view of the Community, to degrade it into a back-
svard class of Indian Christians.

The Linguistic census, however, has given the quietus to the false
claims by the Fcringis. By all means let these good people continue
to get the benefits of a backward class of Indian Christians. But,
also, let them pursue their own way of life, which they have done
apparently for centuries, during which they had nothing in common
either with the history of the Community, its way of life or its con-
tribution to India.

leadership

In many ways the Anglo-Indians are highly respected and accept-
ed, even before members of other communities, for positions of
leadership, especially as officers in the Armed Forces. This has
been true throughout its history. In the professions, especially in
the time or my father and grandfather, Anglo-Indians were often
in a dominant position. For many years the Jubbulpore bar, one
of the most prosperous bars in the Country, was dominated by Anglo-
Indian lawyers. Dr. Mendes was, in fact, the first lawyer from
India to take his LL.D. from Cambridge. After his time, Anglo-
Indian lawyers, especially my grandfather John Francis Anthony
and Wrixon were leaders of the bar. Later there svas William
Pasley, a blond, blue-eyed Anglo-Indian oser six feet in height.
Pasley started life as a sergeant of Police: he then got into the pro-

330 THE STORT Or T1IB ANGLO-INDtAM COiBfUNITT

the position even more clear : it pointed out that these persons of
Travancore-Cochtn had been, “Mistakenly classed as Anglo-Indi-
ans." The Report also pointed out that Malayalam was the
language of the Feringis and that, “They could not secure special
privileges during the British rule as the Anglo-Indians did."

Gidncy also faced a similar probtem. There was also an element
known as Fcringis in Chittagong and along the East Bengal coastal
area. Those Fetingis tried to be included in the 1931 Anglo-
Indian Census but Gidncy indignantly repudiated their new-found
claim : as a result the Fcringis of East Bengal were not included as
Anglo-Indians in the 1931 Census.

As I have said in another chapter, because of the false claims of
the renngis of Kerala the All-India Anglo-Indian Association de-
cided not to make an issue of the Government decision to eliminate
the community designation from the 1961 Census. The Community
is still identified by its mother-tongue, English. The 1961 Censushas
thus put the position in Kerala in proper perspective. According
to this Census there are about 7000 persons in Kerala who have
English as their mother-tongue. This would give an adult popula-
tion of Anglo-Indians in Kerala as 1000 to 1500, which represents
the correct figure. As in the rest of India, persons of Portuguese
descent have intermarried with the Community: this is what has
happened in the case of the small number of Anglo-Indians In
Kerala.

An outsider may think that the attitude of the Community
towards the Teringis was prompted by communalism. Yet it would
be correct to say that, perhaps, we arc the least communal body of
persons in India. We are certainly the least caste-conscious Com-
munity in the Country where caste unfortunately still plays a domi-
nant role. Our attitude has nothing to do with communalism. It
is a matter not only of ordinary self-respect but, for a microscopic
minority, one of survival. Every community has the right to be
proud of itself, while every Indian has the right to be proud of being
an Indian.

Perl taps what the Anglo-Indians feel can be best illustrated by the
com ersation which I had, shortly after my speech in the Lok Sabha
condemning the fraudulent claim of the Fcringis, with a Brahmin
friend. He asked me why, when the Country had set itself the goal
of a casteless, classless society, I should strike an attitude that seemed

THE SOCftt AND THE PSTCHOtOCIClL PATTERN 387

Through the darkness of the past
When the gods liad fought their battles.

And the priests created caste.

When the Vedas formed the gospel.

And the minstrels sang their song,

When the Koran &. the Bible,

Built the creed of right & wrong.

5. Years of patient toil and suffering
Neath the alien’s iron heel

l Vo re out millions of our people
In the hoop or Empire’s wheel;

Gone, the dap of slavish serfdom.

Dap of blindness, svant and woe.

Let us grasp the hand of Freedom,

India free for evermore!

6. Sons of India! rise from slumber!

Till the Gelds and rake the soil.

Work your factories, make your engines,

Leam to labour and to toil.

Make your ships to sail the waten,

Make your planes fly far and wide.

Learn to govern wise and justly.

That peace forever may abide.

7. Let us sing the song of nations.

We are one, and we arc free.

We have won our Independence
Over all our land and sea.

Let us pray for strength & guidance.

Courage, wisdom, knowledge, might.

May Almighty God above us
Lead us & defend our right.

BASIL NORTON

Mrs. Rose, a member of the Governing Body of the All-India
Anglo-Indian Association, greeted the National flag.

THE SOCJ U. ANU THE PSTCHOLOGJCAE PATTERN 387

Through the darkness of the past
When the gods liad fought their battles.

And the priests created caste.

When the Vedas formed the gospel.

And the minstrels sang their song,

When the Koran & the Bible,

Built the creed of right & wrong.

5. Years of patient toil and suffering
Neath the alien’s iron heel
Wore out millions of our people
In the hoop of Empire's wheel;

Gene, the days of slavish serfdom.

Days of blindness, want and woe.

Let us grasp the hand of Freedom,

India free for evermore!

6. Sons oflndia! rise from slumber!

Till the fields and rake the soil.

Work your factories, make your engines.

Leant to labour and to toil.

Make your ships to sail the waters,

Make your planes fly far and wide.

Learn to govern wise and justly,

That peace forever may abide.

7. Let us sing the song of nations.

We are one, and we are free.

We have won our Independence
Over all our land and sea.

Let us pray for strength & guidance,

Courage, wisdom, knowledge, might.

May Almighty God above us
Lead us & defend our right.

BASIL NORTON

Mrs. Rose, a member of the Governing Body of the All-India
Anglo-Indian Association, greeted the National flag.

386 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Malta Bharat— Great India
Song Of Independence

I . Land of greatness, Land of glory ,

Motherland of ancient lore,

Land of mountains, land of rivers
Land of Wealth’s perpetual store.

Home of millions of earth’s peoples
Sheltered in thy vast expanse.

Peoples bom of thee O’ Mother,

Heritage of circumstance.

Refrain

March in freedom, March in progress,

Indians never will be slaves,

Conquerors come and pass forever,

With their burden to their graves.

God Almighty bless our India,

Save her children from all woe,

Make them strong and give them wisdom
Be our guide for evermore.

2. From the snow-clad Nanda Devi,

To the point at Comerin’s Cape,

And across the East & West seas.

Marking out the Country’s shape.

Peoples or all climes & speeches,

Worshipping at divers shrines,

Children, all of Mother India,

Stamped with Mother India’s lines.

3. Give us leaders brave and loyal,

Men of brawn, and men of fire.

Men who build, and men who labour,

Not for selfish gain or hire.

Let no creed or party slogan
Lead us in disruptive strife.

Let the flag of India’s Union
Unify our peoples’ life.

4. Through the dim historic ages,

THE SOCJ KV AND THE PSYCHOLOGICAL PATTERN 387

Through the darkness or the past
When the gods had fought their battles.

And the priests created caste.

When the Vedas formed the gospel,

And the minstrels sang their song,

When the Koran & the Bible,

Built the creed of right &l wrong.

5. Years of patient toil and suffering
Neath the alien's iron heel
Wore out millions of our people
In the hoop or Empire’s wheel;

Gone, the days of slavish serfdom.

Days of blindness, want and hot.

Let us grasp the hand of Freedom,

India free for cvennorcl

6. Sons of India! rise from slumber!

Till the Skids and rake the soil.

Work your factories, make your engines,

Ixam to labour and to toil.

Make your ships to sail the waters,

Make your planes fly far and wide.

Learn to govern wise and justly,

That peace forever may abide.

7. Let us sing the song of nations.

We are one, and we are free.

We have won our Independence
Over all our land and sea.

Let us pray for strength & guidance,

Courage, wisdom, knowledge, might.

May Almighty God above us
Lead us & defend our right.

BASIL NORTON

Mrs. Rose, a member of the Governing Body of the All-India
Anglo-Indian Association, greeted the National flag.

388 THE STORY OP THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Flag Of Our Motherland

Flag of our Motherland, flag of the free
Our loyalty here we pledge to thee
Saffron and white and green unfurled,

Bear it aloft O winds of the world.

Father of all, we lift our eyes

As a new year dawns in the Eastern skies

Grant us O Lord the strength we pray

To lead mankind to a better day

When wars throughout the earth shall cease,

And men shall live in eternal peace.

H. ROSE

The Community is not given to parading its loyalty or patriotism,
but, in crisis after crisis, including those that have overtaken the
Country since Independence, our loyalty and patriotism, tested in
the crucible of war, have been at least equal to that of any other
community. While there have been cases of espionage and cowar-
dice in other communities there has never been one such case
brought against an Anglo-Indian.

Especially during the Indo-Pakistan conflict the upsurge of pa-
triotic fervour in the Community was heart-warming. Anglo-
Indians were as emotionally involved as any other community and
as anxious to help in every way possible. Love of the ‘Old Coun-
try’ is marked among Anglo-Indians who have emigrated. Thus
when my wife and I were in the U.K. in 1964 and the Anglo-
Indians in London came to know that we were there, we were in-
undated with requests to attend functions organised by members of
the Community. Because of the short time at my disposal, I had
to decline these requests. I attended only one meeting which was
organised by members of the Community at the International Tea
Centre in Oxford Street. The love and the nostalgia for India are
still very much there especially among the older members of the
Community. Inevitably, the youngsters will grow up in a different
milieu and be assimilated to a different psychology. Another
noticeable feature is the sense of identity among members of the
Community who have emigrated.

THE SOCIAL AND THE PSYCHOLOGICAL PATTERN

389

Some members of the Community have made exiles of themselves
for several reasons. Thus, my elder brother migrated to the U.K.
with a heavy heart : lie did so because of the foreign exchange posi-
tion which prevented him from sending his sons for further studies
overseas. By emigrating he was able to give his sons the best of edu-
cational opportunities which have ensured their securing gainful em-
ployment. Psychologically he lias never been happy. After the
sons liad completed their education and made their own life, he and
his wife returned to India. Bur then he woj confronted with the
almost typical, ‘Babu’ attitude that marks so much of Government
functioning. He was told that he could not get his pension in India
unless he repatriated all the money he had taken out of the Country.
To say the least, it was an extraordinary proposition, as this policy
was based on the assumption that he had lived in the U.K. for 5
years on air and that ail the money he had taken out of the Country
was intact. Because he was refused his pension in India, he was
compelled to return to the U.K. where he gets his pension not in
rupees, but in sterling !

Except for the Anglo-Indians who continue to delude themselves,
the large majority know that they cannot reach lop positions in the
U.K-, Australia or indeed in any white country except for a few who
might pass for Europeans. The children certainly secure gainful
employment. In terms of money they earn more than they would
do in India. But they realise that the top jobs are reserved for the
indigences and that the colour and race barriers will be drawn
rigidly at cenain levels. I constantly receive letters from Anglo-
Indians in the U.K. w ho complain of the upsurge of race and colour
discrimination there.

Finest Opportunities

What I have said to the Community from the very beginning of
my leadership has materialised. I always believed, and said so
repeatedly, that the Anglo-Indians, as Anglo-Indians, would get
their finest opportunities in Independent India. In pre-Independ-
ence days like members of other communities and, in fact, more so,
the walls of discrimination were drawn firmly around the Commu-
nity. Few, if any, Anglo-Indians were ever allowed to become heads
of departments, whatever their capacity and qualifications. I re-
member after my scathing indictment of Beverley Nichols’ exercise

390 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

in scatology and malice in his ‘Verdict on India’, my speech was
applauded in Parliament. Hussan Suhrawardy, brother of Shaheed
Suhrawardy, former Chief Minister of Bengal, rushed up to me and
said that while 1 had said a good deal, he could tell me of yet an-
other instance of deliberate British discrimination. Suhrawardy
had been a senior official on the then East Indian Railway. He
mentioned how a highly qualified Anglo-Indian, with some of the
finest overseas degrees, had been recommended as Chief Medical
Officer. The British General Manager was, however, not prepared
to accept him because he was an Anglo-Indian. Yet after Inde-
pendence more than one Anglo-Indian has become a Chief Medical
Officer. Thus, Colin Roberston was first Chief Medical Officer of
the G.I.P- Railway and then came to Delhi as the Chief Medical
Officer of the Northern Railway.

Immediately after Independence the Community got very special
opportunities. Replying to a question by me in the Legislature the
then Defence Minister, Sardar Baldev Singh, stated that from August
of 1947 to February, 1948, the number of Anglo-Indians recruited
in the officer cadres for the R.I.N. was 50 per cent for the R.I.A.F.
28 per cent and for the Army 26 per cent. Addressing the Commu-
nity after Independence, I mentioned that within 2 years of Indepe-
ndence, Anglo-Indians had been given, increasingly, positions which
they had never held in 200 years or British rule. Apart from
the numbers in the officer cadres of the Armed Forces, over 20 Anglo-
Indians were selected for the superior administrative service which
had taken the place of the Indian Civil Service. Shortly after In-
dependence, Piggott was selected to represent the Indian Air Force
in the U.K. and was awarded the coveted trophy as the best Air
Force cadet in the Commonwealth.

Many Anglo-Indians after Independence have found their metier
especially in the Armed Forces. In pre- Independence days the most
an Anglo-Indian could become was a Major in the I.M.D. (B.C.)
Since Independence Anglo-Indians have found positions of trust,
in every sphere, commensurate with their ability and character.

The first Anglo-Indian to be promoted to the rank of Lt. General*
after Independence, was Henderson Brooks. A talk between Krishna
Mcnon, the then Defence Minister, and myself, however, indica-
ted a certain quirk in official thinking. Meeting me in the
lobby of Parliament, Krishna Menon mentioned that I would be

THE SOCIAL AND THE PSYCHOLOGICAL PATTERN 391

glad lo hear iliat Henderson Brooks was being promoted to the rank
of Lt. General : and then he added, “But the fellow has not one but
two European names.” I w as not amused by tire tail-piece and ask-
ed him whether he expected him to have two Hindu names !

Incidentally, in his younger days, Henderson Brooks was one of
the top tennis pta>ers in the Country. Readers will recall the
enquiry into die reasons which Jed to die NEFA debacle in 1962.
Henderson Brooks was awarded the Vishishlli Seva Medal Class I
for his work on dial particular enquiry. The citation reads, “Lt.
Gen. J.U. 1 Icndcnon Brooks was given the difficult task of investigat-
ing the reasons for our failure in the campaign against the Chinese in
1962. Due to his tact, eye foe detail and devotion to duty, the
General Officer was responsible foe producing a most commendable
and excellent report which has been of die greatest assistance to the
Indian Army. For his sterling services to the country in this very
delicate matter, he has been awarded die VSM Class I.”

There was a general feeling, especially in Parliament, tliat the
report was forthright and revealing, so revealing, indeed, that the
Government has not dared to allow its publication. This is part of
the unfortunate tendency in the Government not to take even Par-
liament into confidence in military matters and to sweep under the
carpet our mistakes, especially in defence matters.

Lt. Gen. Pat Dunn, the Corps Commander in the Sialkat area
during the 1965 Indo-Pak war, is one of the finest fighting Generals
that India has produced. It is significant that during (he critical
Indo- Pakistan conflict about 20 per cent of die Group Captains, about
30 per cent of the Wing Commanders and about 30 per cent of the
Squadron Leaders in the Air Force were Anglo-Indians. In the
Army Anglo-Indians held and continue to hold many key positions.

But for the exodus of some of our most senior people, including
officers in the Navy, Air Force and Army, many of die top poses in
the Country, today, would be held by Anglo-Indians. Even then
In die Army we liave, today, four Major-Generals : Robert Williams,
Director General of Inspection; Regie Noronha, M.G., Vishishth
Seva Medal Class I, with the reputation of being one of India’s
finest fighting geucrals; Edgar Pettengell of the Signals; and Frank
Larkins, Director of Weapons. The number of Anglo-Indian
officers in the Air Force is still appreciable. Maurice Barker is an
ASc Vice-Marshal. Recently, Commodore Cameron of the Navy,

392

THE STORY OF THE ANGUVINDIAK COMMUNITY

the Managing Director of Hindustan Shipyard Ltd., was promoted
to Rear Admiral. . . . 05,

Leslie Johnson of the I.C.S. is the Chairman of the important Oil
and Natural Gas Commission . Several Anglo-Indians are today m
senior positions as members of the I.A.S. A. K. Barren, who was
awarded the M.C. during the Burma fighting, was one of the seve-
ral members of the Community selected for the I.A.S. after Inde-
pendence. Barren, today, is Chief Secretary to the Orissa Govern-
ment. K.A P. Stevenson is Joint Secretary in the Planning Commis-
sion; Barker is Secretary to a department of the U.P. Government.

Eustace Wilson, settled in Bangalore, retired a few years ago as
Surveyor-General of India. He was the first Anglo-Indian to hold
this post and the second Indian to do so after Independence. He was
the first civilian to be appointed Surveyor-General of India after
.195 years of the existence of the Survey of India Department:
before that the post was always held by a Military officer.

Melville de Mellow has been described as an institution in him-
self. He is, today, the Chief Feature Pioducer of All-India Radio
and is known not only to millions of Indian listeners but has achieve
not a little international fame. He won a scholarship to the B.B. •
in 1948. In 1960 he was awarded the Czechoslovak International
Radio Documentary Peace Prize for the feature ‘Garden of Peace .
In 1963, he was decorated with the Padma Shri for distinguished
service in the field of broadcasting. In 1964 he was awarded t e
blue riband of world broadcasting, the Italia Prize, for the feature
‘Lali and the Lions of Gir’.

de Mellow joined All-India Radio after having been an officer
in the Indian Army. He has an inimitable elan, an inspira-
tional style which at once fascinates and arrests the interest of his
listeners. For their strong national fervour and stirring emotional
appeal his broadcasts during the Indo-Pakistan conflict were wort
several divisions in the maintenance of civilian morale. Since de

Mellow came by way of the army, I should imagine that he did not
have too much formal education. Yet when I listen to him on AU-

India Radio, I get the impression of a perfectionist, of one who is
constantly seeking to achieve the attributes of artistry in his

profession.

Cyril Stracey held a permanent commission in the Indian Army
from 1937 to 1946: he cast his lot in with the I.N.A. in Malaya.

THE SOCIAL AND »« rA.C.OUXA.CAL FAT^X

393

ihc Secretary of the

O,. release from imprisonment. he ^hMian-
Central Organisation of dte I-N-A- a. frmcaa> and there-

for a yea, Oon.uhG.mrel for India » “ ^.y a. Wa.hu.g-

after saved as first Secretary o j waJ promotcd Course -

ion. His next posting seal to 1 "h“^“ dcrabl. .lull »hcn the
lor and acted for the Ambassador or . cd tj,e tort Indian

latter fell ill. In April. 1%5. he «» Hr. Urea.

Ambauador to the new-born Repu -rhAireecy brother, have a
prating il a. Ambassador to Fmtan I. „hose book 'Iteade.

remarkable record of success- l al htraruj. ^t. Having
Elephant Hunter' I have referred to earlier, ^ 0f the

qualiticd for the Imperial Foret Sen. tec, I plt .cured

father, "ho had died "hen die brot > He is now writing

fairly tecently a. a Chief Coreervator or tore. • ^ before hi.

hooka. 'Elephant Gold' and Tiger. brother qualified for the
lateat book on Rcadc. Ralph the «o“Jb» ^ Eric, qualified
I.C.S. Cyril Straceyi. the third; the f°“ Ga,eral of Prison,

forth. Imperial t'olicc and today t. clurpter more

in the Madra. Sute. A. “c"U“cJJ„il)„5 and doing counts
Anglo-Indian, are qualify ing for the pri.rrs.ton.
of higher sludic. than ever before. „r Smilo-Indians going into

It i. aho heartening to see a number ol Ang

business. . nr the leading busin®^611 °

Derail D’ Monte of Madras is one of beginnings, he

-he Communily. SutrUng from' £ %££*»*** & T”t
gave up service in 1919 “ ^ Company ha. grow”

ing Company, with a repnal of Rn «»■ ^ buildmg re an

from a small trading unit and nouoccup^ Indun Engineering
important business locality of hlldr“' wholesale supplier, of
& Trading Company i. cue ""‘''"f^ pSl part.- Tte
certain specialised component, o Hyderabad and Calcutta-

Company ha. branches in Madras and .he pre-

There is a modem fuBy-ripuppcdlh" ^ „ in several

duct, under the 'DVD' brand have torn
foreign markets. . r . Madras branch of “

Apart fro, n belt, gVice-Fres.dent of theM^i W ^ „»|ubrtoU

India Anglo-Indian te0C^7“',“ “ ^tomac (Mad™) ££

activities. He b a Director of Messrs- ^ Rubbers Pr>'»«

Ltd.. Madras and Bangalore, of Messrs.

394 THE STORY or THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Ltd., of Messrs. Automat Plastics Private Ltd., Bangalore, and
Managing Director of Messrs. Pilot Engines Private Ltd., a newly
established firm set up to manufacture Auto and Agricultural en-
gines; he is also a partner of Messrs. Pressure Die Cast Products of
India, Madras. Last but not least Denzil D’Monte is the owner
and publisher of “Thondan”, a Tamil weekly of Madras.

An index of the trust reposed in the Community was the request
made to me by the Prime Minister, Mrs. Indira Gandhi, in June,
1967, to accept the Governorship of the Punjab. Mrs, Gandhi
mentioned that the Punjab is a border, highly strategic State, where
the political conditions are not easy, and Government wanted some
one on whose judgment they could rely and who would also have the
trust of the political groups and parties in the State. White thank-
ing Mrs. Gandhi for this gesture of trust, I regretted my inability
to accept the offer. I pointed out to the Prime Minister that I still
have a great deal of work to do on behalf of the Community. If I
accepted any kind of Government preferment, the Community
would feel that I had betrayed the trust that they have so implicitly
reposed in me.

Life-Line Of The Community

The All-India Anglo-Indian Association is the life-line of, the
Community. The well-being, indeed the very existence of the
Community is synonymous with the work and achievements of the
Association.

The Association has never rested either on its oars or its laurels.
It is a matter of some interest that it is the oldest Anglo-Indian
Association in the Country and the only All-India Anglo-Indian
Association. The original Association, the Eurasian & Anglo-
Indian Association of which the present All-India Anglo-Indian
Association is the successor, was inaugurated on Saturday the 16th
December, 1876, by the Hon’blc Sir Richard Temple, K.C.S.I.,
Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal, who presided at the Town Hall
Calcutta, over a larger assemblage of the Eurasian Community, as it
was then known, and Europeans. The Anglo-Indian Empire
League, which had branches all over India, was the successor of the
Eurasian & Anglo-Indian Association.

At a conference held at Allahabad from the 30th December, 19 18>

THE iOO-U. ASD THE J5TCHOU>CJC*t MTOJW 395

to the 2nd January, 1919, it was decided that the delegates of the
Anglo-Indian Empire League and the Anglo-Indian Association
combine to have a united body to be called, under the new provision,
the Anglo-Indian & Domiciled European Association. The
Calcutta Association and the Bengal Provincial Branch of the League
amalgamated to form the Anglo-Indian £; Domiciled European
Association of Bengal- Gidney was then the Presiden t-irt-Chief of
the Anglo-Indian Empire League.

In ] 926, the Bengal Association changed iu constitution and amal-
gamated with the Anglo-Indian & Domiciled European Associa-
tion of India, the successor of the Empire League and of which Gidney
star the head. When Burma was parr of India the Association
took on the name of the Anglo-Indian & Domiciled European
Association, India <1: Burma. After Burma was separated the Asso-
ciation was known as the All- India Anglo-Indian & Domiciled
European Association. Ac my instance the words ‘Domiciled
European’ were dropped in July, 1946.

When I was elected to succeed Gidney in 1942, in spite of Gidney's
greatness the Association was in extremely low water financially.
Although on paper it had about 90 branches, w hich included those
in what is now Pakistan, the total funds of the Association did not
run ev en into three figures. Fortunately, I was a bachelor and had
my own resources. Xot only steadily but rapidly I built up the
Association infusing new life into the branches and making the
Associatio n financially viable. A noticeable feature in G idney’s time
was that, by and large, the better-placed members of the Community
kept out of the Association. This was perhaps due to the feeling
that they did not require the assistance of the Association and the
complex that socially and officially they were above those who
joined, especially the raituaymen- Within a few years, I was able to
change this complex. Today, it would be correct to say that very
lew of the better-placed Anglo-Indians are outside the Associauoa-

Anoihcr significant feature is that, in spite of the exodus of many
thousands of Anglo-Indians, the Association today is stronger in
membership and resources than, it has ever been throughout its long
history. At a conservative estimate, more than half the Commu-
nity, if the families are included, are within the fold of the Associa-
tion. That by any standards makes the Association uniquely re-
presentative- Those who are not members are either the uncm-

390 T1IE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

ployed or under-employed, those who cannot afford to be members,
or members of the Armed Forces who are not allowed to join even
an organisation like the Association.

Some not very literate Members of Parliament, unable to answer,
rationally, argument with argument, occasionally indulge in the
cheap gibe that I am a nominated Member. My usual reply is that
the interrupters, even if they traverse several incarnations, would
never represent their constituencies as I do. I point out that, m
fact, I am the only member of Parliament with an All-India consti-
tuency. Territorially, the extent of my constituency is contermin-
ous with the Country. The All-India Anglo-Indian Association has
a network of over 70 branches spreading from Delhi to Qjiilon and
again from Bombay to Shillong.

The Association does give guidance to its members during the
general elections. For the nominations of Anglo-Indians to the
Legislatures, under Articles 331 and 333 of the Constitution, the
Association elects or selects its nominees. There is a careful, elabor-
ate procedure. The nominees for Parliament are elected. For the
State Legislatures the nominees are selected by the Governing Body
of the Association which ensures both the capacity and the repre-
sentative character of the candidates.

And, yet, the Association is not a political organisation. This
has been recognised by the Government since the inception of the
Association and civilian Government servants are permitted to be
members. It is recognised that the Association is a source of stabi-
lity in times of crisis, especially during strikes. Over and over again
at the call of the Association, Anglo-Indian government servants,
whether in the Railways or the Telegraphs, have come to the rescue
of the Administration, Essentially, the functions of the Associa-
tion are to look after the educational and the cultural and civic
interests of the Community.

Before me Gidney had put the Community on the map of India
and secured its special recognition and special statutory safeguards
under the Government of India Act or 1935.

In other chapters I have mentioned how after a long, grim strug-
gle I was able to win for the Community special recognition in the
Constitution of Independent India, with safeguards accorded to no
other minority. Over and over again, the Association has entered
the legal lists when the Community’s educational interests have been

THE SOCIAL AND THE PSYCHOLOGICAL PATTERN

397

threatened. In other chapters I have described the numerous legal
battles which, as the President-in-Chief of the Association, I have had
to fight to save the Anglo-Indian schools from extinction. These
battles I fought not only as President-in-Chief or the Association but
in my professional capacity as a practising lawyer.

The Association is die only organisation to which the Anglo-
Indians can and, indeed, do look not only for die protection of their
corporate interests but also for the redress of individual grievances.
As Head of the Association I deal literally with scores of individual
eases of members in the services who are seeking remedies against
unjust punishment, wrongful supersessions, denial of correct emolu-
ments and so on.

My work as President-in-Chief alone entails several hours of office
routine each day. Scores of members of the Community write to me
for educational or monetary assistance, redress of their individual
grievances, for scholarships for their children and also seek my legal
advice. I give them legal advice without any professional charge,
if they are members of the Association.

Apart from dealing with the daily correspondence from the office-
bearers of the Association throughout the Country, I make it a point
to reply to every letter from members of the Community, especially
from those in the humblest positions or in financial difficulties.

Apart from being the President-in-Chief of the Association and the
acknowledged leader of the Community, I also edit the monthly
journal of the Association : this takes up much of my time. This
journal, known, today, as ‘The Review’, has a circulation of almost
6,000 copies. Apart from dealing with matters which are
of interest to the Community, ‘The Review’ carries articles and
contributions, mostly by me, on matters of general, political, legal
Or international interest. A criticism is sometimes made that ‘The
Review’ is full of Anthony’s articles and speeches. This is not of my
choosing. Anglo-Indians can be extremely articlulate in debate
and verbal encounter, hut most of them are allergic to getting down
to write an article. To get a single article in a year even from my
colleague in Parliament and the Anglo-Indian M.L.As. is like trying
to extract blood from a stone. ‘The Review’ circulates not only to
the Community but among members of the Central Government,
Members of Parliament, the Judges of the Supreme Court and the
Delhi High Court, the Chief Ministers and Governors of the States,

393 Tim STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COAIMONTnf

Vice-Chancellors of Universities and leading personalities. ‘The
Review* also circulates among members of the Community in the
U.K., Australia, Canada and the U.S.A. Many of them almost
cherish ‘The Review’ as their continuing link with India.

Among my revet al commitments is my membership of Parlia-
ment. I sit on the front bench of the Opposition. I am also re-
quired to give advice and leadership to the Independent Parlia-
mentary Group which has 15 members.

In addition, as Chairman of our Education Society, which is
the trust I established in 1958, I preside over the functioning of
the Frank Anthony Public Schools. Apart from being the Chair-
man of the Board of Governors of each school, I am also the
Executive Governor of the Frank Anthony Public School, New
Delhi, which has over 2000 pupils. I watch the progress of the
Schools from day to day. I keep a meticulous check on the teach-
ing standards by calling for the log-books of the Heads of each
School and the Record-of-Work books of the teachers. In order
to conserve our resources all financial sanctions have to be first
secured from me. As our Schools grow the accounts arc checked
not merely every quarter or half year by Chartered Accountants :
there is a daily check.

Last, but not least, I am a busy practising lawyer. As a matter
of fact, I happen to be the only Anglo-Indian and, indeed, the
only Christian lawyer who practises regularly in the Supreme
Court and the Delhi High Court.

Because of these five virtually full-time jobs, it is inevitable that
my schedule is not only exacting but, indeed, gruelling. My day
starts at 5 a.m. Seldom do I leave my office b eibre 9 or JO p.ro.
Not only am I but the Community is fortunate that I have a wife
who is not only understanding but appreciative of my work and
who is also dedicated to service for the Community- Thus, she
was primarily responsible for building up the Frank Anthony
Junior School, New Delhi, which was the gallant pioneer of our
Schools’ Scheme. Working in an honorary capacity she conserves
the resources of the School by refusing the assistance of even a
clerk or an accountant. And yet the Chartered Accountant’s report
of the School accounts testifies to her capacity which would do
credit to a professional accountant. This is in addition to her
administering the School, watching the work of the teachers and

TJIS SOCIAL AMD THE PSTQIOUXUCAL PATTERS 399

the progress of the children. She has an amazing memory and re-
members the name of every child in addition to that of every parent.

1 may refer ltcrc to a certain fairly widespread misconception.
Not only the rising generation among other communities but many
of the leaders scent to have forgotten the pigmentary texture of the
Community. Not long ago one of the front-rank leaders, with whom
I am quite friendly but who had never met my u ife, after being intro-
duced to her enquired as to what part of Europe she came from.
My wife assured him that she was very much “Made in India" :
although her father was Irish, an O'Neil, he had married an Anglo-
Indian and settled in the Country. But the incredulity seemed to
persist. My wife told him that there were perhaps thousands of
Anglo-Indians with her colouring. Thu fact seems almost to tiavc
been largely forgotten.

Up to Independence, at least one third of the Community were
indistinguishable from the Europeans. In certain areas this pro-
portion of the blond type was very high. Thus in the railway
centres along the old B.B. & C.I. Railway 70 to 80 per cent of the
Community had blond Itair and blue eyes, red hair and grey or
green eyes. With the exodus of a number of the lighter-comple-
xioned members of the Community, tin's proportion has gone down.
But the Nordic types have not disappeared.

The basic colour consciousness of Indian society can also be ex-
emplified here. When the parents, even the belter educated and
especially the women, meet my wife, they ask the same question, as
to which part of Britain she comes from. When she tells them that
she is as good an Indian as any of them, they seem happy about the
assurance but are diffident to accept it. They rationalise their
doubts with the remark, “Then, you must be a Bralunin Anglo-
Indian." Then my wife has to explain, rather laboriously, that in
the Community there arc no caste distinctions, there are no Brahmins
and non-Brahmins.

The reaction of the children also is a reflection of the basic colour
consciousness of Hindu society. Like children everywhere, when
their brothers and sisters from other schools come to the Frank
Anthony Junior School, often they get into an argument as to which
is the better institution. They make assertions and counter-as-
sertions about the uniforms, the teachers and, finally, the argument,
especially among the youngest of the children, is, “But we have a

400 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

white Headmistress: you haven’t.” Even at that very young age
colour appears to be the ultimate argument l

The Association is not only the sheet-anchor of the Community’s
corporate life, it is also the centre of the Community's social life.
It is at socials and dances held by the branches that the members
have the opportunity to enjoy themselves. My wife often accom-
panies me on my tours. These visits represent a red-letter day in the
life of the local branch and the local community. No king, crown-
ed or uncrowned, could ask for greater loyalty and, indeed, affect-
tion. As we arrive the office-bearers are at the station to meet us,
usually with a beautiful bouquet for my wife : if there is a railway
school nearby usually the children, boy scouts and girl guides, make
a guard of honour. We either stay at the local hotel or at the home
of a senior member of the Community. After a quick bath and
breakfast I give interviews to members who have grievances in res-
pect of their conditions of work or service. Where there are Anglo-
Indian schools I visit them to address the staff and pupils. If there
is a railway workshop or public sector undertaking I usually visit
it. The evening function is the piece de resistance of the schedule.
Usually it starts at about 6 p.m. It is accompanied by a social
and dance. In between I address the Community. Usually these
functions last till the small hours of the morning. Because it is
not possible for me to visit the branches as often as I would like to,
my address to a branch usually lasts at least an hour. My Presi-
dential address at an Annual General Meeting of the Association
is longer. Today, I try to keep to one and a half hours but very
often my Presidential addresses have lasted from two to two and
a half hours. These meetings are usually packed to capacity.
One of our office-bearers, who is rather a wit, commenting on my
Annual General Meeting address said that when I get up to speak
the passage of time should be marked not by a clock but by a
calendar ! A constant theme in my addresses is, ‘‘India alone means
home, in all its connotations, for the Community. India is the only
Country where the Community is recognised and respected. It is
the only Country where Anglo-Indians, as Anglo-Indians, can
achieve the highest of positions commensurate with their character
and ability.”

Last, but by no means least, the Association does considerable
work on behalf of the less fortunate members of the Community.

THE SOCIAL AND THE PSYCHOLOGICAL PATTERN

401

Every branch las its own poor fund and also its education fund, al-
though, today, educational assistance on an increasingly massive
scale is gh cn by our Education Society. 1 tremble to think uliat
would happen to the less fortunate members but for the Assrx jaiion.
There is no other organisation or agency to which thev ran look for
assistance.

The largest concentration of the Community is m Calcutta.
Typical of the social work being done by the Association is the fact
that the Calcutta branch of the Association feeds on an as crage about
300 needy Anglo-Indians each day. In regard to this cltaritable
work I would pay a tribute to the East India Cltaritable Trust run
mostly by Britons, for the considerable assistance they have conti-
nued to give to the Calcutta branch in feeding the less fortunate
members of the Community. Homes for the poor and the aged,
ofwhich there arc quite a number in the Country, arc either assisted
or run by members of the Association.

The Annual General Meetings of the Association, which are held
in different parts of the Country, represent the heart-beat of the
Community. The Association annual meetings are a kind of Mecca.
To these annual meetings members and office-bearers of the Associa-
tion from every part of the Country come as on a pilgrimage. At
these General Meetings, which last at least three days, problems of
the Community are discussed. Usually, the issues discussed are
educational, social and civic. There is complete freedom of dis-
cussion at the Annual General Meetings. Hard blows are given and
taken. And yet there is an atmosphere of camaraderie.and brother-
hood. Delegates go away refurbished in spirit and with a renewed
sense of dedication. I am aware of the criticism, sometimes
made that, ‘Anthony is a dictator’. And yet those who attend our
General Meetings often express their surprise at the complete lati-
tude given by me, as Chairman, to members to question and criti-
cise "ad libitum'. It is only when I am convinced of the mala fidcs
of a member or an office-bearer, that the basic motive is to disrupt
or undermine the necessary discipline of the organisation, that action
is taken under the rules. The comparatively few occasions on w hich
the Governing Body has expelled members testify to the restraint we
exercise in disciplinary matters.

The office-bearers of the Association are, indeed, the unsung
heroes and heroines of the Association saga. I take this opportu-

402 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COUUUNTTT

nity to salute them on behalf of the Community. Without their
selfless work and abiding loyalty 1 might not hat chad the faith or
the couiagc to persevere in the face of often seemingly impossible
odds. The Association continues, more than c\ er, to be the life-
line of the Community.

All-Indians

The Anglo-Indians are among the few real All-Indians in the
Country, in the sense that they arc free not only from communal but
regional, caste and linguistic inhibitions. The Anglo-Indians are
perhaps the only Community that is at home in any part of the
Country. This is exemplified by the Tact that the Anglo-Indians, to
whichever part they belong, settle happily in areas such as Banga-
lore, Jubbulporc and Dehra Dun.

CHAPTER XIII

IN THE EDUCATIONAL
VANGUARD

The Frank Anthony Schools’ Scheme

ANGLO-INDIAN education and Anglo-Indian school) have had
a chequered career- Indeed, Anglo-Indian schools have
traversed many vicissitudes, political and financial. The East India
Company seldom, if ever, undertook any responsibility towards
Anglo-Indian children. Between 1640 and 1G60, when the children
grew up literally within the sound of shot and shell, it was not
necessary for them to have more than a smattering of the 3 Rs. All
manner of people were employed as tutors— disabled soldiers, old
pensioners, bankrupt merchants or dismissed factors. The first
school to be opened was at Fort St. George (Madras), between
1645 and 1650 : that was the result of missionary effort.

Early History

The next filty years saw a considerable increase in the number of
Anglo-Indian children. Because of the growing need, Lady Camp-
bell, the wife of the Governor of Fort St. George, sent out an appeal
for funds to start an orphanage for girls. By 1787, the Female
Orphan Asylum was established. After this attention was paid to
the male children and the Male Orphan Asylum was opened on the
pattern of the Calcutta Orphan Asylum, which had been opened
there in 1 783. There was a generous response to the appeal for
funds. All ranks below Field Officers contributed two days’ pay and
the Generals and Field Officers gave more. At the close of the 18th
century the school was financially quite well-off and the number of
boys increased from 150 in 1790 to 200 in 1792.

A number were the orphans of non-commissioned officers and pri-
vate soldiers and were given free education : the rest, the children of

404 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

officers, paid 3 pagodas for the education and maintenance of each
child. A pagoda was the equivalent of about 8 or 9 shillings, that
is, equal to about five rupees. All the children were Anglo-Indians.
The boys were admitted at the age of 4 and at 14 they were appren-
ticed as artificers, surveyors and sailors. The Female Orphan Asylum
confined itself to Anglo-Indian children born of regular marriages.
There was no provision for children bom out of wedlock. The
Madras Male and Female Asylums continued into the 20th century
when they were merged into the Lawrence Asylum at Ootacamund
and the Civil Orphan Asylum at Madras.

The Vestry School at Trichinopoly is one of the oldest institutions
having been established in 1772 for Anglo-Indian and European
boys.

During the 18th century three types of schools — charity, military
and private — were established around Calcutta, after the Madras
pattern. In 1731 with the aid of S.P.C.K. the Charity School was
opened in Catcutta The school continued to prosper and by 1787
its funds had increased appreciably, when it was decided to extend
education also to girls. For several years these institutions continu-
ed to be separately maintained. In about 1800 they were amalga-
mated and called the Calcutta Free School. At that time there were
about 150 children, boys and girls, in the school.

In order to meet the needs of the children of officers and soldiers
dying in indigent circumstances, the Military Orphan Society was
formed in 1783. Two schools were established at Howrah. The
Upper Orphan Asylum catered for the children of officers and the
Lower Orphan Asylum for the children of other ranks. By 1795
these schools were in a prosperous condition. According to Carey,
these schools were, “A harbour of refuge for bachelors in want of
wives. Balls were given expressly for the purpose of securing Pro'
posals of marriage for the young ladies. Persons in want of wives
frequently made their selection of an evening. Officers in the upper
provinces sometimes travelled a distance of 500 miles to obtain a
wife in this way. The suitors had to satisfy the authorities of the
school that they were men of good character and in a position to
support a wife. The girls were left entirely free to accept or reject
their suitors and were never forced into marriage.”

For a little more than 60 years the Upper and Lower Orphan
Asylums did most useful work for the Community. Gradually, they

IS THE EDUCATIONAL VANGUARD 405

began to decline. In 1846, lhe Upper Orplian Asylum was given
up and tlus was follow ed a few years later by the Lower As) lum.

Because of the growing demand for education by the Anglo-
Indians a large number of private and, indeed, mushroom schools
were started by individuals. Most or these disappeared after a few
years on the death or retirement of the founder. In the majority
of the private schools a number of boys from other communities were
also admitted. Thus in Calcutta, Bengali lads from the best families
attended these schools. Even in those days in the private schools
the day-scholars paid as much as Rs. 16/- per month.

At the beginning of the 19th century the East India Company had
established high schools and colleges for Hindus and Muslims, but
nothing was done for Anglo-Indians. In Macaulay’s famous Minute
of 1835 there was no reference to education either of Anglo-
Indians or Europeans. The Wood Despatch of 1854, which en-
visaged a comprehensive system of Indian education and has been
referred to as the Magna Carta of English education, only made a
passing reference to the “Requirements of an increasing European
and Anglo-Indian population.” It made no suggestions as to how
to meet these requirements.

Self-Help

In spite of the Government’s neglect, in the first two decades of the
I9th century many schools were established. The majority of these
schools were started by public subscription and continued to be
supported by donations from Anglo-Indians and Europeans. Bet-
ween 1830 and 1850 persons like General Claude Martin and Capt.
John Doveton, an Anglo-Indian officer in the Nizam’s Army, don-
ated large sums of money for the education of Anglo-Indians.

Anglo-Indians also started schools with money raised by them-
selves. The Paren tal Academic Institution, Calcutta, was in a sense
the first Anglo-Indian school because it was both established and ad-
ministered by the Community. Funds for setting up this school were
raised entirely by the Community. At a meeting at the house of
John Ricketts it was decided to form a society, “To promote the
education of our children by projecting an institution which shall be
managed by a Committee chosen from among the body of parents,
guardians and friends.” The school was established at 11, Park
Street, and classes were begun on the 1st May, 1823. It was a non-

406 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

sectarian Protestant school. Unfortunately, because of religious
differences In the Managing Committee, the Anglican members
Mere permitted to separate and set up their own school which was
catled the Calcutta High School.

The Calcutta High School was taken over by the Bishop of Cal-
cutta in 1836. At that time it was known as the Calcutta Grammar
School. In 1845, Bishop Daniel Wilson, the first Metropolitan of
India, took over the school and revived it under the name of
St. Paul’s School because or its close association with St. Paul’s
Cathedral, Calcutta. In 1863 it was transferred by the Metro-
politan to Darjeeling.

The Parental Academy continued to serve the Community for
more than thirty years. Because of the generous bequest in 1855 by
Capt. John Dove ton, it was raised to (he status of a college. In those
days it was regarded as a model among colleges. Ow ing to a dearth
of pupils it was closed in 1916, after a very fine record of 60 years.
Of the fifty thousand pounds donated by Doveton for the advance-
ment of Anglo-Indian education twenty-three thousand were
given to the Parental Academy, which Doveton had assisted even
earlier. On the closing down or the Academy this endowment was
used to pay for the education of Doveton foundationers in selected
schools.

The Dharamtollah Academy, Calcutta, came into existence in the
beginning of the 19th century. It reached its zenith with the arrival
in 1813 of David Drummond. It began to decline after 1823 and
with Drummond’s retirement it merged into the Verulum Academy.
Henry Derozio, the Anglo-Indian boy genius and poet, was a pupil of
Drummond’s Academy: in fact, he was Drummond’s favourite
scholar.

With the appointment of the first Bishop of Madras, there was a
large increase in the number of schools between 1815 and 1835.
Apart from the Military Orphanages for which there continued to be
a great demand, it was thought necessary to establish similar schools
for the children of civilians. The Civil Female and Civil Male Asy-
lums were opened in 1815 and 1823 respectively.

The Anglo-Indians of Madras sought to emulate the efforts of the
Community in Calcutta and started a Madras Parental Academy.
The Community was, however, smaller in number and poorer than
those in Calcutta. In 1834 it almost had to close down the school

IK THE CDtXATtOKAL. VAN CCA RP 40?

for want of funds. Bishop Come took it over and remodelled it on
the lines of a British Grammar School. In 1 836 it was renamed the
Madras Grammar School. After his death the school was redesign-
ated the Bishop Corric Grammar School.

The Bishop Corrie Grammar School was open not only to Euro-
peans and Anglo-Indians but to other communities who could afford
the fees. According to the second report in 1838, there were 130
pupils on the rolls: 100 were Anglo-Indians including 21 boarders,
and 30 members of other communities.

BUhop Corrie had underlined the need for more schools Tor girls.
After his death the Bishop Corrie High School for girls was started.

In Bengal, the Anglican Church also began to establish a better
type of school. Through the efforts of Bishop Middleton a boys'
school associated with St. James* Church was opened, in 1823, with
the help of the S.P.C.K. A girls’ school was opened in 1830. From
about 1830 and onwards the Roman Catholic Church also began to
establish schools for members of their faith. Two Church schools
were established, one for boys and the other for girls. In 1834 St.
Francis Xavier’s College, Calcutta, was opened by some Jesuits from
Europe.

During the later part of the 18th and the early part of the 19di
centuries, with the building of new cantonment stations and the
strengthening of some of (he older stations, the need for schools also
became urgent. Several schools were established in garrison towns
such as Bangalore, Cawnpore, Meerut, Secunderabad and Vizaga-
patam. St. Mark’s was established in Bangalore; the Lawrence
Royal Military School, in Sanawar, was founded in 1847 by Sir
Henry LawTence for the education of sons and daughters of British
soldiers in India.

John Claude Martin, a French military adventurer who settled
and died in India, amassed a large fortune partly in the service of
the Navvab of Agra. Before his death he left a sum of Rs. 160,000/-
for the education of European and Anglo-Indian children.
It was ultimately decided by the Supreme Court in Calcutta that
the bequest should be devoted to two schools in Lucknow and
Calcutta. La Martiniere, Lucknow, was built in 1830 on the
ground which had already been purchased for die purpose. Six
years later La Martiniere, Calcutta, was founded.

Dr. George Edward Lynch Cotton came to Calcutta as the Metro-.

408

story or the Anglo-Indian- community

politan of India in succession to Bishop Wilson. He had served as an
Assistant Master at Rugby under the famous Dr. Arnold. Fresh
from the hcadmastership of Marlborough, he saw that the best way
to help the Anglo-Indians was to give them good schools. At the
thanksgiving service in St Paul's Cathedral, Calcutta, on die 28th
July, 1860, he appealed for funds to establish institutions for Anglo-
Indian (Eurasian was the word then used) and European children.
He evolved a scheme to establish a chain of efficient schools for die
Community throughout the Country. In the same year lie sub-
mitted a comprehensive report to the Government.

In response to the scheme put forward by Bishop Cotton, Lord
Canning wrote his celebrated minute of the 29th October, 1860.
This was referred to as the Magna Carta of Anglo-Indian education.

Lord Canning's Minute was approved by the Secretary of State.
In about 16 years 10 good schools were founded in the main
lull-stations in India from the money raised by private subscription.
After Bishop Cotton's death in 1866, the money collected assumed
the character of a memorial fund.

The school founded in 1867 in Simla was named after Bishop
Cotton. Two other Bishop Cotton Schools were established, one
in Nagpur m 1863 and the other in Bangalore in 1865. The Cain-
ville House School for Girls, Mussoorie, was founded in 1864.

In the Bombay Presidency the Bishop's High School for boys was
established in 1864. The Diocesan Boys’ and Girls’ Schools were
established in Naini Tal in 1869. The Brock's Memorial and
St. Stephens School for Girls were established in the Nilgiris in

A Commission appointed in 1871 to enquire into the condition of
these schools reported that the proposals of L0ld Canning's Minute
had been overlooked and that out of an estimated total of 26,649
Anglo-Indian and European children of school-going age only 15,067
7"<LaCtUally undcr ins‘niction; the rest— between 11,000 and
r T rr? U.P Whh°ut a"y education.
n lc ‘ 8 °-Indian Association made representations to the
Government underlining ihe vital need Tor education. In 1B79
Lotd Lyiton took up the question observing that it was incredible
that in spue of Lord Canning’s warning so little had been done by the
Government tn nearly twenty yearn I„ November, 1879, Lytton
appointed a Committee with Archdeacon Daly, the Archdeacon of

IN 7} IS LDLC.VrJON.U. V.VNCCA«t> 409

Calcutta, as Secretary to enquire into Eurasian and European
education and to report on the educational requirements of the
Community.

After consulting Local Governments on Archdeacon Baiy’s report.
Lord Lyuon wrote his famous report on the 3 1 si August, I S81 . On
this minute the Government of India decided to make European edu-
cation a special department of Public Instruction. 'European
Education’ remained the official designation until 1932 : after that
it was changed to 'Anglo-Indian Education’. The schools were
designated ‘European’ to distinguish them from the other schools.
The icon ‘European’ was defined as meaning, "Any person of Eu-
ropean descent, pure or mixed, who retains European habits and
modes of life" : the definition included the Armenians. This was in
deference to the fact that the East India Company iud, in recogni-
tion of their special services, classified the Armenians as Europeans.

In 1882 the Government of India appointed an Education Com-
mission for Indian education. As European education had already
been the subject of a report by a Special Committee, it was excluded
from the Commission’s terms of enquiry. Lord Curzon called a
conference of all Directors of Public Instruction in September, 1901,
to review the whole field of education. At this conference it was
observed that there were no special rules for education in the Euro-
pean schools. It was suggested (hat the Bengal Code, after suitable
revision, be made the basis of a common code for the whole Country.

In 1902 a Committee consisting of all the Inspectors of European
Schools in India, w ith the Director of Public Instruction of Burma as
President, was entrusted w ith the revision of the Bengal Code. After
approval by the Provincial Governments, it became in 1905 the All-
India European Schools’ Code.

The 1911 Census Report showed that every European and Anglo-
Indian child in Burma was attending school. Illiteracy was rare in
the United Provinces. In the large cities of Calcutta and Madras,
however, there had arisen a population of destitute Anglo-Indians
living in the worst of slum conditions. The children w ere neglected.
The Census underlined that while a part of the Community had
achieved a considerable advance in education and economic status,
there was a recession among the poorer sections.

Before the Census, there was an unofficial conference of all the
Protestant schools. This conference was called in December, 1910,

410 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

by Sir Robert Laidlaw, a successful Calcutta merchant who took
a deep interest in the education of Anglo-Indians. The confer-
ence addressed itself to the finding of ways and means for concerted
action to provide the necessary educational facilities to the Commu-
nity to enable it to meet on equal terms the increasing competition
they would encounter in their efforts to secure an honourable career
in the land of their birth. The Committee estimated that a sum of
£ 250,000 was necessary to meet the needs of the schools. It was
decided to make the necessary appeals not only in India but in the
U.K. and the Colonies. A London Committee was formed, which
included the Archbishop of Canterbury. The appeal was launched
in 1911 and was given a good start by Sir Robert Laidlaw himself
who donated £ 50,000. The Church of England contributed
£ 20,000. Altogether, a sum of £ 90,000 was collected.

In July, 1912, the Government of India summoned a conference
on the education of the Community It was presided over by Sir
Harcourt Butler, the Member for Education. The Butler Commis-
sion underlined two of the most urgent needs of the Community. It
recommended extension of education to all those children who did
not attend school and improvement of the salary and prospects of
teachers. It also recommended a more modern and practical type
of education for the majority of the boys.

On the question of examinations it deplored the vicious competi-
tion that had been introduced in schools by the Code in the earlier
years. It expressed the hope that education would not be sacrificed
to examinations and that girls, especially, would be saved from wan-
ton mental and physical strain.

On the question of teachers’ salaries a resolution was adopted,
declaring that these should be raised to give the teachers a respect-
ed professional status. The salaries should be on an incremental
scale for a period of 10 years and it should be obligatory on all schools
to have a provident fund scheme. The Government, however, refused
to assume full responsibility for Anglo-Indian and European edu-
cation because a great majority of the schools were denominational.

Very little concerted action was made during the next 20 years.

Later History

During 1918-1919, an unofficial body', with Sir Alfred Pichford a
prominent Calcutta businessman, as its Secretary, undertook an en-

IK THU EDUCATIONAL VANGUARD 4 1 I

quiry into the conditions of the Community in Calcutta. The Sub-
committee on education found that there was ample provision for
even the children of the poor, hut the education Riven in the majority
of the elementary schools did not equip them sufficiently to command
a decent wage. It recommended more preparatory schools in mo-
fussil stations and, for the majority of children, a more practical type
or elementary education with a definite vocational bias after four-
teen. The report also recommended the formation of a technical
institution In Calcutta.

With the introduction of the reforms in 1921, education became a
provincial transferred subject, that is, under the control of the Mini-
ster responsible to the Legislature; Anglo-Indian education was class-
ed as a 'Provincial reserved subject’, that is, under the control of a
member of Council. But as (he grants-in-aid were subject to the
vote of the Provincial Legislature, the protection was often inadequ-
ate. Although the Governors were, under the Instruments oflnstrue-
tions, authorised to restore these cuts by certification, they sel-
dom, if ever, did so. In the Community’s memorandum to the
Indian Statutory Commission, commonly known as the Simon Com-
mission, instances were given of the cuts, particularly by the Bengal
Legislature, which the Governor consistendy refrained from re-
storing.

In his memorandum to the Simon Commission, among other
things, Gidney had asked that Anglo-Indian education be made a
Central subject, because it would thus be easirr to maintain unifor-
mity in standards and curriculum which was necessary for an all-
India community such as the Anglo-Indians, who were subject to
transfer from one part of the Country to another, especially in such
services as the Railways and the Telegraphs.

The interim report of the Statutory Commission, known as the
Hartog report, however, felt that provincial control would be better.
As a result of the Round Table Conference, the Irwin Committee was
appointed to deal with Anglo-Indian education. This Committee
recognised, “The special needsand circumstances of the Anglo-Indian
Community and ihe necessity of maintaining a proper and adequate
standard of education.” The Committee recommended that instead
of education being made a Central responsibility, its uniformity
could be secured by other means, such as the formation of an Inter-
Provincal Board and Provincial Boards oC Anglo-Indian education.

•112 Till STOUT OF Tire anclo-lsoms community

The third session of dir Round Tabic Conference noted the report
of the Irwin Committee and, in keeping with the recommendations, a
conference on .Vng!o> Indian and European education was held in
New Delhi, on the 6th and 7th April, 1933. The Conference, which
was opened by the Viceroy, was attended by twelve members apart
from observers. Gidnrv was one of the members. The Conference
discussed the funitiomand loruututionof the Inter- Provincial Hoard.
The inaugural meeting of the Inter- Provincial Hoard was held in
Delhi in June, 19J> Hie proceedings were opened by the Hon’blc
Khan llahadur Mian Sir l'azl-1-IIusain, K.C.S.I., K.C.I.E., Kt.,
Member of the Viceroys Executive Council.

Tile second meeting of the Board was held in New Delhi on the
17th and 18th lebruary, 1936, 11ns meeting was convened by Sir
George Andcrsou, Eduiational Commissioner with the Government
of India, who was the Seeretary of the meeting- At that meeting the
rules of procedure and lonsutution of the Inter-Provincial Board for
European and Anglo-Indian Education were adopted.

1911 Commission

In 1914, the inter- Provincial Board for European and Anglo-
ltulian Education set up a Commission. I was asked to be a mem-
l»cr. But as I was due to visit the U.K. to present the case of the
Community to the British Cabinet, I nominated Mr. Meredith
Doutre, then Principal of Christ Church Boys' School, Jabalpur.
Mr. K.G. Sojyidain, later Education Secretary to the Government
of India, was one of the members. The Chairman was Bishop
Bar n c, Bishop or Lahore.

Hie Commission toured and took evidence from the 26th Septem-
l>cr to the I9(h December, 1915. In Cliaptrr II of its report, the
Commission observed, "The Community has always attached the
greatest importance to the education of its children. The fact that
practically every child between the ages of 6 and 11 has been to
school indicates that the Community is a hundred per cent literate."
The Commission recorded its agreement with the view that the future
of the Anglo-Indian Community was bound up largely with the exist*
cncc or Anglo-Indian schools.

The Commission considered the position of 316 primary and se-
condary schools designated as ‘Anglo-Indian*. Of these 247 were
located in the plains and 69 in the hills. There were 100 boarding

IN TUC EDUCATIONAL VANGUARD 4 13

schools and 136 day schools. The Commission observed that there
were 33 orplianagcs of w hich 10 were located in the hills and 23 in
the plains and that there was room for a further increase, particular*
ly in the larger towns like Calcutta, Bombay and Madras. Of the
69 Railway schools designated as 'Anglo-Indian', 62 were primary,
4 middle and 3 high schools.

Tlie Commission observed that out of every 100 Anglo-Indian
children in the lowest class, approximately Q3 proceeded to the
middle school stage, 45 to the high school stage, 5 to the Intermedi-
ate or Cambridge Higher School Certificate stage, and 2 to the Uni-
versity degree stage.

Thc Commission underlined die fact that the average income of
the Anglo-Indian parent was from Rs. 150 to 200 per month, and
because of the increased cost of education many parents found it
difficult to continue giving their children further education. It also
pointed out tliat a large percentage of the pupils did not like to
continue with a purely literary and academic type of education which
was not congenial to their aptitudes. The Commission referred to
the fact that it was well known that the young people of the Commu-
nity had a natural aptitude for handling tools and machines.

The Commission further pointed out that technical education was
of vital importance. It recognised that technical education could
not be given jn Anglo-Indian schools because of its prohibitive cost.
Anglo-Indian boys, therefore, have to make use of the new technical
schools envisaged in the Sargent Scheme.

The Commission underlined the need for improved standards of
teaching in Indian languages and recommended that the teaching
of Indian languages should be compulsory from the Primary to the
High School stage. It pointed out that unless the children had a
reasonable mastery of one of the Indian languages, there would be a
feeling or estrangement between them and the rest of the Country.
One vital matter to which the Commission drew attention was that,
"The creation of the right attitudes and values is more a matter of
the teacher approach and outlook than of the actual content of the
syllabus.” The Commission recommended an All-India Central
Training College for men and women. In such a college there
would be^ sufficient intake of pupils to ensure adequate equipment
and proper' staff.

The Commission noted that there had been no increase in the

■114 the stout or tiie ancu>lsdi.vs coumvniiy

Government grams and, in effect. Use cost borne by the Government
had decreased by 11 per cent. During a period of 1 D years, the
cost on education had gone up by 42 per cent, the burden of which
luid fallen entirely on Anglo-Indian parents. 'Hie Commission
pointed out that while expenditure by Gov eminent on non-Anglo*
Indian institutions note 1926-1927 had increased by 29 per cent,
expenditure on Anglo-Indian reboots, during the same period, bad
decreased. It also observed that the majority of the Provincial
Governments had so interpreted the educational guarantees for the
Anglo-Indian Commumiv that wliat was meant to l>c the statutory
minimum had Uc< nine a statutory maximum of aid. Hie Commis-
sion pointed to tile fact that the burden borne by the Anglo-Indian
parent was considerably higher tlian that borne by an average non*
Anglo-Indian parent m a non-Anglo- Indian school.

The Commission also referred lo the progressive decrease in the
number of Railway schools I’rom 9a they liad been reduced to 69.
Hie Commission felt tliat if these schools vs ere abolished, many
Anglo-Indians would lie drpnved of the opjwriunity to sceurt a
suitable primary education for their children.

When the Commission's draft report vs as sent lo me in 19 1C, I sub-
mitted my comments, which I am glad to say were accepted by the
members. Some of these comments are reproduced below. They
show that because Anglo-Indian education continued to be largely
dominated by Eurojieaiii who were not in touch with the psycho-
logical milieu in the Country and the real needs of the pupils, most
schools continued to subscribe lo educational jiolicics which were
at least psychologically outmoded.

Some of my comments were as follows.

"I feel dial the Commission's view, as set out in paragraph 6, con-
cerning instruction in the Indian languages, docs not go far enough.
I consider that die recommendations of the Commission on this sub-
ject arc completely inadequate. Cven in the past, Anglo-Indians
liavc been seriously handicapped in the employment market by the
absurdly low standard of instruction in the Indian languages. With
the momentous political cliangcs and the avowed policy to introduce
the regional languages, increasingly, as the media of instruction In
the Universities, Anglo-Indian education, if the present standard
of instruction in the Indian languages is continued, will be econo-
mically suicidal for the Community. Not only will Anglo-Indians

IN THE EDUCATIONAL VANGUARD 4 1 5

not be able to pursue courses of higher studies but they will be dis-
qualified for employment in the most ordinary appointments.”

“I have always felt that our schools liave been hide- bound by
British insularity in the teaching and learning of Indian languages.
I have never agreed that it is not possible for the Anglo-Indian to
acquire in the Indian languages facility equal, or almost equal, to
the standard of his mother-tongue, English. Whatever tiic inhibi-
tions of our educationists may have been in the past, necessity must
now compel our schools immediately to raise the standard of instruc-
tion in lire regional languages. Further, it is not enough merely to
indicate some sort of a levelling up. We should prescribe as the
standard of instruction in the regional languages, for our schools, the
standard obtaining in non- Anglo-Indian schools. This is not only
not an extravagant demand, but under present and, inevitably, un-
der future conditions, absolutely necessary if the Community wishes
to survive economically.”

Other Comments

"I feel strongly tliat the phraseology used in certain parts of the
Commission's report is psychologically ill-conceived. I refer to the
use of the phrase ‘without losing their European identity’, which
appears on page 9 of the Report. Such a phrase in no way streng-
thens the claim of the Community which does insist on the preserva-
tion of its Anglo-Indian identity. My objections to such phraseo-
logy are threefold. It tends to perpetuate national apart from a
community identity. It gratuitously provokes resentment in the
minds of members of other communities who may well read into such
pliraseology the desire on the part of the Community to perpetuate
some form of arrogance and snobbery. This is a very real psycho-
logical danger which the thinking Anglo-Indian is very fully aware
of.”

“The second objection is a legal one- Europeans will be aliens in
the New India. Any claim to a European identity will provoke
the reply that we should seek to preserve it in Europe and not ia
India. Further, no Indian Government will regard it as an obliga-
tion, either moral or legal, to make provision for the preservation of
any European identity.”

“My third objection is that such phraseology cuts across the posi-
tion which f, as the leader ofthe Community, have taken up in my

420 THE STORY OF THE AN'CtO- INDIAN COJlsrUNinr

go on to give hundreds of instances where he broke pupils from all
tendency to speak with what is popularly known as the ‘Chee
Chee’ accent.”

“As a sportsman, George Rogers had few equals. Even as he
grew older and wider in girth, he played cricket with an impeccably
straight bat, and bowled a deadly googly. Those were the halycon
days of sport in the School, when Christ Church swept everything
before it in sport : when the School eleven used to whip European
teams with County bats and Christ Church Old Boys’ won the Aga
Khan hockey trophy three years in succession. One of the things
which Rogie pointed to with a certain amount of pride was a framed
scoring sheet showing that the School eleven had skittled out the first
eleven of the Hampshire Regiment for a blob. That he regarded as
a world record."

“For twenty-eight years George Rogers served Christ Church. For
me it is a bitter thought that he left the School under unhappy cir-
cumstances. It is often said that a prophet is not without honour save
in his own country. Little, malicious people made it difficult for
Rogie to carry on. Rather than face their petty malice, he resign-
ed. He left largely unsung and unhonoured. I was able to undo,
partly, the ingratitude served out to him by Jubbulpore. Although
he had been retired for about 10 yean, in 1944 1 asked the Viceroy to
confer the O.B E. on him, which was done.”

“George Rogers w as not only an educauonist. While he was here
no Anglo-Indian boy, however poor, was refused education. Count-
less lads owe everything to him. He kept them in school free of
charge. He fed and clothed them. He atso rendered honorary
service to the Church as Honorary Chaplain for many, many years.
He was inordinately proud of his Community. For 17 years
he represented the Anglo-Indian Community in the Central Pro-
vinces Legislature. Needless to say that with his scholarsliip and
ability he represented the Community with distinction. He ac-
companied the late Sir Henry Gidoey in order to give evidence be-
fore the Hartog Education Committee which was an auxiliary of the
Simon Commission. He was also for many years a member of the
Jubbulpore Corporation, He was proud of being an Indian and
proud of being an Anglo-Indian.”

“It is said that monuments in brick and mortar are but tempo-
rary— that the only monuments which endure arc those enshrined in

IN TUE EDUCATIONAL VANGUARD 421

the hearts and the minds of men. I have no doubt that this perma-
nent memorial mil endure among his pupils u hereirr they may be.”

Inter-Stale Board For Anglo-Indian Education

Immediately after my taking over the leadership of the Commu-
nity, in 1942, I addressed myself to the dangerously outmoded psy-
chology obtaining in some of the European and Anglo-Indian
schools. In speech after speech, I underlined the fact that while the
teaching in these schools may be good, the psychology was bad. The
tendency was to glorify everything that was British and, equally, to
denigrate everything that was Indian. During my tours to every
part of the Country, I made it a point to address the staff aud pupils
of the schools. My talks not seldom provoked ill-concealed resent-
ment from the British staff. I told them that they were, at best, birds
of passage and as the accredited leader of the Community I could
not stand by and allow them to perpetuate attitudes and values
which would invite destruction for the Community.

A measure of this reactionary attitude was the fact that in spite of
ail his efforts Gidncy could not even become a member of the Inter*
Provincial Board for European and Anglo-Indian Education.

In November, 1947, I was unanimously elected the Chairman of
the Intcr-Provincial Board for European and Anglo-Indian Educa-
tion. The Provincial Governments and the non-olficial members,
which included several Europeans, joined hands to elect me as Chair-
man. There is the following report in the December, 1947, Anglo-
Indian Review.

"We are glad to say that the official and non-official members have
endorsed the Presidcnt-in-Chicf’s election, and particularly the
Provincial Governments. We have reason to believe that some
maliciously inclined nondescripts endeavoured to get the Madras
Government not to accept the change. Wc are glad, however, that
the Madras Government appreciating the malicious character of this
obstruction, ignored it and sent a telegram approving of Mr.
Anthony's election as chairman.” I should make it clear that the
nondescripts referred to were not Europeans hut Anglo-Indians.

My election marked a water-shed in Anglo-Indian education and
the increasing control by Anglo-Indians in formulating educational
policy for Anglo-Indian schools.

In my first address to the meeting of the Inter-Provincial Board

422

THE STOUT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COUMUNITT

held in New Delhi on the 10th January, 1948, 1 underlined the need
for eradicating the wrong psychology in Anglo-Indian Education.
I pointed out that while I recognised that the standards were good
from the purely educational point of view, the psychology was wrong.
I warned that unless the psychology was changed, it would destroy
the schools, the education and the position of the Community in the
Country.

I illustrated not only the harm but the hostility that this wrong
psychology in Anglo-Indian schools had built up against the Com-
munity. I had been approached by the Board, before I assumed
the position of Chairman, to get a grant from the Govemmcn t to en-
able a survey to be made of Anglo-Indian education. I was asked
Co discuss the matter with a senior official in the Education Ministry.
His first reaction was a blunt refusal of my request for the grant. I
then suggested that we should both drop our official attitudes and
speak as individuals. He said, “I am glad you have asked me to do
that. I was educated at an Anglo-Indian school. I owe what I re-
gard as my good education to my school. But all the while I was in
that Anglo-Indian school I could not openly with self-respect say
that I was an Indian.” I told him, ‘‘I agree with you : that psy-
chology still exists. I am glad that it does not exist today as it did
before but my whole object in coming to you with this request is first
to destroy that psychology. I myself realise that it exists. I realise
its dangerous character and I want our education to be reformed.
That is my main purpose in coining to you.” He said, “If that is
your object you can have your grant.” That is how I got the funds
for the 1944 Commission on Anglo-Indian Education.

I emphasised to the Board that I had regarded some Anglo-Indian
schools, because of the wrong psychology for which the European
educationists had been responsible, as hot-beds of anti-Indian com-
plexes. The schools, because of this wrong psychology, had not only
made the Indian, as he was called, work under a sense of discrimina-
tion, but had taught Anglo-Indians to look away not only from
their Country but from their Community.

At this meeting on my proposal the term ‘European’ was dropped
from the name of the Board. I explained that this change was long
overdue as neither the Board nor the schools would come within the
purview of the constitutional safeguards I had secured if they conti-
nued to use the designation ’European’, as the safeguards were only

IS T! C& EDUCATIONAL VANGUARD 423

intended for Anglo-Indian education and Anglo-Indian schools.
Since the reorganisation of the States, the Board has been known as
‘The Inter-State Board for Anglo-Indian Education’.

Over the years the Inter-State Board has performed functions and
done work that have been decisive in maintaining uniformly high
standards in Anglo-Indian schools throughout the Country. The
Board laid down a formula by which glaring disparities between the
salaries of the Principal and die top staff and other members of the
staff were removed. It became, increasingly, a paramount instru-
ment for co-ordinating the standards of almost 300 Schools through-
out the Country. Today, there arc about 268 schools recognised as
Anglo-Indian.

Because of the uniformity of standards introduced by the Inter-
State Board, this system of education has not only survived but taken
its place in the vanguard of Indian education. The schools arc
sought after increasingly by parents of all communities.

I have repeatedly underlined that the term “Anglo-Indian' is
not used in any communal sense. It denotes a system of education
with certain attributes. The Inter-State Board filled the breach
at a crucial, transitional period in the life and history of the
Anglo-Indian system of education.

The Board has much work to do. It is at present in the process of
formulating a uniform modem syllabus for schools and also revising
the syllabus for Anglo-Indian training colleges. I am glad to say
that the Central Government and the majority of die States continue
to be associated \\ ith this Board, and to make subventions which en-
able it to continue its very valuable work.

Anglo-Indian Schools

Anglo-Indian schools, today, cater for a majority of non-Anglo-
Indian children. They serve a national purpose in education. They
form the largest group of what may be referred to as All-India
schools.

I have insisted that the three-language formula be implemented
in these schools. Although I have been one of the strongest oppo-
nents of Hindi chauvinism, I have always been acutely aware that
political considerations must not be allowed to interfere with the
quality of education and the educational needs of the pupils.

Today, however, the three-language formula has become little

424 THE STOUT OF THE ANGUJ-INDIAN COMMUNITY

more than an empty slogan. The Anglo-Indian schools are among
the few that really and honestly seek to implement this fonmuta.
More and more it is being honoured in the breach than in the ob-
servance. The Hindi States, encouraged by the almost irresponsi-
ble statements of Tnguna Sen, the Education Minister, advocating
the rapid introduction of the regional languages, killed the thrcc-lan-
gnageforroula. The Hindi Hcrrenvolk !w vc arrogated t o themselves
the right to leant only one language, Hindi. Reacting strongly to
the Hindi cliauv mists’ thrust, Tamil Nadu has also helped to bury
the three-language formula. Hindi lias notv been banished from
the scheme of studies even at the school stage in Tamil Nadu. This is
tragically unfortunate because with English as the medium and
Hindi as a permissible second language, at any rate in Anglo-Indian
schools, children were able to transfer from one part of the Country
to another without difficulty There was no serious dislocation of
their scheme of language studies. Tamil Nadu’s dictat will he a
Crippling blow to non-Hindi-spcaking children studying there. Thus
Anglo-Indian and other non-Tamil elements, although long in the
Stale, usually look Hindi as their second language. Tins was be-
cause of the liability of the parents to transfer all over the Country
where instruction in Tamil is just not available. The Anglo-Indian
schools still seek to continue with the three-language formula. In
the Hindi Stales and Delhi, English is of course the medium, Hindi
is the second language and, usually, Sanskrit the third language. In
States like Bengal and Mysore, which permit Hindi, a large number
of pupils from outside the region take Hindi as the second language,
in which case the regional language is taught as (he third language.

Article 337 or the Constitution which guaranteed grants for the
benefit of the Anglo-Indian Community as made in the financial
year ending 3J« March, 1945, has now wasted ouf. That article
contemplated a reduction every three years by 10% of the amount
of the grant till, at the end of ten years, to the extent to w hich they
were a special concession to the Community, they would cease.
This guarantee ceased to operate after 1960.

Some States, however, continue to make grants, especially indi-
gent grants, to Anglo-Indian schools. Quite frankly, some of the
poorer schools would find it difficult, if not impossible, to provide
education to the poor children without these indigent grants. With
the wasting out of the constitutional guarantee under Article 337 in

IN TUB EDUCATIONAL VANGUARD 425

1960, however, the legal position with regard to the grants has
changed. When I argued the case on behalf of the Anglo-Indian
schools in the Kerala educational reference in the Supreme Court in
1958, the basic ratio which I was able to secure from the Supreme
Court was dial since the grants to Anglo-Indian schools were not
grants in the ordinary sense Urey were not cx-grana, being under a
constitutional obligation, therefore the State Governments could not
treat die Anglo-Indian schools as if they were aided schools in die
ordinary sense. Schools which are aided in the ordinary way arc
liable to considerable Government control, indeed interference with
their internal administration. That teas the effect of the Supreme
Court opinion in the 1958 reference.

Anglo* Indian schools could not preserve their character and, in-
deed, their independence or the competence of their management,
if they were subject to interference by State Go\ emments. Because
of this Anglo-Indian schools have increasingly given upaidalthough
some State Governments have offered it to them even after the wast-
ing out of the constitutional guarantee. Quite frankly, I have ad-
vised them to do w ithout aid because aid can at any time become an
instrument for garrotting these schools.

In terms of the Supreme Court’s opinion in the Kerala education
reference, if a school takes aid the State education authorities have
the power even to appoint and remove the Manager of the School.
With such power in the hands of State Governments, Anglo-Indian
schools could never preserve their character. A school may well be
told that their manager shall be from another community, the majo-
rity of their teachers from some other community not even Christian.
Because of this very real danger, I have advised Anglo-Indian
schools not to take aid if they can possibly do without it.

An unhappy and indeed grimly ironical consequence of this is that
the Anglo-Indian Community is perhaps the only community in India
whose children are not getting any kind of Government assistance.
While under Article 45 of the Constitution the Government is en-
joined to provide free and compulsory education to all children until
they complete the age of 14 years, this injunction is in fact mean-
ingless for the Anglo-Indian Community.

There are two reasons for this. Firstly, more and more Anglo-
Indian schools have come out of aid because of the very real danger
of an attempt to strangle them by mala fide interference. Secondly,

426 THE STORr of THE ANGLO-INDIAN community

it is not the policy of State Governments, indeed of any State’ Govern-
ment, to run English-medium schools. Thus the education of the
poor children of the Community represents a burden to be borne
entirely by the Community.

A significant fact not sufficiently appreciated is chat with Educa-
tion being a State subject, and with the increasing emphasis on re-
gional and parochial trends in education, the only All-India schools
are the Anglo-Indian schools and a handful run by the Central
Government. The contribution of the Anglo-Indian Schools in
preserving some integration in education and educational standards
is out of all proportion to their numbers. They are a unique
and, indeed, an irreplaceable boon for children of parents who
are liable to transfer from one part of the Country to another.
Thus for members of the Armed Forces and the Central services
and for the business community, these schools represent the only
guarantee of the continuity of the education of their children. The
Anglo-Indian schools arc among the few that, in fact, attempt to turn
out All-Indians, that is, boys and girls, young men and young
women, free from the inhibitions of regionalism, communalism,
linguism and casteism.

Council For The Indian School Certificate Examination

For some time I had been worried by the likelihood of certain
State Governments suddenly refusing to give us facilities for a worth-
while examination through the medium of English. By the simple
device of doing away with the English-medium examination, a State
Government hostile to the English language could pull the carpet
from under the feet of the English-medium schools. In Fact, there
had been a warning that States such as the U.P. and Madhya Pra-
desh, after a period of a few years, would discontinue the facility for
taking a secondary or higher secondary examination through the
medium of English. I, therefore, cast around for an All-India Eng-
lish-medium examination on the continuance of which we could rely.

My first idea was to liaise with the Central Board examination
which had been set up, in the first place, for the English-medium
schools in what were then known as the Part C States. When I
made this suggestion, however, at a meeting of the Inter-State Board
for Anglo-Indian Education the official representatives of the State
Governments were in general disagreement. They felt that the

XU THE EDUCATIONAL VAN GU AJUJ

-127

Central Board examination did not offer adequate standards and
tfut it would adversely affect the standard i in Anglo-Indian school*.
After that I got in touch with the Cambridge Syndicate.

The Central Government \nt also negotiating with the Cambri-
dge Syndicate ax they were disposed to take over anti run the otd
Senior Cambridge examination in liaison with the Cambridge
Syndicate. Perlups 1 moved fatter than tire Central Giver mnent.
The then Chairman of tlie Syndicate, Sir Ivor Jennings. Matter
of Trinity Hall, Cambridge, and a famous writer on Constitutional
law, came to Delhi to discuss the position with me. Ultimately, I
wax able to persuade him to allow the Inter-State Board for Anglo-
Indian Education to initiate the Indian School Certificate examina-
tion in India.

I pointed out that the managing body of the Council would base
to be an Indian body as, otherwise, there would be psychological
resistance. I also pointed out that the majority of the English-
medium schools in the Country, or at least die best English-medium
schools, were supervised by the Inter-State Board for Anglo-Indian
Education and had a vested interest in a first-class English-medium
examination. The proposed Council would, therefore, endeavour
not only to maintain but develop the standards of the examination
which had been evolved by the Cambridge Syndicate. Above alt,

I pointed out that the Council would adapt the examination to the
needs of the children in the New India.

It was thus that, in 1958, die Council for the Indian School Certi-
ficate examination was established. I liad the privilege of being
elected its first Chairman and since then l have been re-elected Chair-
man. The Council is an all-Indian body. It includes representatives
of the Inter-University Board, die Public Schools including the Sainik
schools and Air Force schools and a large number of English-medium
schools and, of course, the Anglo-Indian schools. The Anglo-Indian
schools represent the largest number affiliated to the Council.

The Council has gone from strength to strength. Today, about
259 of the leading English-medium schools in the Country arc affili-
ated to it. Indeed, more English-medium schools arc affiliated to
the Council than to any other English-medium examination in the
Country.

All the leading Universities have recognised the Council examina-
tion as equivalent to the Higher Secondary examination or the P.U.C

•428 THE STOUT OP THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

((he Pre-University Course). Thi Council examination is also
recognised by the Union Public Service Commission. So far as the
Defence Services are concerned, a certificate that a student has
qualified in Class X, although there is no external examination, is
accepted for entrance into Khadakvasla for training in the officer
cadres. Such a certificate is also accepted by the Railway adminis-
tration for entry into several categories.

The Council is not merely an examining body. 1 1 has several sub-
ject sub-committees which are constantly reviewing the content and
syllabus and ensuring that the examination keeps abreast of the latest
developments and techniques of education in the most advanced
countries. It is recognise d that the English Language standards are
as high as, if not higher than, those obtaining in many of the
Indian Universities.

In 1964 when I visited the Cambridge Syndicate, I was happy to
see an analysis which showed that the standard of attainment in Eng-
lish language of the pupils taking the Council examination was twice
as high as that in the other countries of the Commonwealth taking
comparable examinations But it is not only in English that the
Council seeks to maintain high standards. Workshops and seminars
have been constantly held which have enabled the Council to evolve
advanced techniques for the teaching of Indian languages. In this
work the Council has been helped by liaison with the special
Linguistics Department of the Poona University and language ex-
perts from abroad. The Indian language papers are all set and exa-
mined in India.

The Council pays particular attention to the teaching of Science
and Mathematics because wc feel that in this rapidly advancing tech-
nological age India dare not fall behind. -<Ys a matter of fact, a re-
cent UNESCO tgam of educational experts underlined the compara-
tively low standards of teaching of Science and Mathematics in
India. The Council is alive to this challenge. There is a consider-
able debate going on even in the most advanced countries as to the
correct method of teaching Science and Mathematics.

As a pre-condition to affiliating a school, the Council insists on
well-equipped laboratories. A recent Science Talent Search survey
conducted by the Government showed that in the top merit list of 31
candidates who had done the Council examination 1 1 had been
selected, whereas out of 340 Higher Secondary candidates only 14

JN THE EDCCITIO.V.U. VA.VCf.tRD 429

were selected. The Govrromcm survey attributed ibis result to the
fact that in the schools affiliated to (he Council the training of the
pupils was better and science laboratories were better equipped.
The survey also pointed out that the students u ho did the Council
examination had a wider background of reading and were taught
to think. There is still too great a tendency in most schools
to make the students learn by rote. There u the general
belief that the funnelling of facts and figures into (he memory of
the children is a substitute for knowledge and capacity to
think.

It is recognised that the standards of the entrance examinations
for the Indian Institutes of Technology arc the most exacting. In-
deed, the elite of India’s educated youth compete for entry into the
I.I.Ts. It is significant that over 60 per cent of the boys who qualify
for these Institutes come from the schools affiliated to the Council
examination, although the number of competitors from these schools
is comparatively much smaller than the number from the Higher
Secondary schools.

The Council has had the inestimable advantage of liaising with
the Cambridge Syndicate. Over many decades the Syndicate has
evolved a system of standardising the question papers, of moderating
and marking answer papers, which has acquired the refinements of
an art if not of a science. More and more, the Council is taking over
the setting and examining of subject papers in India. I am glad to
say that the Cambridge Syndicate lias a plan to train examiners in
India for this purpose.

I might relate an incident which is significant. I was speaking
at a meeting which was presided over by the then Education Minis-
ter of the Mysore State. I mentioned that the system which had
been evolved by the Cambridge Syndicate over a period of many
decades required that the question papers should be set two years in
advance, so that standardisation could be done with scientific pre-
cision. In reply the Minister said— I think he was part sad and part
jocular — that if in India they set question papers even two months in
advance, they would all leak out !

Unfortunately, however, there is growing confusion in the educa-
tional pattern. Education appears to be falling increasingly into
regional even parochial patterns. The glorification of regional and
parochial trends in education will mean not only the restriction of

430 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

educational horizons but of opportunities for the students. The crea-
ion of parochial enclaves will, inevitably, precipitate the correspond-
ing creation of psychological and ultimately political enclaves. In
fact, such parochial trends in education will inevitably spawn na-
tional disintegration.

Another ominous development is the tendency of politicians, sav-
ouring new-found power, to seek to regiment education. In some
areas, power-hungry politicians are seeking to enlarge their empires
by interfering in the internal mangement of the best Universities,
the best colleges and the best schools. The disastrous results are al-
ready increasingly evident in intrigue, nepotism, indiscipline and
an absence of the minimum of educational standards.

In this welter of growing confusion and widening desert or dis-
parate and falling standards the independently-run colleges and
schools stand out as an oasis of stability and progress. They are
among the few beacons of hope for the survival of minimum
educational standards in the Country.

Unfortunately, in som; States there is a growing attitude of nihi-
lism towards independently-run schools. Politicians, who know
nothing about education generally and certainly nothing about the
functioning of the best schools, seek to interfere with or destroy them
mouthing all kinds of spurious slogans. In the name of socialism
some politicians are seeking to equalise poverty in education. Among
some politicians there is an attitude suggesting ignorant prejudice
combined with ill-concealed envy. What they are unable to emu-
late in standards and discipline, they wish to destroy.

In an open society and, indeed, in any progressive society it is re-
cognised that freedom in education is the life-breath of education.
Government regulation is permissible in prescribing for such matters
as a proper syllabus, proper text books, suitably qualified teachers,
suitable buildings. By these tests the independently-run schools
stand out in refreshing contrast to the average Government-run in-
stitutions. Unfortunately, there is a growing psychology in some
States to make it increasingly difficult for the independent schools to
run. All manner of pressures, overt and increasingly covert, are be-
ing exercised to hamstring these schools. The petty politician who
has been responsible for precipitating instability and near chaos
in the Country is now seeking, in some States, to impose his deaden-
ing and destroying hand on the few remaining institutions that

IN THE UOATIOm VANGUARD 43 1

continue to maintain educational standards, discipline and charac-
ter-building.

In the event of a frontal attack inspired by mala fide political mo-
tives, fortunately an independent judiciary is still there to enforce
the fundamental freedoms oC the Constitution. One of these is the
right of the parent to choose the kind of education he wants for his
child. Another is the right under Article 30 of the Constitution,
given to minorities based on language or religion, to establish and
administer educational institutions of their choice.

The Secretary of the Council since its inception has been A.E.T.
Barrotv. Barrow, in /act, has been my colleague in Parliament since
1950, and is commonly known as the second Anglo-Indian M.P.
Barrow is a self-effacing type without the flamboyance and articulate-
ness of the average politician. He is, however, one of the best in-
formed educationists in the Country on secondary and higher se-
condary education. He has served with distinction on a series of
Government committees and commissions.

Today, leading educationists who have not been infected by motives
of language chauvinism or political vandalism recognise that the
standardsset by die Council are in the vanguard of Indian education.

The Council represents one of the greatest instruments for in-
tegration in the educational pattern and the maintenance of uni-
form standards at least at the secondary and higher secondary stage
throughout the Country. Because or these uniform standards, the
Council is also able to ensure in the affiliated schools the mobility
of the best teachers from one part of the Country to another. The
Council schools also represent a unique boon for the many thou-
sands of parents who move from one part of the Country to another.

The schools affiliated to the Council are rendering invaluable
national service. These schools are free from the taint of regional ism,
linguism and communalism.

Those who can afford it invariably choose independently-run
schools and especially those that are affiliated to the Council exami-
nation. Ministers and politicians who talk most loudly and glibly
against independently-run schools are the most clamorous in the
queue to have their children and grandchildren admitted to Anglo-
Indian and similar schools. The children and grandchildren of some
of the most raucous of the Hindi zealots will be found in the schools
affiliated to the Council.

432 the stost or the Anglo-Indian cosimunitt

The Frank Anthony Schools’ Scheme

The Anglo-Indian Schools prospered because of the guarantees
for Anglo-Indian education which Gidney was able to secure un c
Section 242 of the Government of India Act of 193o. They mat -
nued to prosper because of the Constitutional guarantees whtch l
was able to have included in the Constitution under Article 337. Bu
they prospered most, after Independence, because of the several
battles that I fought and, fortunately, won in the Supreme Cour -
In about 1934, I addressed a conference of Church proprietors
Anglo-Indian schools Quite frankly, I was taken aback by t e
attitude of some of the proprietors. I came assay convinced that
some of them, at least, would change the character, including the
medium, of their schools, when it suited them.

There was also the sorry, indeed sordid, spectacle of schools foun -
ed for the Anglo-Indian Community being diverted from their origi-
nal trust purpose. Thus, the Bishop Cotton Schools were founded
specifically for the benefit of the Eurasian Community, as the Anglo-
Indians were then known, and yet the Bishop Cotton School, Simla,
ceased some time ago even to pretend to be an Anglo-Indian institu-
tion. The same fate has perhaps overtaken the Bishop Cotton
School, Nagpur. The Bishop Cotton School, Bangalore, still conti-
nues as a recognised Anglo-Indian institution, although it can hardly
be said to be administered by the Anglo-Indian Community. Love-
dale, Ootacamund, was Founded for the benefit of European an
Anglo-Indian children. As I have mentioned earlier, the Madras
Male and Female Asylums founded specially for the Community
were merged into the Lawrence School, Ootacamund. These
were taken over later and became an Anglo-Indian trust. With
the wasting out of the Europeans, the sole residuary beneficiaries
were the children of the Community. The trustees, presumab y
all of them British and presided over by a British bishop, cyni-
cally destroyed this trust when they decided to hand it over
to the Central Government. For some considerable time the
Central Government went through the motions of implementing
the trust purpose by giving scholarships to Anglo-Indian
children. When I visited Lovedale — in about 1950 — I found that
the staff had been completely de-Anglo-Indianizcd. There was
still a fair number of Anglo-Indian students on scholarships as a

IK THE EOCCATtON'AL VAXGCARD 433

continuing gesture to the fact that the School was an Anglo-Indian
trust. After discussion with the Principal and the staff I could not
resist the conclusion that there was a policy of discrimination against
the Anglo-Indian pupils. Anglo-Indian parents had already com-
plained to me of this growing discrimination. Anglo-Indian
children were made to feel that they were there on charity. Inevit-
ably, even those Anglo-Indian parents, who were entitled to send
their children to Lovedalc, discontinued doing so. Thus an invalu-
able education trust meant for the Community was destroyed.

There are many Anglo-Indian Schools controlled by various
Churches, especially Roman Catholic and Anglican Schools, to
which the Community owes a great and, indeed, an irreparable
debt. Many of these schools continue to render invaluable service
especially to the less fortunate children of the Community. I re-
frain from naming some of the schools that continue to render yeo-
man service as I might omit to mention some of the most deserving.
Yet I am bound to say that many of the Church schools have no or-
dinary sense of gratitude, and this applies specially to the finan-
cially better-placed schools. They do little, if anything, to help
educate deserving Anglo-Indian children. They forget that they
were built up almost exclusively with the money of Anglo-Indian
parents when 90% of their pupils were Anglo-Indian. In addition,
they received, for decades, grants in the name of the Community —
building grants, development grants and so forth.

I have always subscribed to the thesis that without its schools and
without its language, English, the Community would cease to exist.
As I saw some of these unfortunate trends in some of the Anglo-
Indian schools I formed a dream of setting up at least 20 schools
that would not only be established but administered by the Com-
munity. In pursuance of this dream, humbly, precariously, I start-
ed the Frank Anthony Junior School, in New Delhi, in January,
1956. Because we had to husband whatever resources we had, I
asked my wife, who is not a teacher but who completed her training
overseas as a Secretary and a Beautician, to help out by being the
Honorary Manager. Slowly, gradually, almost painfully, that
pioneering venture grew. Unfortunately, like all communities, the
Anglo-Indian Community has its own perverse, malicious element.
Even this humble beginning was sought to be sabotaged by some
members of the Community. In fact, I had to kick out, almost

434 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

li, .rally, from .ho Governing Body at loot, one of. drr ; »“bcrs^°
had .ought to induce the parent, to whhdrav, their children .to
lured by my wife, this little school grew and prospered. Today, it
haTits complement of children and ha. ,u refuse a large nmnber of
applicants. The School is housed in what .. known as the Gtdney
Club, New Delhi t because of the limitation of space we cannot ad-
mit more than about 230 children. This Junior School was the
gallant pioneer of my dream which has steadily grown into a reahty.

In May 1958, I established the All-India Anglo-Indian Educa
lion Society. It is a registered education trust and under its consti-
tution the resources are devoted delusively to education and the
promotion of the educational interests of the Community.

I then, contemplated a more ambitious venture, namely, to open
a Public School in New Delhi. Members of the Committee oi the
Education Society were extremely dubious when I put this propos
to them in rather ambitious terms. Some of them, without express
ing it, gave the impression that they regarded my plan as ® "l
man’s dream. They did not know how it would be possible for me
to raise the minimum initial funds that would be necessary,
would require a few lakhs for the scheme even in the first stages-
Fortunately, the Calcutta Rangers Club, a well-known Ang <f
Indian institution to which I have refereed earlier, gave me generous
assistance. Even on their Managing Committee there were mem-
bers who opposed my request as they felt that my whole scheme was
hare-brained. The majority of the Rangers Committee mem ers.
however, decided to make a donation of Rs. 3 lakhs as a gesture o
appreciation for my services to the Community. With that money
and the money subscribed by the branches of the All-India A*1 8^
Indian Association, in response to my repeated appeals, the ra
Anthony Public School, New Delhi, opened in January, 1959.
opened in tents with about 120 children. Half the children were
transferred from the Frank Anthony Junior School. For me e
next few yean represented a period of grim anxiety, sleepless mg
and anxious days. To cut a long story short, the School prospere
as a result not only of effort, time, money but, indeed, the blood that
was put into it. Today, the Frank Anthony Public School,
Delhi, is a magnificent institution in more ways than one. House
in a beautiful four-storeyed structure, it is one of the landmarks o
Delhi. Mrs. Vijayalakshmi Pandit, who presided at one of our func-

IN THE EDUCATIONAL VANGUARD 435

lions, commented that the School had the appearance of a picture
post-card school. The School has built up an enviable reputation on
the academic side. Today, it has about 2300 children on the rolls.
We arc now proposing to put down an additional four-storeyed
structure in order to accommodate the insatiable demand for ad-
mission. At present we have a four-section pattern up to Class VII
and then a three-section pattern up to Class XI. Opinions u ill vary
about having a school nhich is almost the sire of a small university.
We have, by dim of experience, ev olved our own system of carefully
checking the work not only of the pupils but of the teachers, with
Heads of Departments i n the Junior and Senior sections. There is a
most careful procedure for checking the record-of-work books of the
teachers. There arc regular meetings held not only of the Heads of
Departments but of each Faculty.

In 1965, the Education Society set down the Frank Anthony
Public School, Calcutta. Here again wc were fortunate. The
School was able to start because the Education Society received a
donation of almost 3 lakhs from the Calcutta branch of the All-India
Anglo-Indian Association which had received certain windfalls.
Once again, the Rangers Club gave me a loan of 3 lakhs on my
verbal assurance of repayment. The Calcutta School has grown
steadily. There again, I regret to say, was an attempt by evil ele-
ments in the Community to sabotage the scheme. A campaign,
encouraged unfortunately by a denominational Roman Catholic
Calcutta paper, sought to denigrate the institution especially
because of the locality and predicted its inevitable failure. The
School, today, has over 800 pupils on the rolls. Recently, the
Education Society acquired the adjoining property. Apart from
the original structure, our plans include the laying down of a
four-storeyed modem school building.

In 1967, the Education Society set down the Frank Anthony
Public School, Bangalore. I was fortunate to locate a fine plot of
land in a good locality. The first floor of the projected magnificent
four-storeyed building has already been completed. The School
opened in January, 1967, with 53 children on the rolls : today, it has
more than 300 pupils.

Among my other commitments, I watch the progress of these
schools from day to day. In Delhi I function not only as the Chair-
man of the Board of Governors, but as the Executive Governor of the

436 the stort of the akgumhdian communitt

. . Th_ Principals of the Calcutta and Bangalore Schools rc-

day to day by Chartered Accountants. While no necessary
penditnre l refused by me there is a ruthless checking orally attemp
tortork to any of Paitinson's lasv, or to unproductive, horizontal
proliferation.

Increasing Scholarships . .

While the Education Society has been building, it is also giving,
increasingly, scholarships to assist the deserving boys and girls >o^g
men and women of the Community- Today, the Education Soaety
is giving over 300 scholarships. No application for * scholars P
for higher education is refused. At the School stage the
ships were first confined to the last two years, but now the scholar
ships are being extended to cover the students in the last three >
of their school career. As the scheme expands I hope to exten

scholarships to cover the lowest classes. rc

Because of the scholarships now increasingly available,
Anglo-Indians are pursuing courses of higher education, today*
they have ever done. All that they needed was the necessary to**
ciai assistance. It is heart-warming, when I visit branches, to
parents who are unable to find words adequately to than me
the opportunity given to their sons or daughters to quaiuy ^
doctors, engineers, teachers : fathers press my hand in a gesture
speechless gratitude: mothers, with tears in their eyes,

hand. That is reward, indeed, if any reward is needed!

While there arc a number of schools recognised as Ang o* n 1 ’

I regret to say that very few, indeed, play their part in ttfM ^
Anglo-Indians for the teaching profession. There is no ^

Indian school in the Country that trains anything like the nu®
young men and women being trained by the Frank Anthony
Scheme. We seek to turn out between 4 to 6 young traine ®
teachers each year. The course is for two years and the Educa
Society gives a stipend of about Rs. 160 per month to each trame
This is in addition to the large number of scholarships ranging ro^
Rs. 25 to 50 per month given to young men and women of the
ntunity training to become teachers.

IX THE COCCATIOXAL VAX GUARD 437

Contrary to the general impression, the Anglo-Indian Community
U relatively better educated than any other community. Apart
from the fact that it is a hundred per cent literate, a higher percent-
age ofits young men and women proceed to the University than from
any other community except, perhaps, the Parsecs. About 10 per
cent of Anglo-Indians arc now pursuing courses of higher education.
Apart from en tering the professions and the officer cadres of the Armed
Forces, Anglo-Indian lads arc competing successfully for the Indian
Institutes of Technology’, which attract the elite of India’s educated
youth. For those entering the officer cadres of the Armed Forces,
the Education Society lias set apart ten scholarships per ) car to meet
the full cost of the training.

I have already underlined that the Community cannot, like
certain other sections, look to Government for educational financial
assistance. Apart from the lact that English-medium schools are not
run by State Governments, aid is being used by tome State Govern-
ments as an instrument to throttle the English-medium schools.

A tragic development was that after Morarji Dcsai became the
Finance Minister, he was responsible for a measure which must do
irreparable injury especially to the minority communities. An
amendment was made to the Income-Tax Act so that from the 1st
of April, 1062, under Section 13(b)(1) charitable trusts and institu-
tions created or established for the benefit of any particular religious
community or caste will be liable to the crushing incidence "of per-
sonal taxation. Fortunately, the Community’s trust was founded
before the 1st April, 1962.

When I came to know about this proposed amendment, I took
urgent action. I saw Morarji Dcsai, but he was his usual self-
righteous, intransigent self. I then saw Jawaharlal Nehru who was
more understanding. He tried to persuade Morarji to modify the
proposed amendment so that it w ould not affect the minorities. The
most Morarji was prepared to do, as a concession to me, to delete the
word ‘race’. He felt that with the deletion of the word ‘race’ the
Community would not come within the purview of this amend-
ment. Obviously, the Community is not based on caste. It can
also be argued that it is not based on religion, as religion is not a
necessary attribute of the Anglo-Indian. Although the Community
is, in fact, Christian, if an Anglo-Indian adopts any other religion,
he does not cease to be an Anglo-Indian.

438 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Presumably, this imposition on the minorities was made in the
name of secular democracy, as it is misconceived by some leaders,
in order to discourage communalisra. In fact this incubus is not
only a negation but a perversion of the secular concept. While most
States cannot give any help to Anglo-Indians because they have no
English-medium schools, in future the Anglo-Indian Community
along with other minorities will be hamstrung in any attempt to set
up charitable trusts. I am bound to say that this amendment was
not only reactionary but, in effect, viciously communal. While
States cannot and some will not help the minorities, the minori-
ties, after the 1st April, 1962, will be prevented from setting up trusts
for helping themselves. Such trusts will be mulcted in income-tax
to such an extent as to make it impossible for them to grow or
prosper.

Courage Is Destiny

The Frank Anthony Schools have done me the honour to adopt
my personal motto, ‘Courage is Destiny'.

The School Song, also entitled ‘Courage is Destiny’, was com-
posed by A.E.T. Barrow and his son Trevor, who is a highly ijuali-
fied teacher.

The song, set to a rather stirring tempo, is sung by the pupils
with an almost perfervid gusto.

1. May all we learn here in our School,

By thought and deed be shown;

Let living truth within us rule
And seeds of love be sown;

That Men in all our deeds may see.

Courage is Destiny !

Courage is Destiny 1

2. We pray for Grace, Serenity,

To keep a humble mind

That we may learn true Charity,

To love all humankind.

That Men in all our deeds may see
Courage is Destiny 1
Courage is Destiny 1

439

IN TUB EDUCATIONAL VANGUARD

3 Undaunted, though alone we stand,

Upholding what is right

Proud children of our Motherland,

With truth our stay and might.

That Men in all our deeds may sec,

Courage is Destiny 1
Courage is Destiny !

, 4. All that is good may we retain

When scattered far and wide

May WC our Destiny attain.

With Courage as our guide.

To show that by our constancy-

Courage is Destiny 1
Courage is Destiny l

The School magaiine is enulicd Com»E' - ^ ^

Today, our Education Trust i, only the '*8“‘

ctore of ntpecs or more tor X I of at least 20

nine. I hope and, indeed P~y to W

schools ir renlised in “V Uf^V J,e greatest hostage that

The Franlt Anlhony Schools Seh ^nghout id history,

the Anglo-Indian Conununny U. With the

,o its ed«adonal adv«.ceBcn tocMbkdtheConu»u«.ty

5iSSK£23S Odds and confidence.

CHAPTER XIV

SAGA OF CONTINUING
SERVICE

THE Community’s traditional qualities of courage and loyalty have
been expressed, over and over again, in its service to Indepen-
dent India. From the 16th to the 18th August, 1946, there was an
orgy of fratricidal communal killing in what came to be known as the
‘Great Calcutta Killings’. During this terrible period when Calcutta
flowed with blood, thousands of Hindus and Muslims sought
refuge in Anglo-Indian homes The Anglo-Indian Community
offered them sanctuary. Be it said to the credit of the Community
that although many Anglo-Indians were threatened not only with
reprisals but with death for sheltering refugees, they refused to be
intimidated.

The Anglo-Indian Civic Union
The Anglo-Indian Civic Union, formed under the auspices
of the Calcutta Branch of the All-India Anglo-Indian As-
sociation, rendered notable service. The area leaders of the Anglo-
Indian Civic Union met the leaders of the predominant community
in a particular area and by their tact and persuasion were able to get
them not to interfere with the Anglo-Indians in their humanitarian
work.

One of the most notable services rendered by the Anglo-Indian
Civic Union at the time was the rescue of about 5,000 Hindus and an
equal number of Muslims from the worst affected areas. Members
of both communities, who faced almost certain death, were evacuat-
ed by the Civic Union to areas of safety.

In many cases the persuasion of the Anglo-Indian members of the
Civic Union succeeded in gaining complete immunity for the minori-
ty of Hindus or Muslims in a particular area and even in securing
pacts of non-aggression or of joint defence of a particular area by all
classes.

441

SAGA OF OOSHSI3MG StAVJCE

To those Hindus and '^“ht'f^ud uMc" Tlin' also took
homes, the Anglo-Indian! bit) 5 IfiJllVrs outside.

,nt«ase, tom dtem almo„ exclurtvel, by Anffo-

-Ihe telephone sen " d f„m duly by member, of the

Indian gbEwh^vcreereortcd d ^ did lhc„ wo, km

Civic Union. Tltese eseoti ‘ .Lnselses. The telephone audio-

the face or the gravest danger These stcrc no duties listed

sides were caught cnlitely unptepareo _ could e.thes eat os

nnrw ere any a^gcracnu made -tint. * ^ ^

sleep at the Exchange. Ye _S lually d,e only Commu-

■ogether at the Exchanges. Tlj ^

nity who teporled for duty an P Union beely assisted the Fite
Memhets ot the cilh„ dtl,bcratrly obstructed os

Btigadcs when very often they * flhe dominant community. Atone

rented hdpless by dm hose

big fire inexperience cost an Ang

from his hands. . , relied workers to assist at Writers

In addition, the Civic ^"“f^jjtiion), the Rrd Csoss Society
Buddings (the heast or the -Adi at St. Xavier's College,

asul at refugee centre. such as toe ^ „ die disposal or

Better placed members of dm Jr P^ tasks undertaken

all those who needed them. O !cwDrkcrt for the hospitals

by the Union was to secure male an , r„ the Presidency

as strelcher-bearere and nnrse. “d and die Medical

General, the Shambhu Nad. Pandit,

College hospitals.

School Children Rcrctui bestiality I re-

During those days °f savage “i^J^ tCooi. io Pakistan
eeived La das. about loO ^£5^, were Hindu. s.udymg
wanted to eometo Indra: snort of drcclul addressed Dr.

as boarder, in Anglo-Indian Schools- ^ tc Ncogy, Minuter for
John Mathai, Minister forRuilway , »■» ^ a 5ptcial man, w ar

Refugee Relief and RehabthtaUom - ^ ^ Army autbonues

run tom Delhi to Amntsar. At y g Angl twlndians,

isaiEBSi a--

442 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

Indian Association. He brought the children by road convoy to
Amritsar. At Amritsar the arrangements were perfect. The Special
sent from Delhi was waiting and so also the escorts from the Anglo-
Indian Youth League. The children were brought back safely to
Delhi and joined their parents in different parts of the Country.

The Kashmir Campaign

In the critical Kashmir campaign the Indian Air Force played a
decisive role and in that decisive role the services of the Anglo-Indian
pilots were specially decisive. More than half the awards for gal-
lantry to fighter pilots were made to Anglo-Indians. The first pilot
to volunteer for operations in Kashmir was an Anglo-Indian,
Michael Blake. He led the first attack in the Skardu valley. Leslie
Blunt was the first Spitfire pilot to land at Srinagar when it was sur-
rounded by the enemy. Desmond Pushong, flying a Dakota, was
the first to land at Poonch while the airstrip was being heavily shell-
ed by the enemy. Anthony Suares was one of the band of the trans-
port crew who carried out continuous operations in Kashmir for a
long period. Barty landed his Dakota in an airstrip which was
between 450 and 550 yards long and 100 feet wide, in order to take
off 8 seriously wounded soldiers. Wilks, Clarke, Barrett, Suares and
seveial others were among those who were awarded the Vir Chakra
which corresponds to the British Distinguished Flying Cross. These
citations for gallantry make proud reading. All the citations are
equally inspiring and picking out only some would seem to be
invidious. Because of the need to conserve space, however, the
citations only of Blake, Blunt, Barty, Pushong and Barrett are
given below.

Blake

"Fit. Lt. (now Wing/Commander) Michael Patrick Owen Blake
(2630) set a high standard of flying in the Jammu and Kashmir
operations as a Flight Commander. Being the first to volunteer
for operations in Kashmir, be led the first attack in the Skardu area,
flying over difficult and dangerous country.’1

“This officer rendered valuable service in the defence of Poonch.
He, during the critical days in Poonch, gave dose support to our
besieged garrison there and was often responsible for neutralising
enemy strongholds in that vicinity. In almost all of these attacks,

443

saga or as STISCOJS stxvia:

. < ,IIiCu oa the cncsy at

be *hi~ed senilis W he i»,W 10

Steutpenonaltni.. Bybufmaetamp

other pilot. cf hi. Squadron. nil hi CotM* ,n “ f

“For till outstanding haderahip awarded tie ' ‘r

Jantm. and Kashmir Operation.. he ha. been

Chakra-”

Bl&l \ i aslic Richard Diekenson Blunt

“Fit. Lt. (now WinjICommanto) 10 tod 3l Sr.nagar whan -t

(1991) was one of the Erst sPm“" . u, to [aU. Ha o[*rated with
was surrounded by the enemy f ,o ^ die ecamy hmn the

leal and rigour and thu. helped f hnie dii. oSeer tamed

gate, of Srinagar. In die anamy and achieved

out Iwenty-three operational *>mta»t.

SSsskssssss

it crucial mouYcnt*.** , bv him daring the Air °P"^'

"For the except «suhs ^ yarded lb. \ -

tioas over the outskirts of Smtagar,

Chakra.”

“Z „di June. ,91,
hata by Jammu for that purpow warn orny

them when dtcy ran ^ todad in Pooach pdomd by Fl^nJ
•■In dtt meantima a Dai bad landao “ ^ „pphe. in

Ofheer D.O. Baity (31Z>1- Hi. Dak stariwud angma

Poonch and proaaad back to Snnagar

sat giving him trouble. V between 150 and 500 yoid. InS

"SmaLstrip a. Potha "a. O^y be~« cf .«!»

and 100 feat wide and tie ob“ 3ppnurh to the »»»P”
bumov There was only one way P'vTT^j ^possible to

remand tbrrawa.a.dl.andU^^^batb^
land aDakota on that airstrip- ^ng „ sl3ie and proceed"1 <°

bad to help da»c eight Use. ^ ^ ^ da> strip *»“* *=

cany out bis nusuon.

444 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

supply drop in the day and considered that he could land a Dak
there. The undertaking was a great success.”

Pushong

“Flying Officer (now Sqn/Ldr) Desmond Eric Pushong (3122) has
to his credit a considerable number of hours of flying in the Kashmir
Operations as a Dakota Captain. His dauntless courage, deter-
mination and sense of duty were a source of inspiration to other
pilots.”

“In initial stages of the Kashmir Operations, when our garrisons
were surrounded in the Mirpur, Kolti and Poonch areas, this officer
earned out supply-dropping under intense enemy fire, and always
defied the enemy with a grim determination. He was the first to
land at Poonch whilst the airstrip was being heavily shelled by the
enemy.”

“On 21st March, 1948, when Poonch was hard pressed by the
enemy, he made a night landing without any landing aids, to deliver
some equipment of vital importance to our garrison and thus helped
our troops to beat back the enemy. He further rescued the stranded
crew of another aircraft which had been damaged earlier by enemy
shelling.

“For the outstanding services rendered by him during the Kashmir
Operations, he has been awarded the Vir Chakra."

Barrett

“The late Flight Lieutenant A.W. Barrett flew 80 operational
hours within a short period of two months during the Jammu and
Kashmir Operations. Although he was hurt on several occasions
he carried on cheerfully and showed exceptional courage and a high
sense of duty. Whilst attacking enemy positions near Poonch, he
was injured but immediately after recovery he resumed operational
flying.”

“Again over Mendar Valley he was hit in the face by shrapnel
from the enemy Anti-Aircraft-fire while going into attack. Al-
though he was bleeding profusely, he pressed home the attack with
determination and destroyed the enemy post. His love for opera-
tional flying was a source of inspiration to the other pilots of his
Squadron.

“For the distinguished services rendered by him during the

SAGA OF CONTINUING SERVICE 445

Jammu and Kashmir operations he has been awarded the Vir
Chakra."

Incomparable Railwaymm

The Indian Railways have been built literally on the blood and
bones of the Anglo-Indian Community. In times of the greatest
stress, whether in war or during the most convulsive strikes, the
Anglo-Indians have kept the wheels of India's life and economy mov-
ing. The same traditions have been continued in Independent
India. During the several strihcssincclndependence, the Railways
have been kept working because of the loyalty and courage of the
Anglo-Indian Raihvaymen. It would require many chapters to give
a detailed account of these services. A brief reference may, how-
ever, be made to the fairly recent strike, in July, 1960, which was
especially bad in the Eastern and, to some extent, the Southern
sectors.

On the eve of the strike I had sent out a circular to our
branches, which include a large number of railway branches, ex-
pressing my confidence that Anglo-Indian Railnaymen would
perform their duties loyally and without fear as they have always
done.

I give below some of the replies received by me. They may
not deserve prizes for their literary finish or even grammatical corr-
ectness but they recapture the ‘rough diamond’ qualities of courage
and steadfastness of the Anglo-Indian Serviceman. From Adra,
a key centre on the Eastern Railway, I received the follow-
ing report : “I am happy to inform you that here in this town
of Adra every Anglo-Indian acknowledged your press-release
and toot your advice not to participate in the strike. Because we
deliver the coal to Tatar, Bhilai, Rourkela, Martin Burn, the miner-
als to Durgapur and Bumpur, the strikers struck hard here. Under
threats of violence, of slashing of wive* and children, stone- throwing
and brick-batting the boys, not only the employed but the unem-
ployed and retired men went to their duties and managed to keep,
under awful conditions, skeleton passenger and essential freight
services going with such determination that we broke their backs
before the Territorial Army arrived. Steam Locos were someumes
manned by three Anglo-Indian drivers, who worked as driver, fire-
man and second fireman. At cabins, level-crossing gates, yard con-

446 THE STORT OF TUB ANGLO INDIAN COMUUNttT

trol offices and where others had to come for duty at night, with no
call-boys working, the lads went and escorted their relievers to duty
— their wives and mothers gallantly staying alone while the strikers
knocked on the doors and tapped the windows to break their morale.
One probationary officer (Srivastava) remarked, while working as a
Guard, that he had never been through such an experience (40
hours duty in the collieries) and had never seen such devotion to duty
of three Anglo-Indians, his DUB leader drivers even filling coal in
baskets carrying it on their heads and loading it on their engine
fenders when w c fell short of lads. Chakradharpur sent us the Angto-
Indians to help w ork trams from this area to say little of w orking trains
here and back — sometimes 40 hours on duty on the road — passing
closed down stations — opening regulators and then ducking to avoid
being struck down by stones and arrows.”

From Kharagpur, where there is a large Anglo-Indian Community
and which centre occupies a strategic position on the Eastern Rail-
way, 1 received the following account : “This is to report on the
conduct of the Anglo- Indians at Kharagpur The boys rose splendid-
ly to the emergency, easily winning the esteem of all the officers with
their round-the-clock service. It was accepted as a challenge and
without Police protection, hemmed in by personal threats, by hordes
of strikers, and with their home- folk exposed, the lads kept the wheels
moving. I met the top officers (over a threatened situation) and
returned proudly having heard great comments on Anglo-Indian
loyalty and gamencss.”

“The strike at Kharagpur was singularly successful — on bleak days
the attendance fell to 3% in the Workshop, 11% in the Loco-shed,
20% in the Traffic and to about 24% in the Engineering and Elec-
trical Departments. Most offices fell to about 3%. AH these
figures do not include the Anglo-Indians.”

“The Police took it easy even when threats, processions and a few
eases or violence punctuated those five difficult days.”

“The lads served because the Administration relied on them. No
personal advantage was sought — food or money for stay-in-staff was
not offered, nor demanded."

From Jabalpur the report read :

“I am glad to inform you that all the members of ihc Community
including the lady workers were at their posts, and I ventuie to say
that this act was the main reason of frustration of the planned strike,

447

SAGA OP CONTINUING SERVICE

•■ 1 feel that we can be proud of >e Office and alio

her. otthe Community attached .0 the 8 Rarlway.

the member, of the Commumiy tm»B

Jabalpur Division. f (he Commissioner, Jabalpur,

“\Vc have also received a letter lhc „,ikc situation,

thanking US for offering our ^ ..AUhoogh Arkonam

From Arkonam. in the South, _J£, Dtpaitment, our stalf had
was not a strike area except Toe the Poiud for

touorkinto.uilre.ren. and th»»^toe^ul our

or police protection. In the Ba ga .hfOVVing and hooliganism,
Crew, faced a lot ofhaaani., loch these didiculuc.

liut bv dint of tact an A detcrmmauonth? « otlhe nation,

and worked their uain. and

and turned aside the aim. of jn ^ the report

From Hubli, another key «ad»»> „A1| A„glo-Indians, em

nai summed up in the follmviog »orfh " „ £„bli, mmamed
ployed in the various branches .oftheR^ aetpl for severe

at their post during the whole pc

cases of sickness." rrnort underlined the sei^vlfCS ,

From Podanur, in the South, the repo „utmely glad and

the Community in the folloiv.ng '«£>>' t0 Anglo-Indian, had
proud to inform you that your sound ads Railways were

LenueUheededtne.inrurn.reatangdumM ^ ^ to prot ect,

literally built by us the Ang o- system. Every ”8

but efficiently to uo,k tins great tnuuP^J^, hhnself loyally m
Indian had risen to the : oc~s.°» gdeond ^ you

this crisis. Event member d the tmmmadv.K „

Tor your expert judgment and . sal ,hc Central Radua),

■Ac report from Bhusasval, a key cenue ..u was the umted
symbolished the senices of the Co and the Country,

stand of all Anglo-Indians to was fcm andstrong

Bhmasvalbeingdteheaetorthe&nual^ ^ ^.worker. of

and pumped energetic blood and vigo

different communities.” -al Lilian atauons

Many Anglo-Indians were g ^
bravery and au suds »r different k mds. sMKgic centres, *

At Asansol alone, one of die u ^ „ork and coo -
Anglo-Indians were given citation*

443 THE STORY OP THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

age. The citation of C.C. Dragw itige was typical. It read as

''Shri C.C. Dragwidge,

Yard Master, Andal.

“On the 12th and I3th July, I960, when all other staff had been
forcibly evicted by the strikers from the Andal West Cabin, Shri C.C.
Dragwidge, the Yard Master, remained steadfast at his post of duty.
Even when he was surrounded by a mob or 200 persons on the I3th
of July, and despite their attempts to intimidate him and force him
to leave the Cabin, he stuck to his post till the Police arrived and
dispersed the crowd. On the afternoon of the same day when the
Divisional Superintendent, Asansol, visited the Andal West Cabin,
he found Shri Dragwidge still working single-handed, although other
staff were afraid even to move in the vicinity of the Cabin. ”

“In appreciation of the high courage and devotion to duly dis-
played by Shri Dragwidge, the General Manager, Eastern Railway,
is pleased to sanction him a reward of Rs. 400/-.”

Beyond The Call Of Duty

Hundreds of Anglo-Indian raitwaymen have, since the founding
of the railways, literally given their lives in the line of duty. A re-
cent example was that of P.D. Carroll who gave his life to save the
Bombay Mail of which he was the driver. He died so that his crew
and the passengers he was carrying may live. Carroll was the driver
of the Up Bombay Mail on the 20th March, 1959. The Mail had
been given the all-clear signal. Suddenly Carroll sighted an obs-
truction on the track which had been caused by a Diesel Goods train
ramming another stationary Goods train. Oblivious to his own safe-
ty and conscious only of his duty, towards the passengers he carried
and also to his fellow staff, he jammed on his brakes and hung on
while calling to his firemen, “Jump for your lives. I will save the
train." As a result of Carroll’s split-second action the speed of the Mail
was considerably reduced. Nevertheless the momentum was such
that the engine and tender left the track and spilled over the embank-
ment. Carroll had succeeded in saving the lives of his crew and
hundreds of his passengers, but in doing so had sacrificed his own.
Carroll had to be dug out from under his engine where his crushed
leg lay pinned beneath the steel girders. Later on, his leg was am-
putated. He put up a courageous fight for his life, but ultimately

SAGA OP CONTINUING SERVICE 449

passed away on Sunday, the 22nd March, 1959.

Old and young of all castes, creeds and communities, including
many of the passengers whose lives he had saved, called at the hospi-
tal to enquire after Carroll’s condition. Thousands of persons with-
out distinction of caste or creed attended the burial ceremony.

In recognition of Carroll’s heroism and devotion to duty, his
widow accepted, on his behalf, the posthumous award of the Ashoka
Chakra Class II. In addition the Railway Administration made a
special contribution to his Provident Fund.

Replying to my letter of congratulation and condolence, Mrs.
Carroll wrote, “In 1929 he joined the railway. About three years
ago he was ofTcrcd a Loco Inspector’s post, but he refused the same
as he always said, ‘I love my engine and will never give up driving.’
I often told him, ‘You work too hard and you w ill yet die on that
engine’ — little did I think my words would come true. May God rest
his soul in peace.”

A reference to two outstanding examples of Anglo-Indian courage,
beyond the call of duty, would not be out of place. They were
Gloria Berry and Captain Eric James Tucker.

Brave Daughter Of India

The citation mentioning the award of the Ashoka Chakra Class II
posthumously to Gloria Berry read as follows :

“Soon after the explosion of (he bomb which occurred on the Air
India International Constellation ‘Kashmir Princess' On the 11th
April, 1955, while on its flight to Djakarta, the whole interior of the
aircraft including its cockpit was filled with smoke. Acting im-
mediately on orders of the Commander, Miss Gloria Berry distribut-
ed life-jackets to all passengers. By the time this was done, the ill-
fated aircraft was rapidly losing height. Even then Miss Berry did
not care for herselF but went into the cockpit and tried to distribute
life-jackets to the crew. As the crew would not listen to her while
controlling the plane, she insisted and personally fixed the jackets on
them. It was this cool and calculated act of Miss Berry in the face
of certain disaster which in the end saved three lives though it cost
her own.”

Gloria’s mother received the award at the investiture ceremony
held at Rashtrapati Bhavan on Friday, the 1 1 th October, 1 957.

A daughter was born to Dr. Berry of the I.M.D. and Mrs. Berry

450 TUB STORY OF T1IE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

at Jubbulpore on the 25th July, 1932; she "'as christened Eva Mar-
garet Gloria, Gloria completed her education at the Cathedral
Girls’ High School, Bombay. On leaving school she joined service
with Air India International. Gloria was on the inaugural flight of
the 1 Kashmir Princess’ to Singapore. 1 1 was by a tragic coincidence
that it was also to be her last flight. She was due to be married in
April, but postponed the marriage in order to do this trip as she was
anxious to see Indonesia The supreme courage of this young Anglo-
Indian woman was rightly acclaimed by the whole nation. Gloria
Berry has added yet another shining name to the illustrious roll of
honour of Anglo-Indian women who have put devotion to duty even
before life. Gloria Berry was the first woman in Independent India
to be decorated for supreme gallantry.

Captain Erie Tucker

The only award for gallantry made to a member of the Armed
Forces at the Republic Day Parade held in January, 1959, was to the
late Capt. Erie James Tucker of the Maharatta Light Infantry'.
According to an Anglo-Indian general, under whom he had served,
Tucker had died as he had lived. He was known to his friends for
his qualities of loyalty and open-hearted generosity, lie never hesi-
tated to deny himself in order to assist a friend. Tucker's citation
read as follows:

“Capt. Tucker was assigned the task of opening the line of com-
munication from Chakabama to Phek, a distance of 42 miles, and
thereafter to Meluri, a further distance of 20 miles, to destroy the
hostile concentrations at Meluri. This he successfully achieved on
9th October, 1956. He had, however, to abandon Meluri for want
of supplies and he made a dash for Phek on 11th October, 1956.
After revictualling he again left for Meluri on 1 3th October, 1956:
bis company encountered a large number of hostilcs armed with
automatics and rifles, but they fought their way with great courage,
inflicting many casualties on the hostile*, and reached Meluri on 15th
October 1956.

“Employing feats of skill in clearing the many and varied obstacles
on the road, showing great leadership in effecting the crossing of the
turbulent river ‘Tizu* running in spate, eliminating and neutralising
hostile resistance opposing the advance with courage and determina-
tion, infusing great confidence in the troopr, under his command.

SAGA OF CONTINUING SERVICE 451

Captain Tucker achieved this task in the short period of 9 days.”

“Subsequently, Captain Tucker carried out many arduous and
hazardous tasks against great odds. Late at night on 1st April,
1957, getting information about a hostile concentration at Chipo*
katama, he immediately proceeded to the place, and negotiating the
labyrin thine tracks, in the dark jungles, took the hostile* completely
by surprise. Disdaining the withering fire from the hostilcs. Captain
Tucker charged the hostilcs* position with a section without the least
consideration for his personal safety and captured four hostile* armed
with rifles, including their leader.”

“On 18th July, 1957, at VUhyepu Captain Tucker with a small
party successfully outmanoeuvred a large hostile body, inflicted
heavy casualties and captured a large number of prisoners. He led
his men into the midst of the hostile concentration through a curtain
of bullets. He displayed an extremely high order of valour,
courage and determination and acted with utter disregard for his
own safety."

"Finally, on 2nd August, 1957, Captain Tucker was proceeding
from Khuzami to Ksvikhu with a platoon. At mile 69/70 hostilcs
who had obtained prior information of his move lay in ambush in the
thick undergrowth. After allowing the leading section to pass
through, the hostilcs suddenly opened fire with automatics and rifles
on him from close quarters. Hit on his face and legs, he stood his
ground and engaged the hostilcs with his sten gun firing from the hip
until the magazine was empty. He then charged at the hostile posi-
tion with a grenade, but a further bunt of automatic fire hit him on
his chest and he collapsed and died."

'‘Throughout his service in the Naga Hills, the late Captain
Tucker displayed great devotion to duty, having undertaken tasks
far beyond the call of his normal duty. He never cared for his per-
sonal safety and infused great confidence in the men under his com-
mand by his most conspicuous courage and valour. So many situa-
tions so bravely faced by this young officer have been a source of
great inspiration to his comrades.”

Tucker’s young widow received at the parade, at which the Duke of
Edinburgh was a special guest, from the President of India the pos-
thumous award of the Ashoka Chakra Class I to her young, gallant
husband. There is little doubt that if the campaign against the
Naga hostilcs was treated as a regular military undertaking, Tucker

452 THE STORT or THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMifUNITT

would have been awarded the Param Vir Chakra, the Indian equiva-
lent of the V.C.

Writing to me, Mrs. Sybil Tucker, stepmother or Eric Tucker,
gave details about the family. Among other things she wrote,
“Eric was one in a thousand — a most dutiful son, loving, obedient,
kind, and always out to help anyone in trouble. As a child he show-
ed signs of leadership. He was very popular. His colleagues look-
ed up to him for advice. He was specially fond of reading good
literature, fond of music and singing, good at dramatics, and played
hockey and football/*

Interludes

In another chapter I have referred to Regie Noronha being
decorated with the M.C. and Ear during the Burma campaign.
With the rank of Brigadier, Noronha was the Commander not only
of the Indian but other U.N. Forces in the Congo. For his excep-
tional service there he was awarded the Vishishth Seva Class I
Medal. The citation reads as follows :

“During his tenure as Commander, Indian Independent Brigade
Group, Brig. R.S. Noronha, MC, was appointed Commander 'B*
Sector, which included units fromTunisia, Ethiopia and Ireland and
smaller detachments of Arms and Services from many other coun-
tries. He was largely responsible for the efficient functioning of ‘B*
Sector.”

“In November, 1962, when Elizsabrthvillc was surrounded by a
chain of road blocks, Brig. Noronha was largely responsible for the
behaviour and conduct of iroo ps in "B* Sector in the midst of con-
siderable provocation. It was due to his inspiring leadership and
his ability to get on with people that a hostile public began to respect
him and his command. During the operations against the mercena-
ries, Brig. Noronha’s troops were largely responsible for clearing
Elizsabethville and in addition providing the main thrust towards
Jadotvillc and Kohvezi. He planned the crossing of the Lufira river
and the seizure or Jadotville brilliantly. Throughout these opera-
tions, Brig. Noronha was always at the head of the advancing
column. His bravery, cheerfulness and leadership in these difficult
conditions have become a legend in the Congo. Due to his personal
intervention and risk to his own life, he was able to arrange a peace-
ful final entry of his troops in Jadotvillc. His bravery became mani-

453

SAGA or CONTINUING SERVICE

fat again when hit patty was “J^nal

mercenaries near the Dikuiwe • ^ attackers to

direction, he organised his small party

"^‘Mn^ccognition of hit devoted and diltinguhhcd the

most exceptional order both as Cksneo Brig. Noronha

Indian Independent Brigade Group in the Congo, nr g
has been awarded the VSM Class . t Indian

The international press referred o i * . „ ^ccording

soldier who took Elizsabcthville wi t a sv> umc^t in hi, jeep, to

to the press reports, Noronha went m » soldicrs :

face the trigger-happy crowds of mer Elizsabcthvillc without

by sheer, cold courage he was able to take tUzsanem

firing a shot. resoccted office-bearers

Regie Noronha’s sister is one of the worker slie

in the All-India Anglo-Indian As^canon. £ Uie

has been the Vice-President of the Coldcn Keek nran
Association for several years. j c . 1951, be-

Squadron/Leader T.G. Jones wa, awarded the M.C ,

fore he was seconded to the Air Force. ^ Wing/Com-

In February, 1951, Wing/OtuunaKfa « „„e
mander O.D. Dodsworth and Squadron/Leader A.i
mentioned in despatches for g»Uaat*y* ^Indians in the Air

The trouble in the Naga Hills ... justness. The citation
Force doing their duty with W» * ^ Squadron/Lcader T.L.
or the award or Ashoka Chakra ^ of dropping supplies

Anderson shows that he was assign ^ ^ difficult of approach
in two zones which were not V owIng t0 treacherous

since flying over that area was fu operations could not be

air currents at the dropping zones. ffic task. He

put off, Sqn./Leader Anderson volunteered 1956, ^d

to, four sorties between the _19tb end the 25th Octon
dropped the necessary stipplio- dial of both

The citation shows that Urn H““d°“.“t0 ” h,d to be sub-
courage and skill. The fact that the droppms ^dtofs g«s to
sequcntly abandoned as being too g accepted and the deter-
show the eatent of risk lhatthe officer had accepteu
mination that he displayed.

454 THE STOfUf OP THE ANGLO- INDIAN COUHL'NITT

Chinese Aggression

Under the powers conferred by Article 352 of the Constitution,
the then President of India declared, on the 26th October, 1962,
that a grave emergency existed whereby the security of India was
threatened by external aggression. The Chinese had treacherous-
ly attacked India. The Annual General Meeting of the Association
was in session at that lime in Calcutta. On the morning of the
announcement of the Emergency by the President, before commenc-
ing with the proceedings of the General Meeting, I called together
the representatives of the Community who were present from every
part of the Country. To my request that we should immediately make
a contribution to the Prime Minister’s National Defence Fund there
was an enthusiastic, spontaneous response. No gathering of Indians
could have been inspired with a greater sense of national pride and
fervour. Immediately, the branch represematis es pledged contri-
butions amounting to 50,000 rupees. At the general body
meeting I announced this contribution amid fervid acclamation.
Shortly after that die Rangers Club, a well-known Anglo-Indian
institution of Calcutta, banded me a cheque for 50,000 rupees
for the National Defence Fund.

To my appeals addressed to the Branches of the Association and
the Anglo-Indian Schools there was an immediate and, indeed, heart-
warming response. The story of St. George’s Homes, Ketti, was
typical and moving. This School, founded as a trust for orphan
children of die Community, is a well-known Anglo-Indian institu-
tion. Pocket money is given to the orphans from the trust funds to
help brighten their lives. The contributions sent by this School came
largely from the pocket money of the orphans who insisted on mak-
ing their contribution to the National Defence Fund.

At the Frank Anthony Public School, New Delhi, over 1600 pupils
drawn up in a hollow square and facing the National Flag took the
following, ‘Pledge to my Country’,

*1 promise, on my honour, to serve my Country, which is at war,
in any way that I may be caltcd upon to do.’

*1 promise, to help the war effort in every way that I possibly can
until the enemy is driven out of my Motherland.’

‘I promise, always so to conduct myself as to preserve the honour
of my Country.’

In response to my appeal the women of the Community also came

455

SAG.V OP CONTINUING SERVICE

fmunrrl » help - »*« GenS

over by my wife, met the U,cn , co,ting 10,000 rupees,

Chaudhuri. and landed over 2u0 parcels, co,n g

for wounded jawans. , prime Minister on

Ultimately the contribution. rim. 1 1 ««” £££?.
behalf or the Community amounted l'° Z’Jbc, , mentioned that it
Spealting in Parliament on the *1 No „ut „ soon

«a,.a,rarbacln.l9S0 tha^ unhesitatingly bury m

as the Chinese wolf was ready, , . Unfortunately,

fangs and iu daws in the throat an Y „f ‘Hmdi-Chini

a, that time, we were wallowing U’.' J';”"„c,iubm,y of Urn
BhaiBltai'. Those of tu who .warned abou. the - ^ ^

Chinese attack were met with i Qncc a,ain, a note of

1962, speaking in Parliament, son ‘ phetic. I referred to
weming which proved to f ? Jd that if the Chinese
N.E.F.A. as the soft under-belly of *•“ ’ j wouU move against
moved-and I eapeeted them to mmc “J roog|y ,o my speech,
this under-belly. Jatvaharlal . e t suffering from nerves

In effeer he accused me of being • °c"'f Ae-FA In

and conjuring up bogeys of In mil hul said that in the

November I referred lo my unheeded warn, g tolio„,

face of .he supreme challenge or the Country

should be forgotten. .1-1 Nehru consulted with

During the Chinese attac , Jaw myself. Speaking later

about 8 leaders of die °PP“,t*on at£k was in a sense a

in the House I mentioned tha shcd our illusions and our

blessing in disguise. It had ma afmcd forccs ill-equipped

policy or almost deliberately keeping

and inadequately trained. 1 said that we should

Speaking in December, 1962, l* ;’n NEFA were not the

make it clear to our people th - of inexperienced an

reverses of our fighting men, nQ shamc in admitting this,

bad generalship. I said that there w ^ had to dispense

Other democracies caught unprepa*^^ generals, their politi-
with their doddering generals, eir reality of war.

dan-generals who had broken under Th g Ncither our people
I also critidsed our publicity “r g gating in Ladakh. We
nor the world had been informed of the * ^ had ^^b^hed

had lost posts against a certain ba g

456 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

posts in Ladakh with 20 or 30 men : they were lucky if they fought at
odds of 20 to 1. In Ladakh our soldiers had killed many times their
number of Chinese. Apparently they had limited supplies of am-
munition. When those limited supplies were exhausted they did not
withdraw : they fought with the butt-ends of their riQcs; they fought
and they died. I mentioned that we were overhome by the reverses
in NEFA. The story of Ladakh had not been told. It was a story
in the finest tradition of Indian valour, a story of grim courage, of
fierce, unyielding tenacity.

Commenting on the functioning of Parliament during this crisis,
Mr. Durga Das, the doyen of the Journalists in Parliament, former-
ly the Editor of ‘The Hindustan Times’ of New Delhi and at that
time the Editor-in-Chief of INFA, wrote :

“The session of the Union Parliament wliicli ended last week made
history by unanimously backing the Nehru Government in facing
the national emergency caused by the Chinese aggression. Even
more, it marked the emergence of the Executive Committee of the
ruling party as a political force. Since Cabinet Ministers hesitated
to speak out their mind to their leader the Committee virtually func-
tioned as the pressure group whose first victory was the exit of Shri
Krishna Menon."

“For the same reason one person emerged as the most effective
Parliamentarian, Mr. Frank Anthony, the Anglo-Indian leader
nominated to the House. Besides being an old hand he has no
party affiliations to inhibit his freedom of expression. Just as the
Executive Committee of the Congress Parliamentary Party became
the vehicle or pressure behind the scenes, Mr. Anthony became the
mouthpiece of the generality of M.Ps on the floor of the House.
Thus Parliamentary democracy fulfilled itself in the hour of
Crisis.”

The Kutch Episode

Even before Pakistan’s aggression in Kutch, the then Prime Mini-
ster, the late Lai Bahadur Shastri, was obviously deeply concerned.
In keeping with his habit of consulting senior members of Parlia-
ment, he called in about 8 members including myself. Apart
from the Defence Minuter, the Chief of Army Staff was there to
brief us. _ The briefing suggested that Pakistan had massed about
two divisions on the Kutch border and that she had ample road and

437

JAG*, or COSnSIHKO SERVICE

rail communications right «P viable roads and the

extremely bad, if not hopeless. tQ gg m,lc» from the

nearest communications centre was a posiuon to build a

border. II Ivor hoped that Indio t t~gh. be." » ^nded ,he „arn-
minimum number of roudi oiler the a„j may well attack

mg that Pakhlan may not allo.r m u> communica-

liore the monsoon and before ire con'd' border Thai,
lions or eveo deploy onr Iroop. anywhere "car

unfortunately, was exactly what P'*'^. rorcB oeeupied Kanjar-
On February the 10th, 196a. Pakistan sent a protest note

hot. The Indian High Commm.onerml’akis apcm for u.e

on Fehmary the lOdt, proposing a m""'S ' „,lhdrawal of the
demarcation of the boundary ' while India w-as

Pahistani femes and restoration of Ute su, q obIe.

pursuing her efforts to gel the altaCked the Indian

on April the 0th two Pakistani t],c Indian Army forcM

troops at Sardar post. On Apn ’ paynmn moved the 8th

reoccupied the post. In the nteanum . ^ ^ lw> armoured

Infantry Division from 0“"“ “ , j fantry battalions the had

hattaliL and the various artdleo-^ nf ^ AptU, PahisUn

airead, depioyed on the W«. ^ thc Indian post
launched an attack in bnga

west of Chad Bet on the border. Maj.-Gen. Pat Dunn,

At the commencement t>r these ^ , was called out o[ 'the

who was on leave pmpam.ory totetnement, ^ ^ Indtan

blue to take over operational c Jcd in a hopeless y

forces were hopelessly outnumbered, >u jum ^ me that

inferior logisUcai posiuon. A »»» expressed at our seem-

at a meeung of the Cabinet grave anam y informed the

ingly hopeless posiUon. "V undlTfoe circumstances and

meeting that he could only do is tacticiao generals

that he had selected no. only one of the ^ geoerab perhaps

Indian Army had ever produced but one o

in any army in the world. , that the story ofKul

Speaking in Parliament « tributes paid to the ' _

not been told to our people ’ alional commander, M J-

finitely superior tacucs rf the Indian P ^ impossible dese
Gen. Pat Dunn. Our 1*"*“^ ^*out any real heavy equrp-
terrain with absolutely no cover.

458 THE STOUT OF THE ANGLO- INDIAN COMMCNTT?

ment, with their meagre water-supply having to be carried largely
by helicopters, as there was no rail or road communication, and
never in greater strength than a company, inflicted ten times the
number of casualties on the Pakistanis. They knocked out ten
times their number not only in men but in weapons, white the Paki-
stani forces were shelling them continuously from the high ground
on which they were deployed.

Some of the foreign correspondents, who visited the front, com-
mented on the almost incredible performance of the Indian troops
in the face of overwhelming odds and paid tribute to the infinitely
superior tactics of the Indian operational commander.

In an action in Biar Bet, more than a brigade of Pakistanis moved
in, as they fondly hoped, to overrun a Company. But when they
moved, as they thought for the kill, another Company of our jawans
had moved up. The Pakistani Brigade, caught between the cross-
fire, panicked, lost at least 6 tanks and suffered 144 casualties.
Pakistan had obviously intended with its overwhelming strength in
numbers and American armour to achieve a blitzkrieg right up to
the 24 th parallel, a depth of about 20 miles. In the face of the
punishment inflicted by a handful of jawans fighting a battle or attri-
tion, the Pakistanis ultimately thought discretion the better par* of
valour and stayed put at Biar Bet, just inside Indian territory.

The Indo-Pakistan Conflict

From the 2nd September, 1965, and throughout the conflict, the
late Shastiiji held frequent meetings with about 8 senior members of
Parliament including myself. At the request of the Government I
recorded on the 15 th September a broadcast which was relayed by
All-India Radio on the 16th September. In that broadcast I said:
“Pakistan has declared war on India. This was the inevitable
climax to j ears of adventurism, treacherous, repeated aggression and
a philosophy of obsessive hate for India. As a member of the Indta-
Pakistan Conciliation Committee I was one of those who had hoped
and, indeed, prayed, that somewhere, somehow, Pakistan would
realise that the security of the subcontinent could best be achieved
by both our countries facing outwards towards the threat posed to
Asia and, indeed, the world by Chinese Communism-”

"I was one of the leaders of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha who
supported the Hutch agreement, although emotionally I felt strong-

SAGA OP CCSTINLTNC SERVICE 459

)y against it. I has of the new that it required a great deal of moral
courage on the part of the Prime Minister and the Government to
accept that agreement because of the Nation's revulsion against
Pakistan's repeated aggression and treachery. But I also felt that
this agreement should be our last hostage to peace with an aggressive,
treacherous neighbour. Thus when Pakistan invaded Kashmir by
sending in infiltrators, I resigned in disgust from the India-Pakistan
Conciliation Committee and was also insistent in Parliament that
this time India must take suitable counter-action by liquidating the
bases from which die infiltrators were being sent in. I realised that
die late Prime Minister, Jawaliarlal Nehru, with whom I had dis-
cussed the Kashmir question more dun once, was tight and that
I was wrong. His thesis was diat Pakistan conceived in hate and
bred in hate, whatever gesture we made, even if we handed over
Kashmir on a platter, would continue to live in hate for
India and would always seek causes for tension, excuses for
aggression.”

“Pakistan’s philosophy of implacable hate for India has been ac-
centuated by its obvious collusion with China. Obviously under
Chinese tutelage and instruction, in the well-known Chinese-style
tactics of subversion, Pakistan trained Mujahids and guerillas and
sent them into Kashmir, in the exhibition in Parliament House of
arms captured from Pakistani guerillas and soldiers, I was amazed
to see not only the range of equipment with Pakistani Ordnance
lactory markings but highly sophisticated weapons such as anti-tank
mortars which even Pakistan was not capable of producing and
which only a major nation could have imported.”

Pakistan Springs At India's Throat

“Here I would like to congratulate the people of Kashmir for their
refusal to give aid and comfort to the Pakistani infiltrators. This
was Pakistan’s first miscalculation. Pakistan had obviously banked
on a mass uprising of the people of Kashmir to assist her guerillas.
Foiled by the answer of the people of Kashmir, who alerted our se-
curity forces, identified the infiltrators and helped in the mopping
up of the guerillas, Pakistan threw off all attempt at camouflage.
She put in a powerful military thrust supported by two regiments of
American Patton tanks through the Chhamb Valley across our inter-
national border. Pakistan’s obvious plan was to cut India’s jugular

460 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

artery, to isolate our forces in Kashmir and Ladakh and then to
liquidate them at will. Faced with this grim threat across our inter-
national border, India would have been guilty of wanton nation*
suicide if she had not acted in self-defence. We had no option
to put in a diversionary counter-attack by sending our forces in tli
direction of Lahore.” f

“It is a matter not only of regret for us but it should be a ma
eternal shame for some countries that while they did not have the
ordinary honesty to condemn at least Pakistan’s attack across
our international border, they have had the temerity to criticise
us for acting in self-defence after the enemy had sprung at our

Lessons From India's Reply

“I believe that even those countries that have an incurably blind
spot towards Pakistan's treachery and repeated aggression will learn
several lessons from India’s reply to Pakistani aggression. They wi
learn that India’s patience has been exhausted : that the Kashmir
problem is dead and buried and that India will not move from er
present positions in Kashmir as they are the only guarantee ngams
a repetition of Pakistani aggression. They will learn that India s
Jawan continues to be an incomparable fighting man and that our
pilots with their sheer elan and fighting skill are among the best in
the world. With outstanding generals that are now leading our
armies, in spite of the tremendous advantage that Pakistan has with
the supply of a billion and a half dollars’ worth of the latest American
sophisticated military hardware, our officers, jawans and airmen
have more than made up by skill and valour what they lacked in
armament.”

“Many of our divisions are, today, mounting watch on other
frontiers against Pakistan’s ally, China, who is probably looking for a
pretext to go to the rescue of her junior partner. Because of this,
on the western front we have had to fight with a limited number of
troops against Pakistan who already had a tremendous advantage
because of massive American arms and equipment. But because we
have relied more on our own production, time is on our side. The
longer Pakistan’s aggression lasts, the more decisive will be the re-
sults in our lavour. Let the Country and, above all, our politicians,
have patience.”

SAGA OV COSTINCING SERVICE

Vindication Of Secular Democracy nothing to be

••For India this war du. ha. been pee,,,,

happy about. War, however hmi ^ passionate lore for

Indiahaa a tradition of peace a . a.i.heratelv kept our de-

peace. Until the Chinese attack "e >‘ad del,We P_

face force. «ry much below ttrength beeau ^ in SEFA

trate on urgent economic and lociat p more especially

were ,ki» perhaps of bad "np^,ed-

the reverses of a tragic lack of equip h a blessing in dis-

ness. Militarily, the Chinese altac ' l* military- house in order,
guise, because after that wc bcgantopu^^^^ aggrcssion are limit-
Today, India's objectives in resisting * , from giving an

ed. There is no desire to conquer territory. P ion docs

adequate reply to the aggressor, t0 ‘ .Qn ofour faith in secular
not pay, a primary objective ■> thee; ^ .j of faith in

democracy. For us, today, Kas by tefusing to subs-

secular democracy. The people ° theocracy and religious

eribc to Pakistan’s mediaeval doctrine Ja’s secularism,

hatred, have helped to strengthen , to[ Pakistan, an avowed-
roe India this is not a religious war, thoug , bauica;ry has

ly theocratic dictatorship, the mediaeval, hystenea
been 'Jehad'.

India's Sir rnjlA Fortified Bj AU Cm*m ** ccmcn.ed by

•'Today, India’s secular democracy is 8 ^ dy;„g, to

the fact that die youth of every y>B sample : the Commu-

repel Pakistani aggression. IFl Tnny g> Sindians— is, along

nity that I have the privilege to lead in s But my Com-
with the Parsecs, the smallest commum y when Anglo-

munity, today, is repeating due stoUT

Indians helped to repel Pakistani a8S a dccisjve role and in that
that occasion the Indian Air Force P > _ntable part. Today, >n
decisive role Anglo-Indian pilots played a toChould„„ ph the

our Air Foree Anglo-Indian Uds fightings ,hc Pakistani Air

lads of other communities are stea i y ^ajerican planes and

Force despite its much-vaunted superiority K u fortiSed by

equipment. Another example of how i]ic scctors of the

all communities is supplied by die fac to vdctory, one is

fighdng, of the direr Generals leading our Jawan.

462 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

a Sikh, the other an Anglo-Indian and the third a Hindu.”

“War, today, is total. The civilian, perhaps even more the poli-
tician, has to show that he is worthy of our incomparable fighting
men. They can show this by discipline, a will and capacity to en-
dure whatever difficulties, whatever suffering may be in store for us.
Government must also prove worthy of our magnificent fighting men.
All anti-social elements must be dealt with mercilessly. The dis-
turber of communal peace, the hoarder, the profiteer must be struck
down ruthlessly. The hoarder and profiteer are still very much at
large. Government has to control the hoarder and the profiteer.
The Defence of India Rules are not sufficient to deal with these
incurable parasites. Draconian legislation dealing out summary
and extreme punishment is a necessary minimum.”

“I believe that through the present trial and whatever further
trials we may have to face, India will emerge a finer and a better na-
tion, more united, more disciplined, more dedicated than ever to our
ideals of secular democracy. The survi val of democracy in Asia will
be assured by India’s success against the latest aggression by a mili-
tary dictatorship steeped in mediaeval theocracy. Jai Hind.”

Address At Hamlila Grounds

During the conflict I was asked to address a mass meeting at the
Ramlila Grounds, New Delhi. Among the speakers were Mrs.
Indira Gandhi, who was then Minister for Information and Broad-
casting, and Dr. Zakir Husain, then Vice-President of India. Ac-
cording to the press, there were about 5 lakhs of people present at the
meeting. The English translation of my speech reads as follows;

"Friends,

“The mother- tongue of the Anglo-Indian Community, which I
have the privilege to lead, is English and because of that I naturally
speak better in English, but as you perhaps desire that I should
address you in Hindustani, I shall speak in Hindustani.”

' Today, India is answering Pakistan’s aggression. India had
endured Pakistan’s continuing aggression for many years. India
had desired from the bottom of her heart that there should be peace
because India had many major problems to resolve, such as putting
her economic house in order, ensuring food, clothes, housing and
education for our people. India has endured Pakistan’s aggression
in Kashmir for many years.”

MCA OP CONTXKVIXG SIR VI 02 463

‘‘-Vs you know, after careful preparation Pakistan had attacked in
strength in Kutch supported by American Patton tanks. Our
gallant Javans and Officers led by an Anglo-Indian General had
stopped the enemy in Kutch although our men score completely out-
numbered, had no tanks and not even sufficient water to drink. By
their valour our Javvans stopped Pakistan near Biar Bet just inside
Indian territory although Pakistan’s intention was to penetrate at
least 20 miles. Our Javans so mauled the Pakistanis that they
stopped in their tracks.”

“Even after this aggression by Pakistan, India, in pursuance of
her desire for peace, extended the hand of friensdhip to Pakistan.
It is a matter of shame, as the Prime Minister has told us, that even
while Pakistan was putting her signature to the Kutch agreement,
she was making preparations for yet another act of aggression.
Thus, Pakistan invaded Kashmir after having trained and equipped
Mujahids and guerillas and sent them in several thousands. Pakis-
tan has lied continuously and shamelessly as she had done in 1947.
Against Mujahids and against guerillas there was only way of fight-
ing and that was to attack their bases as was being done in South
Vietnam. Pakistan invaded Kashmir obviously in collusion with
China who is Pakistan’s big brother. Pakistan, today, is China's
apprentice.”

“Foiled in Kaslunir, Pakistan brazenly attacked in the Jammu
area across our international boundary. Pakistan’s clear intention
was to cut our artery with Kashmir. In this context India was
obliged in sheer self-defence to send in her troops towards Lahore.”

Why Are We Fighting

“Today, our people have to keep one clear realisation before them.
Why are we fighting Pakistan? In the first place we are repelling an
aggressor and w e have to smash that aggression. Above that, there
is even a greater objective. We are fighting because India is a secular
democracy. India is not a religious State. We are fighting to show that
Kashmir is an integral part of India : Kashmir is an important part
of India. Because the Muslims of Kashmir refused to support the
Pakistani guerillas and, on the other hand, they immediately alerted
our security forces, identified the guerillas, the guerillas are being
mopped up by our security forces. 1 congratulate the people of
Kashmir,"

464 THE STORT OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COlWUNtTT

“Why is India a secular democracy? India’s strength lies in the
fact that India derives its strength from every community. This is
not a war between Hindus and Muslims : it is not a religious war.
This is a u-ar between a secular democracy on the one hand and a
fanatical, religious dictatorship on the other. Today, in defence of
the Country, the young men of every community are fighting : in
defence of the Country the young men of every community arc play-
ing with their lives r in defence of the Country the young men of
every community are laying down their lives, not only the Hindus,
but Anglo-Indians, Parsces, Sikhs and others. If I may with respect
give an example. Today, where the fighting is going on, there are
three senior generals, one is a Sikh, the other an Anglo-Indian and
the third a Hindu. May I also give another example taken from my
Community ’ When in 1947 the Pakistani forces had reached Sri-
nagar, they were driven from the gates of Srinagar by our Indian Air
Force in which the Anglo-Indian pilots played a notable part. The
first pilot to land at Srinagar was an Anglo-Indian: the first pilot to
land at Poonch was an Anglo-Indian. Of the awards for gallantry —
the Vir Chakra — made to the fighter pilots more then half were given
to Anglo-Indians. Today, also, the Anglo-Indians arc in an appre-
ciable number in the Air Force. Fighting shoulder to shoulder
with the young men of other communities, they are destroying the
Pakistani Air Force. What they arc lacking in planes and equip-
ment, they arc making up by their courage and skill.”

“Today, every citizen has a clear duty. The person who spreads
rumours, who tries to incite communal disturbances, is a traitor.
He undermines the strength of the nation. If it was in my power, to
such persons I would mete out the death sentence. The pcTson w ho
hoards food, who profiteers, is equally a traitor. It is also true that
during war the citizens will have to endure all kinds of difficulties and
I know that they will be willingly endured. Our greatest duty, to-
day, is to maintain unity and discipline. I am certain that from
this war India will emerge more united, with onr secular demo-
cracy strengthened, with our respect among nations enhanced.
Jai Hind.”

Throughout the conflict Shastriji had regular consultations with
7 or 8 or us, senior members or the Opposition. The Defence
Minister and die Chief of Army Staff used to be present to brief us.
During this period of crisis, Shastriji won our esteem and affection

SAC A or CONTINUING SERVICE 465

more than ever. He was unflappable, quiet and yet implacable in
pursuing the war u bile it lasted. He had a genius for being able to
evoke a consensus from among the most disparate of political ele-
ments.

He could also be unsliakably firm when the occasion required it.
When our Armed Forces had hammered Pakistan, as he thought
sufficiently, he teas prepared to accept the cease-fire. Actually I
was against accepting an immediate cease-fire : my assessment was
that given a few more days Dunn’s 1 Corp would break through in
llic Sialkot Sector and after that there would be a complete collapse of
the Pakistani salient from Sialkot to Lahore. 1 was of the view that
thir would make the results decisive and prevent any distortion of
facts in future by Pakistan, such as that the Indian forces halted
where they did, because they were stopped by the Pakistani forces.
I felt that we should not repeat the mistake wc made in Kashmir.
There Thimayya's forces were ordered to halt when they were in a
position to have gone right up to Lahore within another twenty-
four or forty-eight hours. But Shastriji was essentially a man of
peace. He was of the view that we had taught Pakistan, sufficiently,
that aggression did not pay and that we should now call a hall to the
bloodshed and the bitterness.

Commenting on the functioning of Parliament during this period
the Special Representative of ‘The Statesman’ wrote:

“During the Indo-Pakistan conflict two members of Parliament
have conspicuously enhanced their stature. One of them is the
Anglo-Indian leader, Mr. Frank Anthony, the other the General
Secretary of the Congress Parliamentary Party, Mr. K.C. Pant.
At the Opposition leaders’ meetings with the Prime Minister, Mr.
Anthony’s has been a leading and constructive role. Mr. Pant has
done a great deal to galvanise the Congress Party Executive into a
live link between the Government and the party rank and file. Even
more impressive has been Mr. Anthony’s role in hammering home
to the British High Commission here what India thinks of Britain’s
partisan stand on Kashmir.”

^VhUe Anglo-Indians were playing a role, not undistinguished — out
of all proportion to their numbers-— in the Armed Forces and parti-
cularly in the Air Force, the Community responded once again to ray
appeals for contributions to the National Defence Fund. As the cease-
fire appeared to be an uneasy one, contributions continued to be sent

466 TUB STOR* OF THE ANGIO-INDIAN community

for the National Defence Fund even after the cease-fire. On April,
the 19th, 1966, 1 handed over to Mrs. Indira Gandhi, who had sue*
ceeded the late Lai Bahadur Shastri, Rs. 1,51,055.02 as a further
contribution from the Anglo-Indian Community and the Anglo-
Indian Schools.

With the assistance of the authorities I was able to secure the pres-
ence of several Anglo-Indian heroes at the Annual General Meeting
of the All-India Anglo-Indian Association in November, 1965.
Among those present were Lt. Gan. Pat Dunn, Padma Bhushan,
Wing/ Commander Goodman, Maha Vir Chakra, Squadron/Leadcr
Trevor Keelor, Vir Chakra, Squadron/Leadcr Dcnzil Keelor, Vir
Chakra, and Flt./Lt. Alfred Cooke, Vir Chakra.

In my presidential address I made the following reference to the
fighting role of the Anglo-Indians.

Fighting Role Of Angb'Indians

“There is no doubt that, as in the past, the Community has during
this war by Pakistan made a contribution out of all proportion to its
size. Sqn./Ldr. Trevor Keelor was the first Indian pilot to draw
blood against the Pakistanis and, indeed, as I have said previously,
the Keelor brothers were the first literally to explode the myth of
Pakistan's allegedly invincible American Sabrejets.”

“I wrote to Mr. Keelor that his two sons had made the name of
Keelor a household word. Hindu parents have told me this, many
of them are giving their sons the first name or Keelor."

“Then there is Wing/Commandcr Goodman. He was awarded
the Maha Vir Chakra and Flt./Lt. Alfred Cooke the Vir Chakra.
These young Anglo-Indians with their elan together with their
fellow-Indian pilots made up by sheer heroism and fighting skill
what perhaps we lacked in sophisticated planes. 1 do not svant to
say too much about the kind of planes we have. But in their Indian
manufactured Gnats, our lads so out-manoeuvred and so out-fought
the Pakistani Air Force that, as an Anglo-Indian Group/Captain
writing to me said, within a few days they so put the fright of God
into the Pakistani pilots that the Pakistanis refused to give them
battle: instead, they diverted their heroism to the bombing of
churches, temples, mosques, hospitals, dropping napalm bombs on
defenceless men, women, and children."

“In the Army our Anglo-Indians fought — from what I hear —

SAC 4 OP CO.VTl.NtJNG SERVICE -}67

with their customary gallantry. There was Li. General Pat Dunn.
I do not want to embarrass him. But I know something of the
Kutch story : how he was called out of the blue, given that assign-
ment, and, as I have said, being first a good soldier and a good
Indian, he accepted it unhesitatingly, lie went there. But you do
not know the condi lions under w Inch our men fought in Kutch . We
were taken completely by surprise. 1 was in the inner discussions
with the Prime Minister. We had no tanks. I do not think Pat
Dunn, he was a Major-General then, had even adequate artillery:

I do not know if his men even lud drinking water apart from water
for other necessary Indian purposes. In Kutch they fought and
thwarted Pakistan’s plan, which was obviously to drive down to die
24th Parallel, a distance of 20 miles. Pat Dunn described it rather
luridly to some foreign correspondents. It won’t bear repetition
here but it was a question of attrition tactics. Pat Dunn and his
men so mauled lire Pakistanis that the Pakistanis thought better of
it and stayed where they were. They did not move beyond Biar
Bet, just inside Indian territory.’’

Then, as you know, Pat Dunn went in as Corps Commander, as
Lt. General; in the Sialkot Sector. The largest amount of territory
overrun by the Indian Army was in the Sialkot Sector. He was en-
trusted with the hard core of India's armoured strength. But
perhaps what most of you do not know is the extent to which Paki-
stanis had fortified tin's whole front from Lahore to Sialkot. The
story is coming in now — almost a Maginot Line of steel and con-
crete. Apart from (he Ichhogil Canal there w ere pill boxes, gun em-
placements, virtually indestructible. The heaviest shells only
knocked out puffs of masonry. And in spite of that, you must have
gathered from the press that General Dunn’s armoured pincers bad
almost closed in around Sialkot. I do not know whether lie accepts
my interpretation, but I believe that had the war not stopped, as
it did, and we had gone on for a few more days, die Pakistanis would
have collapsed first in Sialkot and then there would have been a
general collapse of the Pakistani salient from Sialkot to Lahore."

The Dograi Epic

"And I have heard something of the story of Dograi. There also
the fighting was particularly bitter. And don’t believe that we
fought with three Indians to one Pakistani, because, as you know, we

468 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

had practically half of our Army tied down watching Pakistan’s
partner in crime, China. In Dograi we fought very much man to
man and there was this tremendous line of steel and concrete, pill
boxes and gun emplacements. Our Officers and Jawans advanced
literally foot by loot on their bellies under this tremendous hail of
lire. Practically the only way in which they were able to get the
Pakistanis out of this Dograi area was to drop in hand-grenades and
destroy, in that way, or attempt to destroy these pill boxes. And
our men did it repeatedly, although it meant almost certain death.
In that gallant action, which resulted in the capture of Dograi, lead-
ing his regiment, the 3rd Jats, was Lt. Colonel Desmond Hayde.
He was awarded the Malta Vir Chakra. I am sorry he could not
be with us today. Actually, I was unable to contact him.”
Gallantry Citations

On the 24th November, 1965, Dr. Radhakrishnan, the then
President of India, decorated 63 heroes of the Indian Army and Air
Force with awards for gallantry made on the battlefield. It is
significant, and for the Community gratifying, that of the 63 heroes
decorated 7 were members of India’s smallest minority.

The citations read at the Investiture ceremony were as follows.

Lt. Gen. Dunn — Padma Bhushan

“Lt. Gen. P.O. Dunn assumed command of 1 Corps on 20 May
66 which he was to raise at short notice for possible operations in
defence of our borders. Troops could only be allotted to him
at a later stage and as operations became probable, some of them
were only placed under his command a few days before the
commencement of actual operations. In fact, to achieve speed,
his Corps was launched into an operation in the SIALKOT Sector
while portions or it were soil moving up through the PUNJAB.
In spite of these difficulties, the Corps Commander integrated his
troops quickly into a fighting team. The enemy committed a
substantial part of his armour in his effort to stop the advance of
Gen. DUNN’s Corps but within a short period of 12 days the
enemy's better-equipped troops were so successfully defeated that
the losses inflicted on his armour were more than three times his
own losses. Enemy territory gained fay his troops was held against
repeated counter-attacks and the Corps continued to advance
steadily until the “cease-fire” brought about a halt.”

SAGA OF CONTINUING SERVICE 469

"Lt. Gen. J\0. Dunn displayed high qualities of leadership,
tenacity, courage and tactical ability in the command of his troops
and successfully carried out the task of crippling the PAKISTAN
offensive potential. He showed particular skill in the move to,
on and from the operational area and in the co-ordination of the
groups under his command. For his outstanding services in the
defence of his country, services in the highest tradition of the Army,
he is strongly recommended the immediate award of the PADMA
BHUSHAN.”

Lt. Col. Hayde — Maha Vir Chakra

“No. l25-Prcs-65 — The President is pleased to approve the award
of the MAHA VIR CHAKRA for acts of gallantry in the recent
operations against PAKISTAN to :

Lieutenant Colonel DESMOND HAYDE (IOW36), 3rd
Battalion, The Jat Regiment. (Effective date of award — 6th
September, 1965).

On the 6th September, 1965, when the initial attack on the
Ichhogil Canal in PAKISTAN was launched, Lt. Colonel HAYDE,
Officer Commanding a battalion of the Jat Regiment, captured
the western bank of the canal against very stiff opposition from the
enemy. It was primarily due to his Jeaderslup that not only did his
battalion not fall back from the positions which it had occupied,
but in lact moved forward in spite of continuous and heavy
shelling and frequent air and ground attacks. On the 9th
September, 1965, when the enemy launched an attack with
Patton and Sherman Tanks, bis battalion accounted for five of die
enemy tanks with recoilless guns. The performance of this
battalion throughout the operations was excellent and this was
largely due to the great personal courage and exceptional qualities
of leadership shown by Lt. Colonel Desmond Hayde.”

Group j Captain Lloyd — Vishist Seva Medal Class /

“By the time Group/Captain Vernon Alexander Lloyd was
appointed Officer Commanding of an operational Wing in
Punjab, trouble from the infiltrators had already erupted in the
Jammu and Kashmir area. Aware of the imminence of a full-
fledged war, Gr./Capt. Lloyd immediately set about making
preparations for it. In the limited time available he instituted
passive air defence measures and spurred his officers and men to

470 THE STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

greater efforts towards improving the serviceability of aircraft and
operational preparedness of the unit. As a result his Station was
ready to meet the challenge when Pakistan entered the arena
openly as an aggressor.”

“One of the front line wings which menaced Pakistani activity
in the area of Sialkot and Lahore, Gp/Capt. Lloyd's Wing was
subjected to continual night bombing raids from 6th September
till the day of the cease-fire. As if night harassment by his bombers
was not enough, the enemy dropped paratroopers near the airfield
so that they could infiltrate into it and destroy or damage our
aircraft and installations thus crippling the effectiveness of the
base. However, Gp^Capt. Lloyd's efforts at improving the ground
defences to make the airfield almost invulnerable yielded results,
and the paratroopers had to be content with sniping at the personnel
servicing the aircraft at night. Despite the night bomber raids
and the enemy paratroopers’ forage, work of the airfield and aircraft
went on with unabated vigour. An index of the unflagging zeal
of the air and ground crew and of the courage and fortitude is the
steadily increasing number or sorties the station was able to mount.
There were 29 sorties on the 7th September, the day following the
first Pakistani night raid, 74 on the 11th and 77 on the 22nd
September, 1965.”

“Although Gp./Capt. Lloyd had been in Command only a few
days before the declaration of hostilities, he imbued by personal
example every one in his Station with courage, determination,
confidence in the justness of our cause and a sense of selflessness
and purpose. By his fearless leadership he has rendered service
of the most exceptional order to India and is recommended for
the award of the Vishist Seva Aledal, Class I.”

Wing/ Commander Goodman— Maha Vir Chakra
“Wing/Commander William MacDonald Goodman is in
command of an operational Fighter Reconnaissance Squadron
in the Western Sector.”

“From the Very first day of hostilities Wing/Commander
Goodman set the pace in the Squadron, by personally leading
most missions, both Reconnaissance and Ground Attack, against
enemy tank and troop concentrations in the face of heavy air and
ground opposition.”

471

* SAGA OP CONTINUING SERVICE

••Hi. personal example ami guidance was
... an ranks under his. “u" ^iSb^clr
morale of the unit. Tl«s was reflected ...rrcssful

serviceability maintain by .be uni., and a number of successful

.tribes against the enemy." tr.der.hip detemti-

"Wing/Commandcr Goodman’s ...spuing leadership
nation L conspicuous gallantry are .» .be brgbes, trad, non.

^••WiSSi’lander Goodman is recommended for .be immediate
award or the Males Vir Chakra.”

Squadronl Leader T r ever Keelor—lrir Chakra

"On the 3rd September. lOGa^t “’“^a.ioS of

was received from one of our ra rTnvDOsi,;om jn the Chhamb

Pakistani fighters .vaseirelingmerohi^arm^po.^ Gnat ain.„rt

Sector of Jammu and Kashmir. f ^ hi„E lhe area,

was ordered to intercept the mtru section leader in the

Squadron/Leader Trevor I^,0^ O^rcraf(> identified them as
^“Ufjeutd immediately engaged them in arr

battle." . „m_s the F-86 Sabre Jets were

■ •'While Use atr combat _s.mi of lhe Pakistani Air

joiaed by a recunn of F-lOk S B ^ ^ favour of tile
Force. Although the balance ha detennined leadership

Pakistanis, the Gnat formation, ,-,K « hr attack. Unmindful

ot Squadron/Leader Kcelor ” Squadron/Leader Keelor

or the numerical superiority of the enany. q k until the

gave chase tn a Sabre Jet Sr He hmke off hi.

aircraft caught fire and disintegra himseif and the enemy

attack only when the distance « Utter was likely to

airenff. was so close that debris to ^ ,ndian Air

damage hb own. This was she 6m jf7 “ '..

Force in aic har.le against the ^“""^"'meipien. of the
"Squadron/Leader Keelor, "*» lad„ship and determina-

cally superior enemy.” ._j rnr the immediate

“Squadron/Leader Kcelor is recommended for
award of the Vir Chakra.

■472 the STO*r of nic axgu>-isdias couvvstn

Squadron! Leader Dctiz.il Ktelot — Vir Chakra

‘‘Squadron/Lcader Dcnzil Kcclor displayed a high degree of
courage anil leadership while providing fighter escort to Mystere
aircraft during a strike mission on 10th September, 1965. His
section of 4 Gnat aircraft was engaged by 4 Pakistani Sabre
Aircraft while at 500 feet, 'flic battle was fought below 2000 feet
with enemy anti-aircraft guns engaging them from below.
Through lus guidance, hit sub-section leader shot down a Sabre
aircraft. Sqn/Ldr Kcclor then engaged a Sabre aircraft himself
and crippled it. Throughout the Indo-Pakislan conflict, Sqn /-
Ldr. Kcclor lias been a source of inspiration to both the pilots and
the ground personnel because of his shining example, enthusiasm
and sense of duty."

“Squad run/ header Dcnzil Kcclor it recommended for the
immediate award of the Vir Chakra "

Flight! Lieutenant Cooke — Vir Chakra

“On the 7th September, 1965, FIt/Lt. Alfred Tyrone Cooke
was leading an ‘element’ of two aircraft on combat air patrol.
On intimation of an air raid o\cr Kalaikunda by 6 enemy Sabre
Jet Aircraft he led his 'element' without any hesitation to intercept
the enemy aircraft and despite the fact that our own anti-aircraft
guns had already started to lire, he fearlessly and in total disregard
of hn personal safety, engaged two of the enemy aircraft. The
enemy aircraft, in their frantic bid to avoid action, resorted to
violent evasive and counter-offensive manoeuvres but he, with
firm determination and exceptional skill, out-manoeuvred the
enemy and pressed home his attack with determination and shot
down one of the enemy aircraft which disintegrated in mid-air in
front or him. Subsequently with outstanding flying skill he
positioned himself in a favourable position behind a second air*
craft but he had no ammunition left. However, he kept the
enemy on the run and the surviving enemy aircraft were driven
away in utter chaos and confusion. Plight/ Lieutenant Cooke
displayed conspicuous gallantry and courage of a high order in
the presence of the enemy and an outstanding sense of duty, leader-
ship and dedication to the service in the best traditions of the Air
Force.”

473

SAGA OF CON11MBN® SERVICE

"OM Lieutenant Cooke U recommended foe .he immediate

a»ard of the Vie ““krO'” u tome as a >o.p.i* ■«

I mention here a fact which P . Jt 1S mcrcly to

many readers. I do so m no spin performed deeds

.how tot very often .horn ha.de. The

of outstanding heroism arc oscrloo m thc

battle of Dogmi has rightfully tak"> 1B '‘'f". .,. awarded
Indo-Pakistan conflict. Lt.

to Maha Vir Chakra for In, hereum m captunn g __ ^ hu ow.
NVagah a few days before the icadrng hit gallant

standing, courageous leadership w ret ^ Several officers

jats .0 capture Dograi he recerved no decoratron^^ ^ ^ ^
who were fighting in tins area eapresse highest available

,1m. Hayde, who perhaps ., H^oTetenge. abaMo the Maha
decoration for the Dogra, Eprc drdno. e.engc,

Vir Chakra. , .. , Df my professional

Because of my handling in the car military personnel

,ork of a number of PraSaUy every

continue to seek my professional assma for dereliction

case of an ofBccr who had been d‘s.nuss through my hands at the

of duty during the Indo-Pak co ct v, ^ waJ ^ Anglo-Indian,
appeal stage. Incidentally, “ ° insidc information which

Because of this professional wor r ,iie National Defence

I could not have secured even as a me ^ conjunction with

Council. Hayde’s baltJllP^’“f ^ batulions did well. Both
two other battalions. Neither ot was the only senior

the C.Os were removed. One of . ’ -p},c performance

Indian officer court-martialled for ^^^ly

of to 3rd Jam, whomHuydcwas'crtd in hi, book

crucial. Describing this battle entitled ‘Date at Dograi

•Thc War with Pakistan’ in Chapter 6 emitted

gives details of to epic rmtountm. corMr.s«,„e in to

"Dograi is about 8 mtlm ^1-^0. ^ m w„ tovdy
outer defensive system of Lahore. ^ position right up

fortified. Had Dograi remained intact, o P. of capturing

to Amritsar would have been m * j)ewan Berindranath

Dograi was entrusted to Lt to >«, had

continues, “Lt. Col. Hayde, - . tjc confided it to his

hi. own plan, absolutely clear m bn nu»d. He

474 THE STORY OP THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

officers with simple words, “I haw a date at Dograi. You shall
see me there dead or alive.”

Continuing his comments on the Dograi battle, Dewan
Berindranaih writes:

“Since the enemy expected the attack, the fire from Pakistani
positions was particularly heavy. As a captured officer confided :

‘Later, the Pakistani firing had been planned at such a close
range that not even a field mouse could have gat through the bullet
barrage. But these fellows of yours kept on crawling undeterred
by the fire.' A speciality of war preparations in the area were
heavily laid mine-fields. Our men had to run over them without
trying to clear them. There was no time for that.1’

Giving details of the battle, Dewan Berindranaih writes i ‘It
was a furious battle,” said Lt. Col. Hayde while narrating to me
events of the six-hour fighting. “Our tanks moved at night. This
does not happen usually. It was a surprise for the Pakistanis. We
attacked like lightning. They put up stiff resistance. We advanced
under a hail of fire from enemy artillery and machine-guns from the
pill-boxes. Many fierce engagements took place. But the right-
flanking ‘hook* took the enemy by surprise. They left everything
and ran. We knocked hell out of 16 Punjab. Some of the enemy
troops were caught in their own mine-fields. There is no denying
the fact tliat our own toll of life was very heavy. Roughly half of
our 900 men had been either killed or injured in action. But the
price the enemy had to pay was much heavier. A great contribution
was made in this action by our artillery. It was so effective that the
Pakistani Commander, after his capture, had .asked whether we
had guided anti-tank missiles. He could not believe his eyes and
ears on knowing that it was ordinary gunfire which had knocked out
his fortifications.”

Later other Anglo-Indians received awards for gallantry during
the Indo-Pakistan conflict : Group/Captain David Bouche, Wing /
Commander Clarke, Wing/Commander Mousinho, Wing/Com*
xnander Wollen and Wing/Commander Anderson, to name a few. It
h significant that during the conflict, in our Air Force, which covered
itself with so much glory, about 20 per cent of the Group/Captains,
about 30 per cent of the Wing/ Commanders and about 30 per cent
of the Squadron/ Leaders were Anglo-Indians. It is also significant
that in most of the Air. Force stations* facing Pakistan, ihc Com*

SAGA OP COKTTSCING SE&VIC8

475

he, posLu a. Army Headquaeiers. Bcigad.cr R"b" "^U“‘
sva. the Director of Armaments : in .ha. ^

yean., he and his men >.'e.e ee.pnn.ible, because of .he.
and incornip.ible ..andard., for ensuring .he product™ of Ind an
ann. and equipment of .he q“''.y I. •» *»

.ha. enabled oir feme, .o hammer .he 1-aVn.ann .n spue I «
billion and lalf dollars word, of sophisticated an» ' 'W™,™

lha. liad been gif.ed In .hem by .he American!. Bnga ^

Joseph .vu .he Dircc.or of Weapon! and Equ.pmen . 8

LaeLs was Brigadier Q> .he Qp^MaUer-CtawrU . ^ brandn
Brigadier Mulleneaua was Diree.or of Movement M“1 lleneau*
on the military side and .wo Anglo-Indian nuiuaymeno
civilian side were primarily gigan.ie and

.mop. and equipment lo the Front. ^ wilh ’>hich tins

intricate job. The smoothness an p praise from

crucial undertaking wen. through received high praise Iro

foreign miliary observers- „rriCce were L>. Col.

Among those who made .he supre ^ Sqn/Ldr.

Terence Nolan, OiTicer Conunandmg 2 Mahra.las,

Mam ton and Flt/Lt. Carl Roberts.

Our Womtn . .. S[(J.

Anglo-Indian women in the Services played I dian

ma^devodon .o duly. Three Wo-Indian “ £ £i„g .he

Miliary Nursing Service were ^'^"^Sjorie Shaw,
Indo-Pakistan conflict. Tliey were I- • J /Missl Thelma
Major (MU) Glcna Femandre ^"Jjorie Shaw is

Stoddard. The citation of the award j

typical and reads as follows : . .. unit in

“In spite or deficiencies in Nursing , Shaw by her hard

" hich she was the Matron, Lt. Col. (* ) ‘ a very high stand-

work, personal example and ununng zea P P locatcd very near
ard of nursing in 150 General Hospi v. <- otcmber, 1965. She
the cease-fire line during the °P«aUonS‘"fS pressure of an
continued to maintain these high stan military, para-

indue of casualties. Foe each and uvay They
military and civil, she always had a word

476

STORY OF THE ANGLO-INDIAN COMMUNITY

were immediately’ made comfortable and promptly attended to on
admittance. She was on her feet day and night ensuring that every-
thing possible was being done for the patients. By her devotion to
duty she set a fine example both to the. nursing officers and other
nursing staff of the General Hospital. Many patients who were
ministered by her expressed their reluctance to leave the General
Hospital and many of them continue to write to her to express their
thanks.”

“For her devotion to duty and her selfless conduct she has been
awarded the Vashisht Seva Medal. Class II.”

Once again, in the tradition of the Community, Anglo-Indian men
and women answered the call of duty with selfless devotion and un-
flinching courage. Many of them served above and beyond the call
of duty.

Let The Record Speak For Itself I

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But, BttAmxY. Poems of llcmy Louis Visian Detozio

introduction by Bradley Birr. 192J, Oxtottl ““"“1^.
Buckland, C.E. Dictionary of Indian Biography. 1906. Sonncns-
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Burchett, W.G. Trek Back from Burma, Kitnbrstan. Al aha ■
Bower, J.A.H. Ambition Mocked Our Useful Tod, 193 .

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CttATTERTON, Evrc. History of the Church of England in India
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Clarke. The Fortunes of the Anglo-Indian Race Considered Re-
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Collier, Richard. The Indian Mutiny, Fontana Books.
Compton, Henry. A Particular Account of the European Mm ary
Adventurers of Hindustan, from 1784 to 1803, 1892, L°ndon-
Daniell, H. The Development of Anglo-Indian Education ana
Its Problems (Thesis presented at the University or Leeas,
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Dewan Birendra Nath. The War With Pakistan, 1966, Asia
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Dover, Cedric. Half Caste, 1937, Martin Seeker Sc Warburg Ltd.,
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Dover. Cedric. Cimmerii? Eurasians and Their Future, tv-*,
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Dover, Cedr,c. Henry Derorio, Eurasian Poe., Preceplor and
Philosopher, 1930, Calcutta. . H 1919

Dunn. Anglo-Indian Romance

Edwards, Thomas. Henry Derozio, The Eurasian poet,

ftjri«EE%£SyS£!£ * «■ c°'- TS

C B Volumes I dr II, ml. Smith. Elder & Co., 65. Comh.ll,

KmB,ownEangham * Co., L.d., 7S, New Bond
KJNCA.D, Dennis. British Social Life in India, 1«

George Routledge & Sons. Ltd., Broadway House, Car

MAHE^”— ’ -Th^ Are The Anglo-Indians. I9«.SwaUow

Moreno, H.w““t>.o Call to Arms for

Central Press, Printers & Publishers, 12, Wellesley

PEARSE^mtOT, Col. The Hearseys. Fine CeneraUons of a"
Anglo-Indian Family, 1905, W.lham Blaokwood Sr Son ,
Edinburgh and London. . p . ancj

RAV Choudhuri, Subir. Henry Derozio. E“ra““ JL sme,t
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Robey, C. T. The Anglo-Indian Force, 1916. rfUfdu

Saksena, Ram Babu. European and Indo-European Poe

and Persian, 1941. Newal Kishore Press, Lucknow __

Stark. H.A. Hostages to India, 1926, the Calcutta F
Cottage, Calcutta.

Stark, H.A. Call of the Blood, 1932, British Burma Press Ran goo _
Stark, H. A., Madge, Walter. East Indian Worthies g
Memoirs of Distinguished Indo-Europeans, Printe a
Cambridge Steam Printing Works, 3, Fairhe Place, Calcutta.
Stark, H. A. John Ricketts and His Times, 1934, Wilson & S .
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BtBUOGRAPJlT

479

Sripton, H. Our Reproach in India, 1912, London.

Wallace, Kenneth. Life of Sir Henry Gidney, 1947, A. Mukherjec
& Co., Calcutta.

Wallace, Kenneth. The Eurasian Problem Constructively
Approached, 1930, Thacker Spink & Co., Calcutta and Simla.

Wallace. Kenneth. Brave New Anglo-Indta, 1935, the Modern
Art Press, Calcutta.

Weston, C. N. Anglo-Indian Revolutionaries of the Methodist
Episcopal Church, 1938, Scripture Literature Press, Bangalore.

Weston, C. N. Great Britain's Hostages to India, The Angto-
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School, Bangalore.

Wilson. The Domiciled European and Anglo-Indian Race of
India, 1926, Bombay.

INDEX

Anglo-Indian, 2, 3, 4, 5
Abbott, J H., 92. 93, 122
Abdul Qayutn Khan, 213 to 215
Anderson, Sqn/Ldr T L, 453
Anderson, Wing/ Commander, 474
Alexander, Lord, 178
Ambedkar, Dr , 217
Aney, M.S., 209
Annadurai, C.N., 302, 320, 321
Anthony, John Franca, 40, 381
Anthony, Joe, 367
Anthony, Dr. Richard John, 258, 367,
382

Anthony, William, 244, 245, 367

Asoka, Emperor, 14

Attlee, Prune Minuter, 165, 196

Ay>ar, V.J., 91

Aaad, Maulana, 284, 290

BamCord, Dr. Charles, 258
Baptut, Col. A.D., 258
Barker, Air Vice-Marshal, Maurice,
391

Bame, Bishop, 412
Barrett, Flt/Lt. A.W , 444
Barren, K., 392
Barrow, A.E.T., 431
Barton, Harry, 96
Barty, F/0,D.O., 443
Beale, Thomas, 67
Becket, Thomas, 14, 71 to 72
Bcnlley, General Joseph, Introduc-
tion V, 39

Berry, Gloria, Introduction XI, 449,
450

Birkenhead, Lord, 93
Blake, Wing/ Commander, Michael,
442

Blaker, Major Frank Gerald, V.C., 131
Blcnman, 77

Blunt, Wing/ Commander, Leslie, 443
Bouchc, Group/Captain, David, 474
Bouche, Wing/Comroander, J.J-. 453
Bourbon, Balthaser, 41,42
Bourbon, John Phillip, 40
Bourbon, General Salvador, 41
Braganza, Col. (Miss) Louciellc, 263
Brendish, George, 5
Brent, Tony, 358
Brighte, Edgar, 233
Burchett, W.C., 137
Butler, R.A , 165

Calcutta Rangers Club, 360, 434
Cameron , Rear-Admiral, 391
Campagnac, 75
Campagnac, Charles, 75
Canning, Lord, 86, 408
Carroll, P.D , 448, 449
Chagla, M.C., 285, 303, 304, 325 to
328

Chambers, E.W, 2
Charles, George, 135
Charoock, Job, 13
Chattcrjee, Dr. Suniti Kumar, 29,
291, 344

Chatierton, Duncan, 233

Chatterton, Bishop Eyre, 166, 167

Churchill, Winston, 165

Claike, Wing/ Commander, 474

Claudius, Leslie, 231

Clement Town, 114

Cooke, Flt/Lt. Allred, 466, 472, 473

Coote, Sir Eyre, 13

Corbett, Jim. 243

Cotton, Bishop, 86, 407, 408, 432

Country-bom, 1

Cripps, Sir StaUbrd, 118 to 119, 173
179

Cura on. Lord, 2

INDEX

Davenport, Betty, 242
Daiii, Co!. <M«*) Dorothy, 263
de Bcigne, General Count, 33, 34
Dtclblu, Madame Adelina, 359
delfoxar, Lieutenant, 83
de Mellow, Melville, 392
dc Monte, Major, 128
Deroxio, Henry Lou it Vivian, 53 to
62

Detai, Morarji, 320, 329, 437
Dcshmukh, C.D., 335
dc Souza, Lawrence, 64 to 65
de Souza, Sir Walter Eugene, 65
D’Mcllow, Major, P.F., 259
D' Monte, Dentil, 393, 394
Dodiwertb, Wing/Commaaelex, O.D.
453

Domiciled European, 4
Dover, Cedric, Introduction IV
Doveton, Captain John, 64, 406
Dragwidge, C.C., 448
D ’Silva, Kid, 233

Dunn, Ll. Gen. P.O., Padaa Bbuihan,
133, 391, 457, 458, 466, 467, 468,
469

Dyson, D.S.O., D.F.C., and Bar, 130
Duple ix, 200

East Indian, 2
Euratian, 2

reringia, 9, 379, 380, 381
Fernandez, Major (Mitt) Glena, 475
FIJose, Ccu. Jean Baptiste, Introduc-
tion V. 38, 41
Filose, Sir Florence, 38
Filose, Sir Michael, 33
Fitzgibbon, Andrew, V.G., 6, 85
Flag of Our Motherland, 388
Forage, Cbziitine, 242, 243
Forjett, Charles, 78 to 81
Forrester, Shirley, 245, 246
Forster, Col. Henry, Introduction V,
35 to 37

481

Gandhi, Mahatma, 181, 182, 185,
215, 290

Gandhi, Mrs. Indira, 328, 394, 462,
466

Gardner, Cbl. William Linnaeus, 13,
29, 30

Gardner, Suleiman Shiloh, 40

GiUon, Guy, V.C.. 131

Gidcey, Col. Sir Henry, Introduc-
tion VII, 87 to 121, 181, 182, 185,
215, 29

Cidney Club, 377

Gomes, Madame Alice, 359

Goodman, Wing/ Commander, 466,
470, 471

Govern tnrni of India Act, 1935, 3

Gracias, Cardinal, 285

Haig, Six Hairy, (66
Hatley, Lord, 167
Haiti, 19

Hanumanthiah, K., 264, 265, 266,
373

Hardinge, Lord, 2, 106
Hardleu, Charles, 67 to 68
Hastings, Marquess of, 2
Hastings, Warren, 200
Hartley, Brigadier John, 132
Ha whins, Tjnel, 246, 247
Haydc, Lt. Col. Desmond, 468, 469,
473, 474

Heaney, Major Hyder Young, 13, 30
to 33

Heaney, General Sir John Bennett,
13, 81 to 82
Hehir, Sir Patrick, 258
Henderson, Arthur, 165
Henderson Broofcj, Lt. Gen. 390, 391
Hitler, 371
Hourigan, Rudy, 236
Howard, Col. (Mrs) Dorothy, 262,
263

Hubbard, A.V., 141
Humperdinck, Engelbert, 358
Husain, Dr. Zakir, 462

432

I.D.F., 3

Indo-Briton, 2

James, Sir Frederick, 165, 191
J a) altar. Dr. M R., 159
Jehangir, Emperor, 11
Jenkins, Brigadier George, 134
Jennings, Sir Ivor, 427
Jinnah, Mohammad Ali, 94
Johnson, Leslie, 251, 392
Johnston, Dr. Benjamin, 40
Joseph, Brigadier Charles, 475

Kamaraj, 320, 321
Hamath, H.V , 299, 300
Kane, Eden, 358

Harm Singh, Maharaja of Bikaner,

247 to 250
Hal] u. Dr, 272

Kavanagh, Thomas Henry, V.C., 76,
84

Keelor, Sqn/Ldr Trevor, 466, 471
Keelor, Sqn/Ldr Dental, 466, 472
Kellner, Sir George, 66
Kennedy, Col., 14
Khanna, Mehr Chand, 212 to 215
Kipling, R-, 371

Kirkpatnck, Kitty, Introduction XI,
14

Kvibcs, Milton, 233
Kunzru, Hirdayanath, 332
Kyd, James, 63 to 64

Laidlaw, Sir Robert, 111, 410
Larkins, Maj -Gen. Frank, 391, 475
Laski, Harold, 166
Lawrence, Lord Pethiek, 178
Linlithgow, Lord, Introduction XIII
Ltstowel, Earl of, 166
Litchfield, Brigadier Bertie, 133
Lloyd, Lord, 105 to 106
Lloyd, Group Captain Verson
470

Lopez, Assistant Surgeon, J., 123
Lopez, Cape. William, 134
Lougbran, P/O J.E., 131
Lovcry, Percival, V.C., 128
Lumsdcn, Ann, 24 1
Lytton, Lord, 8(3

Maclnnis, Christine, 241
MacMillan, Robert, V.C., 85
Maha Bharat (Song of Independence),
386, 387

Manser (V.C.), 130
Martin, Gen. John Claude, 407
Marat on, Sqn/Ldr, 475
Masten, John, 4
Mathai, Dr. John, 441
Mayer, John, 358, 359
Meadows Taylor, Col., 39
Mendcs, Dr , 381
McClusiieganj', 115
McKenzie, W inifred, 263
Miller, Dusty, 234
Mod y. Sir Horn., 207,209, 218,
Mounibatten, Lord, 197 to 199
Mountbalten, Edwma Lady, 199 to
201

Mousmho, Wing/Commander, 474
Mudahar, Sir A. Raroaswami, 292,
331

Mudaliar, Dr. A. Laksiunanaswanu,
261, 263, 302

Mulleneaux, Brigadier, 475
Mulrowny, Col., 258
Mulleneux, H.J., 68
Munsht, K.M., 205, 207, 209
Mylan, Col. (Miss) Olga, 2b3

Nagas. Nagaland, 313, 333, 334
Nehru, J avtaharlal, 182,215,216,220,
252, 282, 284, 290, 291, 295, 297,
298, 307, 308, 373, 382, 383
Neogy, K.C., 362, 417, 441
New ing, Reg , 1 23
Nolan, Lt. Col. Terence, 475

i, 469,

INDEX

483

Xoronha, Maj.*Get>. Regie, 151, 391,
<52,453
Norris, Rex, 231
Norris, Ron, 235, 236
Norton, Buil, 535 to 387

O'Brien, George, 25!

O ‘Gorman, Col., 258
O’Neil, Olive, 398. 399, 400

Fachcco, Major J.N., 135
Pagoda, 12
Palmer, William, 39
P«1Um\«U, tf., 285,286, 287
Pandit, Prof., 343
Pandit, Mr*. Vija)alakahmi, 434
Pant, Govind Ballabb 207, 209,

219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 282, 283,
292. 29G

Pailey, William, 381
Patel, Sardar, 183. 181, 185, 193,205,
206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 21 J, 215,
216,261

Pearte, The Brother*, 232

Prnnrger, 229, 230

Peter*, Lt. Col. Fred, 128

Pcttengcll, Ginger, 132

Petttngcll, Maj.-Gcn. Edgar, 391

Pitt, Thomas, 15, 16

Pill, Hjllini), 76

Pote, Charles, 62 to 63

Pound, Eric, 107

Powell, Ken, 233

Prater, Stanley, 208, 211, 212

Pritchard, N.J., 237

Pritt, D.N., 286

Puech, George, 39

Piubong, Sqn/Ldr Desmond, 444

Rajagopalachari, C-, 305, 319, 320,
321, 335, 336
Readc, Level, 243, 244
Rcbello, Henry, 237

Reid, Co!. Douglas, 146
Reinhardt, Walter, 14
Review, The, 397, 398
Rhodes, Sir Campbell, 8
Richards, CUfT, 243, 358
Ricketts, John William, 46 to 53, 405
Robert, Gcnrral Sir Abraham, V.C.,
43

Roberts, JcJjn, 43
Roberta, Flt;Lt. Carl, 475
Robertson, Colin, 390
Robinson, F'Lt. Lief, V-C., 128
Rodrigues, George, G C\, 136
Rodriguez, Helen, G.M., Introduction
XI. 142

Rogers, The Rev. G.C , 4 1 6, 4 1 7, 418,
419, 420, 421
Rose, Air*., 387, 388
Roy, Raja Ranunohan, 54, 294, 333

Sandison, Jenny, 243
Sapru, Sir Tej Bahadur, 157
Sapru Conciliation Committee, 157
to 159

Scallan, Frank Cltogcr, 68 to 69

Sciodia, Madhiyi, 23

Scott, Ivy, 241

Seeley, Sir John, II

Sen, Tnguna, 323 to 325, 424

Shah, K.T., 210

Shaw, IX Col. (bliss) .Marjorie, 475
Shastri, Lai Bahadur, 297, 298, 299,
464,465

Shepherd, 77 to 78
Skinner, Lt. Col. James, Introduction
V,2t to 29
South, Yvonne, 240
Smith, Group Capt. W.G., 131
Sombni (Sumru) Begum, 14
Sombre, David Ochterlony, 14
Sombre, Dyce, 43 to 45
Sorensen, Reginald, 166
Staggs, Brigadier (Miss) Jojce, 262
Stark, Herbert, Introduction I
Statutory Natives of India, 2,3

404

INDEX

Stevenson, K.A.P., 392

Stoddard, Major (Mu*) Thelma, *75

Stracey, Pat, 243, 244, 393

Stracey, Cyril, 392, 393

Stracey, Ralph, 393

Stracey, Eric, 393

Subba Rao, K., 331, 332

Subbaxoyau, Dr., 291

Suarcs, Arthur, 233, 234

Sykes, Cot., 258

Syme, Deanna, 238, 241, 242

Talyar Khan, A.F.S , 227
Thomas, Raja George, 23, 34, 35
Todd, Sq./Ld r. AM., 453
Tucker, Capt. Eric James, Introduc-
tion VIII, 450, 451,452
Tytler, Sir John, 258

Valentia, Viscount, 21, 22
Van Cortlandt, General Henry, 72 to
74

Van Rost, Dr. Paul, 238

Wallace, Kenneth, 116, 119
Wallace, Dr. James, 2, 66 to 67
Warburton, Sir Robert, 65
Wameford, F/Lt., V.C., 128
Watts, Dev, an of Travancore, 66
Watkins, Col. (Miss) Florence, 263
Wavcll, Lord, 156, ICO, 163, 179 to
180, 186 to 168, 189
Worlec, Catherine, Introduction XI,
200

Wheeler, Gen. Sir Hugh, 14
Whitefield, 114
Willcox, Sir William, 66
Williams, Maj.-Gen. Robert, 391,475
Wilson Jones, 239, 240
Wilson, Eustace ,392
Wollen, Wing/Commandcr, 474
Woods, Bob, 251

Wyatt, Major Woodrow, M.P., J66,
167

Yale, Elihu, 15

Zscherpel, Brigadier (Mist) Dulcte,
262

484

INDEX

Stevenson, K.A.P., 392 Wallace, Kenneth, 116, 119

Stoddard, Major (Miss) Thelma, 475 Wallace, Dr. James, 2, 66 to 67
Stracey, Pat, 243, 244, 393 Warburton, Sir Robert, 65

Stracey, Cyril, 392, 393 Warneford, F/Lt , V.C., 128

Stracey, Ralph, 393 Watts, Dcwan of Travancoce, 66

Stracey, Eric, 393 Watkins, Col. (Miss) Florence, 263

Subba Rao, K , 331, 332 Wavell, Lord, 156 , J60, 163, 179 to

Suhbaroyan, Dr., 291 180, 186 to 188, 189

Snares, Arthur, 233, 234 Work*, Catherine, Introduction XI,

Sykes, Col., 258 200

Sytne, Deanua, 238, 241, 242 Wheeler, Gen. Sir Hugh, 14

Whitefield, 114
Wdteox, Sir William, 66

Talyar Khan, A.F.S., 227 Williams, Maj.-Gen. Robert, 391,475

Thomas, Raja George, 23, 34, 35 Wilson Jones, 239, 240

Todd, Sq./Ldr. A.M., 453 Wilson, Eustace ,392

Tucker, Capt. Eric James, Introduc- IVollen, Wing/Commander, 474
xion VIII, 450, 451, 452 Woods, Bob, 251

Tytler, Sir John, 258 Wyatt, Major Woodrow, M.P., 166,

167

Valentis, Viscount, 21, 22

Van Corthndt, General Henry, 72 to Yale, Elihu, J5
74

Van Ross, Dr. Paul, 238

Zscherpel, Brigadier (Miss) Dulcie,
262